1  i  i  I 


• 

• 

if 


*=• 

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i 


HISTORY 


wta  inks;  0{    iutott's 


ORIGIN,    MANNERS    AND    CUSTOMS;     TRIBAL 

AND    SUB-TRIBAL    ORGANIZATIONS; 

WARS,    TREATIES,    ETC.,    ETC. 


.. 


*• 


BY 
fl 


RUTTENBER,  \6aS~- 

^x» 

Author  of  the  History  of  Nevvburgh. 


"I'lS    GOOD   TO    MUSE   ON     NATIONS    PASSED    AWAY 

FOREVER  FROM  THE  LAND  WE  CALL  OUR  OWN  ; 
NATIONS  AS  PROUD  AND  MIGHTY  IN  THEIR  DAY, 
WHO  DEEMED  THAT  EVERLASTING  WAS  THEIR  THRONE." 

Sands. 


ALBANY,  N.  Y.  : 
J.   MUNSELL,  82  STATE  STREET. 

1872. 


H7S 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  year  1872, 

By  E.  M.  RUTTENBEB, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington. 


353  \O 

Bancroft  Librao> 


PREFACE. 


HE  pioneer  in  new  fields  of  historic  inquiry 
encounters  many  obstacles  from  which  those 
who  follow  the  more  beaten  paths  of  investi 
gation  are  exempt,  and  especially  so  if  the  inquiry 
involves  conclusions  differing  materially  from  those 
which  have  been  generally  accepted.  The  experience 
of  the  author  in  prosecuting  the  investigations,  the 
results  of  which  have  been  embodied  in  the  work  which 
is  now  submitted  to  the  public,  have  been  no  exception 
to  this  rule.  Not  only  had  the  history  of  the  Indians 
who  occupied  the  valley  of  Hudson's  river  never  been 
written,  but  the  incidental  references  to  them,  in  the 
histories  of  nations  more  prominent  at  a  later  period  — 
treating  them  as  mere  fragmentary  bands  without 
organization  or  political  position  among  the  aboriginal 
nations  —  being  regarded  as  erroneous^  the  inquiry 
involved  the  rejection,  to  a  very  great  extent,  of  the 
conclusions  of  others,  and  the  investigation  and  ana- 
lyzation  of  original  sources  of  information.  To 
extract  the  truth  and  embody  it  in  consistent  narrative, 
has  involved  no  little  labor  and  research,  and  the 
careful  weighing  of  words ;  and,  although  the  results 
1 


iv  PREFACE. 

may  not  be  stated  in  the  clearest  terms  or  the  most 
flowing  rhetoric,  nor  entirely  without  error,  they  are 
nevertheless  believed  to  fully  sustain  the  conclusion 
that  the  tribes  in  question  have  a  history  which  enti 
tles  them  to  a  high  rank  in  the  annals  .  of  aboriginal 
nations,  and  which  assigns  to  them  native  abilities  as 
distinguished,  eloquence  as  pure,  bravery  and  prowess 
as  unquestionable,  as  was  possessed  by  those  who,  pre 
served  for  a  greater  time  in  their  national  integrity  by 
their  remoteness  from  civilization,  became  of  more 
esteem  in  their  relations  to  the  government  but  less 
noble  in  their  purposes. 

It  has  been  the  object  of  the  author  to  trace  the  his 
tory  of  the  Indians  from  the  earliest  period;  to  show 
their  original  position  in  the  family  of  nations,  and  that 
which  they  subsequently  maintained  ;  the  wrongs  which 
they  suffered,  and  the  triumphs  which  they  won  ;  their 
greatness  and  their  decay.  In  the  narrative,  liberal  use 
has  been  made  of  current  histories,  so  far  as  their  state 
ments  were  found  to  be  in  accordance  with  the  facts. 
Acknowledgment,  it  is  believed,  has  been  fully  made, 
and  even  to  an  extent  which  is  not  customary.  Very 
full  notes  have  been  introduced  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining  the  text  and  enabling  the  reader  to  judge 
of  the  correctness  of  the  conclusions  drawn  therefrom. 
As  far  as  possible  the  narrative  has  been  divested  of 
the  recitation  of  events  which  do  not  pertain  to  it, 
and  though  necessarily  running  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  territory  regarded  as  the  valley  of  the  Hudson, 
has  been  as  closely  confined  to  it  as  possible,  too 
closely  perhaps,  as  it  is  believed  that  the  eastern 


PREFACE.  v 

Indians  have  the  same  claim  to  consideration  as  a  con 
federacy  as  the  western. 

The  work  is  submitted  to  the  judgment  of  the 
public,  with  a  desire  that  the  author  may  be  lost  in  the 
theme  which  he  has  presented,  and  the  truth  of  history 
vindicated  in  behalf  of  a  people  that  have  left  behind 
no  monuments  to  their  memory  save  those  erected  by 
their  destroyers. 


NEWBURGH,  N.  Y. 


CHAPTER  I. 

HUDSON  IN  THE  MAHICANITUK — His  INTERCOURSE  WITH  THE 
INDIANS — THEIR  TRADITIONS  CONCERNING  HIS  VISIT. 

| AILING  under  the  auspices  of  the  Dutch  West 
India  Company,  HENRY  HUDSON,  an  intrepid  Eng 
lish  navigator,  moored  his  vessel,  the  Half  Moon,  on 
the  morning  of  September  3d,  1609,  in  the  waters 
of  the  river  which  now  bears  his  name.  Lingering  off  Sandy 
Hook  a  week,  he  passed  through  the  Narrows,  and  anchored 
in  what  is  now  Newark  bay.  On  the  I2th,  he  resumed  his 
voyage,  and  slowly  drifting  with  the  tide,  anchored  over  night, 
on  the  1 3th,  just  above  Yonkers,  the  great  river  stretching  on 
before  him  to  the  north  and  giving  to  his  ardent  mind  the  hope 
that  he  had  at  last  discovered  the  gateway  to  the  Eastern  seas. 
On  the  1 4th,  he  passed  Tappan  and  Haverstraw  bays,  and 
sailed  through  the  majestic  pass  guarded  by  the  frowning  Don- 
derberg,  and  anchored  at  night  near  West  Point,  in  the  midst 
of  the  sublimest  scenery  of  the  mountains.  On  the  morning  of 
the  1 5th,  he  entered  Newburgh  bay,  and  reached  Katskill;  on 
the  1 6th,  Athens;  on  the  iyth,  Castleton;  on  the  1 8th,  Albany. 
Here  he  remained  several  days,  sending  an  exploring  boat  as  far 
as  Waterford,  and  sadly  learning  that  he  had  reached  the  head 
of  navigation,  and  that  the  Eastern  passage  was  yet  an  unsolved 
problem.  His  return  voyage  began  on  the  2$d ;  on  the  25th, 


8 


HISTORT  OF  THE  INDIAN 


he   anchored   in  Newburgh  bay;  reached   Stony  point  on  the 
ist  of  October  ;  on  the  4th,  Sandy  Hook,  and  sailed  from  thence 


Newburgh  Bay. 

to  Europe,  bearing  with  him  the  information  which  he  had  col 
lected,  not  the  least  of  which  in  importance  was  that  in  relation 
to  the  native  lords  whom  he  had  met  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
he  had  discovered,  and  who  then  broke  the  silvery  surface  of 
its  waters  with  their  light  canoes  and  awoke  the  echoes  of  its 
mountain  sides  with  their  wild  choruses,  of  whose  power  it  was 
an  emblem,  on  the  waters  of  which,  as  they  faded  away  in  the 
north,  was  wafted  their  war  shallops  into  tributaries  that 
stretched  on  to  the  lakes  and  the  great  river  of  Canada,  bearing 
with  them  the  prestige  of  savage  supremacy. 

Hudson  first  met  the  Indians  near  the  Narrows,  where  they 
came  on  board  his  vessel  "  clothed  in  mantles  of  feathers  and 
robes  of  fur,  the  women,  clothed  in  hemp,  red  copper  tobacco 
pipes,  and  other  things  of  copper  they  did  wear  about  their 
necks;"  of  arms  they  brought  none,  their  mission  was  peace; 
but  he  "durst  not  trust  them."  Suspicion  breeds  suspicion, 
and  suspicion  leads  to  violence.  Sending  an  exploring  boat  up 
the  river  the  next  day,  it  was  attacked,  on  its  return  to  the  ship, 


TRIBES  OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  9 

and  one  of  the  English  sailors,  John  Coleman,  was  killed  by  an 
arrow  shot  in  the  throat.1  He  was  buried  upon  the  adjacent 
beach,  the  first  European  victim  of  an  Indian  weapon  on  the 
Mahicanituk.  The  offense  which  had  been  committed  by 
himself  and  his  companions  is  not  stated,  but  may  be  inferred. 
They  were  far  from  the  ship,  the  night  came  on  and  a  thick 
cloud  of  rain  and  fog 'settled  over  them  ;  seeing  their  condition, 
the  Indians  sprang  to  their  boats  to  rescue  them,  fear  seized 
them,  the  savage  was  more  dreaded  then  the  tempest,  a  falcon 
shot  was  hurled  at  the  approaching  canoes,  the  swift  arrow  re 
plied,  and  "in  the  fight  one  man  was  slain  and  two  more  hurt." 
Day  after  day  the  Indians  came  on  board,  brought  tobacco  and 
Indian  wheat,  and  oysters  and  beans,  "  making  show  of  love," 
but  he  "  durst  not  trust  them."  They  brought  their  women 
and  children  with  them,  but  he  "  durst  not  trust  them."  At 
Yonkers  they  came  on  board  in  large  numbers ;  here  he  de 
tained  two  of  them,  and  dressed  them  in  red  coats,  and  though 
they  jumped  from  the  ports  and  swam  away,  their  detention 
was  not  the  less  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  hospitality,  so  they 
regarded  it,  for  when  they  had  reached  the  shore  they  called  to 
him  "  in  scorn." 

At  Katskill  he  found  a  "very  loving  people  and  very  old 
men."  They  brought  on  board  "  Indian  corn,  pumpkins,  and 
tobacco,"  and  used  him  well.  At  Castleton  they  were  very 
sociable,  and  the  "  master's  mate  went  on  land2  with  an  old 
savage,  a  governor  of  the  country,  who  carried  him  to  his  house 
and  made  him  good  cheere."  "  I  sailed  to  the  shore,"  he  says, 
"  in  one  of  their  canoes,  with  an  old  man  who  was  chief  of  a 
tribe  consisting  of  forty  men  and  seventeen  women.  These  I 
saw  there  in  a  house  well  constructed  of  oak  bark,  and  circular 
in  shape,  so  that  it  had  the  appearance  of  being  built  with  an 

1  Coleman's  point  is  the  monument  to  voyage,  but  is  very  precise  in  its  state- 

this  occurrence.  ments  as  to  who  visited  the  shore  in  this, 

3  It  has  been  assumed  on  the  authority  and  in  other  instances.  He  does  not  give 

of  a  quotation  alleged  by  De  Laet  to  have  the  latitude,  but  from  the  ship's  log  it 

been  made  from  a  journal  kept  by  Hud-  would  seem  that  the  place  was  "  six  leagues 

son,  that  the  place  of  this  visit  was  in  higher,"  up  the  river  than  that  fixed  by 

latitude  42,°  18',  or  in  the  vicinity  of  the  De  Laet,  and  that  it  was  at  Schodac  or 

present  city  of  Hudson.  (N.  T.  Hist.  Soc.  Castleton. —  O'Callaghan,  i,  37;  Brod- 

Coll.y  I,  300).  The  journal  kept  by  Juet  heady  I,  31  }  Collections  of  the  Nenv  Tork 

was  not  only  the  official  record  of  the  Historical  Society,  ad  Ser.  i,  326. 


-  , 

10  HIS10RT  OF  THE  INDIAN 

arched  roof.  It  contained  a  large  quantity  of  corn  and  beans 
of  last  year's  growth,  and  there  lay  near  the  house,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  drying,  enough  to  load  three  ships,  besides  what  was 
growing  in  the  fields.  On  our  coming  to  the  house  two  mats 
were  spread  out  to  sit  upon,  and  some  food  was  immediately 
served  in  well-made  wooden  bowls.  Two  men  were  also  dis 
patched  at  once,  with  bows  and  arrows,  in  quest  of  game,  who 
soon  brought  in  a  pair  of  pigeons  which  they  had  shot.  They 
likewise  killed  a  fat  dog,1  and  skinned  it  in  great  haste,  with 
shells  which  they  had  got  out  of  the  water.  They  supposed 
that  I  would  remain  with  them  for  the  night ; "  but  when  they 
saw  that  he  desired  to  return  to  the  ship  and  that  he  would  not 
remain,  they  supposed  he  u  was  afraid  of  their  bows  and  arrows, 
and  taking  their  arms  they  broke  them  in  pieces  and  threw  them 
in  the  fire." 

At  Albany,  Hudson  repaid  the  old  governor  for  his  entertain 
ment.  The  Indians  flocked  to  visit  his  vessel,  and  he  deter 
mined  to  try  some  of  their  chief  men  to  see  "  whether  they  had 
any  treachery  in  them."  "  So  they  took  them  down  into  the 
cabin,  and  gave  them  so  much  wine  and  aqua  vita  that  they 
were  all  merry.  In  the  end  one  of  them  was  drunk,  and  they 
could  not  tell  how  to  take  it."  At  night  they  all  departed,  ex 
cept  the  old  man  who  had  taken  the  aqua  vita ;  "  he  slept  all 
night  quietly."  On  the  following  day  they  came  again,  and 
when  they  saw  that  their  chief  had  recovered  from  his  debauch 
they  were  glad.  They  returned  to  their  castle  and  "  brought 
tobacco  and  beads  "  and  gave  them  to  Hudson,  "  and  made  an 
oration,  and  showed  him  all  the  country  roundabout."  u  Then 
they  sent  one  of  their  company  on  land  again,  who  presently 
returned  and  brought  a  great  platter  full  of  venison,  dressed  by 
themselves,"  and  caused  Hudson  "  to  eat  with  them  ;  then  they 
made  him  reverence,  and  departed,  all  save  the  old  man  "  who 
had  found  the  Indian's  paradise  with  the  white  man's  rum. 
But  he  took  his  departure  the  next  day,  and  two  days  after  re 
turned,  bringing  "  another  old  man  with  him  "  from  the  place 
where  "  the  loving  people  "  had  first  been  met.  He  too  brought 
belts  of  wampum  beads  and  gave  them  to  Hudson,  "  and  shewed 

Probably  a  black  bear. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  11 

him  all  the  country  thereabout,  as  though  it  were  at  his  com 
mand.  So  he  made  the  two  old  men  dine  with  him,  and  the 
old  man's  wife;  for  they  brought  two  old  women,  and  two 
young  maidens  of  the  age  of  sixteen  or  seventeen  years  with 
them,  who  behaved  themselves  very  modestly."  No  doubt 
more  wine  was  served  at  this  dinner,  but  the  aqua  vitee  was  evi 
dently  omitted,  for  the  party  took  their  departure  at  one  o'clock. 
On  his  return  voyage  "  the  loving  people "  met  Hudson 
again,  and  "  would  have  him  go  on  land  and  eat  with  them  ; "  but 
the  wind  was  fair,  and  he  would  not  yield  to  their  request. 
Very  sorrowfully  the  old  man,  who  had  made  the  request  in 
behalf  of  himself  and  his  people,  left  the  ship,  although  com 
forted  with  presents  and  with  the  assurance  that  his  new  friends 
would  come  again.  Passing  down  through  the  Highlands,  the 
Half  Moon  was  becalmed  off  Stony  point,  and  "  the  people  of 
the  mountains  "  came  on  board  and  wondered  at  the  "  ship  and 
weapons."  One  canoe  kept  "  hanging  under  the  stern,"  and  its 
occupant  was  soon  detected  in  pilfering  from  the  cabin  windows. 
When  detected,  he  had  secured  a  "  pillow  and  two  shirts,  and 
two  bandeliers  ;  "  but  the  "  mate  shot  at  him,  and  struck  him 
on  the  breast,  and  killed  him."  The  Indians  were  frightened 
and  fled  away,  some  in  their  canoes,  others  jumping  into  the 
water.  A  boat  was  lowered  to  recover  the  articles  which 
they  had  taken,  when  one  of  them  who  was  in  the  water  seized 
hold  of  it  "  thinking  to  overthrow  it,"  but  "  the  cook  seized  a 
sword  and  cut  off  one  of  his  hands  and  he  was  drowned."  At 
the  head  of  Manhattan  island  the  vessel  was  again  attacked. 
It  was  here  that  Hudson  had  attempted  to  kidnap  two  young 
men,  who,  on  their  escape,  had  called  to  him  "  in  scorn  "  at 
their  betrayal.  One  of  these  men,  accompanied  by  his  friends, 
now  came  out  to  the  ship  in  their  canoes.  They  were  not  suf 
fered  to  enter  the  vessel,  and  falling  behind  it,  discharged  their 
arrows  at  it;  "in  recompense  whereof "  six  muskets  replied 
"and  killed  two  or  three  of  them."  The  Indians  retreated, 
and  from  a  point  of  land  renewed  the  attack  ;  but  "  a  falcon 
shot  "  killed  two  of  them,  and  "  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods ; " 
"yet  they  manned  off  another  canoe,  with  nine  or  ten 
men,"  through  which  a  falcon  shot  was  sent,  killing  one  of  its 
2 


12  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

occupants.  Then  the  sailors  discharged  their  muskets,  and 
"  killed  three  or  four  more  of  them."  "  So  they  went  their 
way,"  and  the  Half  Moon  was  hurried  down  into  the  bay, 
"clear  from  all  danger,"  carrying  thence  to  Holland,  in  Hud 
son's  simple  narrative,  an  epitome  of  the  subsequent  history  of 
the  intercourse  of  the  Indians  with  the  Europeans ;  the  clash  of 
customs,  the  violence,  the  intoxicating  cup. 

To  most  of  the  Indians  the  advent  of  Hudson's  ship  was  a 
strange  spectacle.  For  over  an  hundred  years  the  white-winged 
messengers  of  the  old  world  had  been  wafted  by  them ;  in  the 
further  south,  the  white  man  was  not  a  stranger,  but  not  before 
had  his  sails  been  folded  on  the  breast  of  their  waters,  nor 
the  voice  of  trumpet  and  cannon  reverberated  through  their 
solitudes.  All  this  was  new  and  strange;  the  Great  Spirit 
had  come  to  them  ;  the  signals  of  a  mighty  change  passed  be 
fore  their  vision.  Their  traditions  repeat  that  almost  with  the 
appearance  of  Hudson  in  the  lower  bay,  they  began  to  collect 
on  the  shores  and  headlands,  gazing  in '  astonishment  on  the 
strange  sight ;  that  when  they  first  saw  the  Half  Moon  they 
"  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  it,  and  could  not  comprehend 
whether  it  came  down  from  heaven  or  from  the  devil."  Some 
of  them  "  even  imagined  it  to  be  a  fish,  or  some  monster  of  the 
sea,  and  accordingly  a  strange  report  of  it  soon  spread  over  the 
land."  It  was  at  length  agreed  among  them  "that,  as  this 
phenomenon  moved  towards  the  land,  whether  it  was  an  animal 
or  not,  or  any  thing  that  had  life  in  it,"  would  soon  be  apparent. 
Runners  from  the  shore  went  back  and  forth,  and  messengers 
were  sent  to  the  chiefs  of  the  country  to  send  in  their  warriors. 
As  the  ship  approached  they  concluded  it  was  "  a  large  canoe 
or  house,  in  which  the  great  Manitto  himself  was,  and  that  he 
was  probably  coming  to  visit  them."  Every  thing  was  put  in 
order  to  entertain  him  ;  "  the  best  of  victuals  was  prepared,  and 
plenty  of  meat  for  sacrifice  procured,  and  idols  or  images 
examined  and  put  in  order,  to  appease  him  in  case  he  was 
angry."  Other  runners  soon  arriving,  declared  it  to  be  a 
"  large  house  of  various  colors,  full  of  people,  yet  of  quite  a 
different  color  from  themselves,  that  they  dressed  in  a  different 
manner,  and  that  one,  in  particular,  appeared  altogether  red, 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  13 

which  must  be  the  Manitto  himself."  The  crew  of  the  Half 
Moon  soon  hailed  them  with  a  loud  shout,  which  so  frightened 
them  that  some  were  for  running  away,  yet  they  feared  to  give 
offense  and  remained. 

Meanwhile  Hudson  kept  on  his  course,  and  the  Indians  con 
tinued  to  collect  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  expressing  their 
curiosity  in  the  strongest  manner.  Establishing  intercourse 
at  last,  they  ventured  on  board  the  ship,  where  they  were 
saluted  "  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  they  returned  the  salute 
after  their  manner."  "  They  are  lost  in  admiration  both  as  to 
the  color  of  the  skin  of  these  whites,  as  also  of  their  manner 
of  dress  ;  yet  most  as  to  the  habit  of  him  who  wore  the  red 
clothes,  which  shone  with  something  they  could  not  account 
for.  He  must  be  the  Great  Manitto,  but  why  should  he  have 
a  white  skin  ?  "  Then  they  sat  down  to  eat  with  their  strange 
visitant,  "  a  large  and  elegant  hockback  was  brought  forward  by 
one  of  the  Manitto's  servants,  and  something  poured  from  it 
into  a  small  cup  or  glass,  and  handed  to  the  Manitto.  He 
drank  it,  had  the  cup  refilled,  and  had  it  handed  to  the  chief 
next  to  him  to  drink.  The  chief  receives  the  glass,  but  only 
smells  at  it,  and  passes  it  on  to  the  next  chief,  who  does  the 
same.  The  glass  thus  passes  through  the  circle  without  the 
contents  being  tasted  by  any  one,  and  is  on  the  point  of  being 
returned  again  to  the  red-clothed  man,  when  one  of  their  num 
ber,  a  spirited  man  and  great  warrior,  jumps  up,  harangues  the 
assembly  on  the  impropriety  of  returning  the  glass  with  the 
contents  in  it ;  that  the  same  was  handed  them  by  the  Manitto 
in  order  that  they  should  drink  it,  as  he  himself  had  done  before 
them  ;  that  this  would  please  him  ;  but  to  return  what  he  had 
given  to  them  might  provoke  him,  and  be  the  cause  of  their 
being  destroyed  by  him.  And  that  since  he  believed  it  for  the 
good  of  the  nation  that  the  contents  offered  them  should  be 
drank,  and  as  no  one  else  was  willing  to  drink  it,  he  would,  let 
the  consequence  be  what  it  might  j  that  it  was  better  for  one 
man  to  die  than  for  a  whole  nation  to  be  destroyed.  He  then 
took  the  glass,  and,  bidding  the  assembly  a  farewell,  drank  it 
off.  Every  eye  was  fixed  on  their  resolute  companion,  to  see 
what  an  effect  this  would  have  upon  him  ;  and  he  soon  begin- 


14  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

ning  to  stagger  about,  and  at  last  dropping  to  the  ground,  they 
bemoan  him.  He  falls  into  a  sleep,  and  they  view  him  as  expiring. 
He  awakes  again,  jumps  up,  and  declares  that  he  never  before 
felt  so  happy  as  after  he  had  drank  of  the  cup.  He  wishes  for 
more.  His  wish  is  granted  ;  and  the  whole  assembly  soon  join 
him,  and  become  intoxicated.  Then  the  man  with  the  red 
clothes  distributed  presents  to  them  of  beads,  axes,  hoes,  stock 
ings,  and  other  articles,  and  made  them  understand  that  he 
would  return  home  and  come  again  to  see  them,  bring  them 
more  presents  and  stay  with  them  awhile,  but  should  want  a 
little  land  to  sow  some  seeds,  in  order  to  raise  herbs  to  put  in 
their  broth." 

But  from  their  dream  of  trusting  love  they  had  a  speedy 
awakening.  Their  traditions  state  that  the  promise  made  by 
Hudson  to  return  again  was  fulfilled  the  following  season,  and 
that  they  "  rejoiced  much  at  seeing  each  other  again ;  but  the 
whites  laughed  at  them,  seeing  that  they  knew  not  the  use  of 
the  axes,  hoes,  etc.,  they  had  given  them,  they  having  had  those 
hanging  to  their  breasts  as  ornaments,  and  the  stockings  they 
had  made  use  of  as  tobacco  pouches.  The  whites  now  put 
handles  or  helves  in  the  former,  and  cut  trees  down  before 
their  eyes,  and  dug  the  ground,  and  showed  them  the  use  of  the 
stockings.  Here  a  general  laughter  ensued  among  the  Indians, 
that  they  had  remained  for  so  long  a  time  ignorant  of  the  use 
of  so  valuable  implements,  and  had  borne  with  the  weight  of 
such  heavy  metal  hanging  to  their  necks  for  such  a  length  of 
time.  They  took  every  white  man  they  saw  for  a  Manitto, 
yet  inferior  and  attendant  to  the  supreme  Manitto,  to  wit :  to  the 
one  which  wore  the  red  and  laced  clothes. 

"  Familiarity  daily  increasing  between  them  and  the  whites, 
the  latter  now  proposed  to  stay  with  them,  asking  them  only 
for  so  much  land  as  the  hide  of  a  bullock  would  cover  or 
encompass,  which  hide  was  brought  forward  and  spread  on  the 
ground  before  them.  That  they  readily  granted  this  request ; 
whereupon  the  whites  took  a  knife,  and  beginning  at  one  place 
on  this  hide,  cut  it  up  into  a  rope  not  thicker  than  the  ringer  of 
a  little  child,  so  that  by  the  time  this  hide  was  cut  up,  there 
was  a  great  heap ;  that  this  rope  was  drawn  out  to  a  great  dis- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER. 


15 


tance,  and  then  brought  round  again,  so  that  the  ends  might 
meet ;  that  they  carefully  avoided  its  breaking,  and  that  upon 
the  whole  it  encompassed  a  large  piece  of  land ;  that  they  were 
surprised  at  the  superior  wit  of  the  whites,  but  did  not  wish  to 
contend  with  them  about  a  little  land,  as  they  had  enough  ;  that 
they  and  the  whites  lived  for  a  long  time  contentedly  together, 
although  the  whites  asked  from  time  to  time,  more  land  of  them 
and  proceeding  higher  up  the  Mahicanituk,1  they  believed  they 
would  soon  want  all  the  country." 


1  The  Iroquois,  it  is  said,  called  the  river 
the  Cohatatea,  while  the  Mahicans  and  the 
Lenapes  called  it  the  Mahicanituk  or  "  the 
continually  flowing  waters."  The  Dutch 
gave  it  the  name  of  Mauritius  river,  as 
early  as  1611,  in  honor  of  their  stadt- 
holder,  Prince  Maurice,  of  Nassau.  Hud 
son  called  it  the  River  of  the  mountains, 


a  name  which  the  French  adopted  in  Rio 
de  Montagne.  The  English  first  gave  it 
the  name  of  Hudson's  river  by  which, 
and  North  river,  the  latter  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  Connecticut  or  East  river, 
and  from  the  Delaware  or  South  river, 
it  has  since  been  known. 


Henry  Hudson. 


16 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  II. 


ORIGIN,  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS,  ETC. 


HE  origin  of  the  North  American  Indians,  is  a  sub 
ject  which  has  engrossed  the  attention  of  learned 
men  for  over  two  hundred  years,  and  yet  the 
question,  "  By  whom  was  America  peopled  ?  " 
remains  without  satisfactory  answer.  In  1637,  Thomas 
Morton  wrote  a  book  to  prove  that  the  Indians  were  of  Latin 
origin.  John  Joselyn  held,  in  1638,  that  they  were  of  Tartar 
descent.  Cotton  Mather  inclined  to  the  opinion  that  they 
were  Scythians.  James  Adair  seems  to  have  been  fully  con 
vinced  that  they  were  descendants  of  the  Israelites,  the  lost 
tribes  ;  and,  after  thirty  years  residence  among  them,  published 
in  1775,  an  account  of  their  manners  and  customs,  from  which 
he  deduced  his  conclusions.1  Dr.  Mitchill,  after  considerable 
investigation,  concluded  "  that  the  three  races,  Malays,  Tartars 
and  Scandinavians,  contributed  to  made  up  the  great  American 
population,  who  were  the  authors  of  the  various  works  and  an 
tiquities  found  on  the  continent."  DeWitt  Clinton  held,  that 
"  the  probability  is,  that  America  was  peopled  from  various 
quarters  of  the  old  world,  and  that  its  predominant  race  is  the 
Scythian  or  Tartarian."  Calmet,  a  distinguished  author,  brings 

1  "  Observations  and  arguments  in  proof 
of  the  American  Indians  being  descended 
from  the  Jews:  I.  Their  division  into 
tribes.  2.  Their  worship  of  Jehovah.  3. 
Their  notion  of  a  theocracy.  4.  Their 
belief  in  the  ministration  of  angels.  5. 
Their  language  and  dialects.  6.  Their 
manner  of  counting  time.  7.  Their  pro 
phets  and  high  priests.  8.  Their  festi 
vals,  fasts  and  religious  rites.  9.  Their 
daily  sacrifice.  10.  Their  ablutions  and 
anointings.  II.  Their  laws  of  unclean- 
ness.  12.  Their  abstinence  from  unclean 
things.  13.  Their  marriages,  divorces, 
and  punishments  of  adultery.  14.  Their 


several  punishments.  15.  Their  cities  of 
refuge.  16.  Their  purifications  and  cere 
monies  preparatory  to  war  17.  Their 
ornaments.  18.  Their  manner  of  curing 
the  sick.  19.  Their  burial  of  the  dead. 
20.  Their  mourning  for  the  dead.  21. 
Their  raising  seed  to  a  departed  brother. 
22.  Their  choice  of  names  adapted  to 
their  circumstances  and  the  times.  23. 
Their  own  traditions,  the  accounts  of  our 
English  writers,  and  the  testimony  which 
the  Spanish  and  other  authors  have  given 
concerning  the  primitive  inhabitants  of 
Peru  and  Mexico." —  Adair. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  17 

forward  the  writings  of  Hornius,  son  of  Theodosius  the  Great, 
who  affirms  that  "  at  or  about  the  time  of  the  commencement 
of  the  Christian  era,  voyages  from  Africa  and  Spain  into  the 
Atlantic  ocean  were  both  frequent  and  celebrated  ;  "  and  holds 
that  "  there  is  strong  probability  that  the  Romans  and  Cartha- 
genians,  even  300  B.  C.,  were  well  acquainted  with  the  exist 
ence  of  this  country,"  adding  that  there  are  "  tokens  of  the 
presence  of  the  Greeks,  Romans,  Persians,  and  Carthagenians, 
in  many  parts  of  the  continent."  The  story  of  Madoc's  voyage 
to  America,  in  1 1 70,  has  been  repeated  by  every  writer  upon 
the  subject,  and  actual  traces  of  Welsh  colonization  are  affirmed 
to  have  been  discovered  in  the  language  and  customs  of  a  tribe 
of  Indians  living  on  the  Missouri.  Then  the  fact  is  stated 
that  "  America  was  visited  by  some  Norwegians,"  who  made 
a  settlement  in  Greenland,  in  the  tenth  century.  Priest,  in 
his  American  Antiquities,  states  that  his  observations  had  led 
him  "  to  the  conclusion  that  the  two  great  continents,  Asia  and 
America,  were  peopled  by  similar  races  of  men." 

It  is  not  necessary  to  add  to  this  catalogue.  Men  equally 
learned  with  those  whose  opinions  have  been  quoted,  see  no 
obstacle  in  the  way  of  an  opinion  that  America  received  her 
population  as  she  did  her  peculiar  trees,  and  plants,  and  animals, 
and  birds.  The  geologist  examines  the  relics  of  the  west,  and 
where  imagination  fashions  artificial  walls,  he  sees  but  crumbs  of 
decaying  sandstone,  clinging  like  the  remains  of  mortar  to  blocks 
of  greenstone  that  rested  on  it ;  discovers  in  parallel  intrench- 
ments  a  trough  that  subsiding  waters  have  ploughed  through  the 
centre  of  a  ridge,  and  explains  the  tessellated  pavement  to  be  but 
a  layer  of  pebbles  aptly  joined  by  water ;  and,  examining  the 
mounds,  finds  them  composed  of  different  strata  of  earth, 
arranged  horizontally  to  the  very  edge,  and  ascribes  their 
creation  to  the  power  that  shaped  the  globe  into  vales  and 
hillocks.1  The  mounds,  it  is  true,  may  have  been  selected  by 
the  aborigines  as  the  site  of  their  dwellings,  fortifications,  or 
burial  places ;  but  the  mouldering  bones,  from  hillocks  which 
are  crowned  by  trees  that  have  defied  the  storms  of  many  cen 
turies,  the  graves  of  earth  from  which  they  are  dug,  and  the 

1  Hitchcock. 


18  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

feeble  fortifications  that  are  sometimes  found  in  their  vicinity, 
afford  no  special  evidence  of  connection  with  other  continents.1 
"Among  the  more  ancient  works"  of  the  west,  says  another 
writer,2  "  there  is  not  a  single  edifice,  nor  any  ruins  which  prove 
the  existence,  in  former  ages,  of  a  building  composed  of  impe 
rishable  materials.  No  fragment  of  a  column,  nor  a  brick, 
nor  a  single  hewn  stone  large  enough  to  have  been  incorpo 
rated  into  a  wall,  has  been  discovered.  The  only  relics  which 
remain  to  inflame  the  curiosity,  are  composed  of  earth." 

To  add  force  to  this  sweeping  blow  at  the  beautiful  theories 
that  have  been  woven,  the  learned  Agassis  disputes  the  idea 
of  the  unity  of  the  races  through  Adam ;  while  other  writers 
pretty  clearly  demonstrate  that  the  theory  of  the  lost  tribes  of 
Israel  has  no  foundation  in  fact.  Dr.  Lawrence,  in  his  Lec 
tures  on  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History  of  Man, 
sums  up  the  whole  argument  by  saying  that,  "  in  comparing  the 
barbarian  nations  of  America  with  those  of  the  eastern  continent, 
we  perceive  no  points  of  resemblance  between  them,  in  their 
moral  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  apparently 
founded  in  the  necessities  of  human  life." 

This  is  apparently  the  reasonable  conclusion  of  the  whole 
matter,  for  to  pass  intelligent  judgment,  the  aborigines  of 
America  must  be  taken  as  they  were  found,  and  not  as  they 
may  have  appeared  after  years  of  association  with  Europeans, 
an  association  necessarily  producing  a  mingling  of  ancient  cus 
toms  with  those  learned  from  missionaries,  or  copied  under  the 
impulse  of  imitation.  These  early  lessons  were  taught  by  men 
of  all  nations,  the  Dutch,  the  French,  the  Spanish,  and  the 
English,  and,  before  their  advent,  by  the  Norwegians.  It  would 
be  strange  indeed,  under  all  the  circumstances,  if  the  aborigines 
did  not  have  grafted  upon  them  some  resembling  features  of  all 
nations.  Sir  William  Johnson,  than  whom  no  man  had  better 
opportunity  to  form  a  correct  judgment,  after  considering  the 
whole  matter,  concluded  that  all  theories  were  defective  for 
this  reason  ;  saying,  that  the  Indians  residing  next  to  the  English 
settlements  had  lost  a  great  part  of  their  traditions,  and  had  so 

1  Warren  in  DelaficlcTs  Antiquities.  a  Drakis  Picture  of  Cincinnati. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  19 

blended  their  customs  with  those  of  the  Europeans  as  to  render 
it  "  difficult  if  not  impossible  to  trace  their  origin  or  discover 
their  explication,"  while  those  further  removed  had  nevertheless 
been  visited  by  traders,  and  especially  by  French  Jesuits,  who 
had  "  introduced  some  of  their  own  inventions  which  the  pre 
sent  generation  confound  with  their  ancient  customs."1  Until 
many  of  the  nations  of  the  old  world  can  satisfactorily  explain 
the  origin  of  their  own  race,  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  endeavor 
to  make  our  aborigines  any  further  kindred  with  them  than  that 
the  same  Almighty  Power  called  them  into  being  and  endowed 
them  with  common  instincts. 

Verazzano,2  who  sailed  along  the  coast  of  North  America 
in  1524,  speaks  of  the  natives  whom  he  met  in  the  harbor  of 
New  York,  as  "  not  differing  much,"  from  those  with  whom 
he  had  intercourse  at  other  points,  "  being  dressed  out  with  the 
feathers  of  birds  of  various  colors."  His  description  being  the 
earliest  is  of  the  most  merit,  for  at  that  time  they  were  untainted 
by  association  with  Europeans.  In  person,  he  says,  they  were 
of  good  proportions,  of  middle  stature,  broad  across  the  breast, 
strong  in  the  arms,  and  well-formed.  Among  those  who  came 
on  board  his  vessel  were  "  two  kings  more  beautiful  in  form 
and  stature  than  can  possibly  be  described  ;  one  was  about  forty 
years  old,  the  other  about  twenty-four."  "  They  were  dressed," 
he  continues,  "in  the  following  manner:  The  oldest  had  a 
deer's  skin  around  his  body,  artificially  wrought  in  damask 
figures,  his  head  was  without  covering,  his  hair  was  tied  back 
in  various  knots ;  around  his  neck  he  wore  a  large  chain  orna 
mented  with  many  stones  of  different  colors.  The  young  man 
was  similar  in  his  general  appearance."  In  size,  he  says :  "they 
exceed  us,"  their  complexion  tawny,  inclining  to  white,  their 
faces  sharp,  their  hair  long  and  black,  their  eyes  black  and  sharp, 
their  expression  mild  and  pleasant,"  "  greatly  resembling  the 
antique."  The  women,  he  says,  were  "  of  the  same  form  and 
beauty,  very  graceful,  of  fine  countenances  and  pleasing  appear 
ance  in  manners  and  modesty."  They  wore  no  clothing 
"  except  a  deer  skin  ornamented  like  those  of  the  men."  Some 

1  Documentary  History  of  Neiv  7~ork}  iv,          2  Collections  of  the  Nciv  York  Historical 
43  !•  Society ,  ad  Series,  i,  45. 


20  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

had  u  very  rich  lynx  skins  upon  their  arms,  and  various  ornaments 
upon  their  heads,  composed  of  braids  of  hair,"  which  hung  down 
upon  their  breasts  on  each  side.  The  older  and  the  married 
people,  both  men  and  women,  "  wore  many  ornaments  in  their 
ears,  hanging  down  in  the  oriental  manner."  In  disposition  they 
were  generous,  "  giving  away "  whatever  they  had  ;  of  their 
wives  they  were  careful,  always  leaving  them  in  their  boats 
when  they  came  on  ship-board,  and  their  general  deportment 
was  such  that  with  them,  he  says,  "  we  formed  a  great 
friendship."  J 

Hudson's  experience  with  them,  in  1609,  was  somewhat 
different,  but  his  references  to  their  personal  appearance  are 
similar.  "This  day,"  he  says,  "many  of  the  people  came 
aboard,  some  in  mantles  of  feathers,  and  some  in  skins  of  divers 
sorts  of  good  furs.  Some  women  also  came  to  us  with  hemp. 
They  had  red  copper  tobacco  pipes,  and  other  things  of  copper 
they  did  wear  about  their  necks." 

The  Dutch  historians,  Wassenaar,  Van  der  Donck,  and 
others,  agree  that  the  natives  were  generally  well-limbed, 
slender  around  the  waist,  and  broad-shouldered  ;  that  they  had 
black  hair  and  eyes,  and  snow  white  teeth,  resembling  ttye 
Brazilians  in  color,  or  more  especially  "  those  people  who 
sometimes  ramble  through  Netherland  and  are  called  Gipsies ;  " 
were  very  nimble  and  swift  of  pace,  and  well  adapted  to  travel 
on  foot  and  to  carry  heavy  burthens.  "  Generally,"  says  one 
writer,  "the  men  have  no  beards,  some  even  pluck  it  out. 
They  use  very  few  words,  which  they  previously  well  consider. 
Naturally  they  are  quite  modest  and  without  guile,  but  in  their 
way  haughty  enough,  ready  and  quick  witted  to  comprehend  or 
learn,  be  it  good  or  bad.  As  soldiers,  they  are  far  from  being 
honorable,  but  perfidious  and  accomplish  all  their  designs  by 
treachery ;  they  also  use  many  stratagems  to  deceive  their  ene 
mies,  and  execute  by  night  almost  all  their  plans  that  are  in 
any  way  hazardous.  The  thirst  for  revenge  seems  innate  in 
them ;  they  are  very  pertinacious  in  self-defense,  when  they 
cannot  escape  ;  which,  under  other  circumstances,  they  like  to  do  ; 
and  they  make  little  of  death,  wheri  it  is  inevitable,  and  despise 

1  Collections  of  the  New  Tork  Historical  Society,  zd  Series,  I,  46. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  21 

all  tortures  that  can  be  inflicted  on  them  at  the  stake,  exhibiting 
no  faint-heartedness,  but  generally  singing  until  they  are  dead. 

Their  clothing  is  described  as  having  been  most  sumptuous. 
The  women  ornamented  themselves  more  than  the  men.  "  All 
wear  around  the  waist  a  girdle  made  of  the  fin  of  the  whale  or 
of  sewant."  The  men  originally  wore  a  breech-cloth,  made 
of  skins,  but  after  the  Dutch  came  those  who  could  obtain  it 
wore  "  between  their  legs  a  lap  of  duffels  cloth  half  an  ell  broad 
and  nine  quarters  long,"  which  they  girded  around  their  waists, 
and  drew  up  in  a  fold  "with  a  flap  of  each  end  hanging  down 
in  front  and  rear."  In  addition  to  this  they  had  mantles  of 
feathers,  and  at  a  later  period  decked  themselves  with  "  plaid 
duffels  cloth  "  in  the  form  of  a  sash,  which  was  worn  over  the 
right  shoulder,  drawn  in  a  knot  around  the  body,  with  the  ends 
extending  down  below  the  knees.  When  the  young  men 
wished  to  look  'especially  attractive,  they  wore  "a  band  about 
their  heads,  manufactured  and  braided,  of  scarlet  deer  hair, 
interwoven  with  soft  shining  red  hair."  "  With  this  head 
dress,"  says  Van  der  Donck,  "  they  appear  like  the  delineations 
and  paintings  of  the  Catholic  saints,"  and,  he  adds,  "  when  a 
young  Indian  is  dressed  in  this  manner  he  would  not  say  plum 
for  a  bushel  of  plums.  But  this  decoration  is  seldom  worn 
unless  they  have  a  young  woman  in  view." 

The  dress  of  an  Indian  belle  was  more  attractive  than  any 
which  civilized  life  has  produced.  Says  the  writer  last  quoted, 
"  The  women  wear  a  cloth  around  their  bodies,  fastened  by  a 
girdle  which  extends  below  their  knees,  and  is  as  much  as  an 
under  coat  ;  but  next  to  the  body,  under  this  coat,  they  wear 
a  dressed  deer  skin  coat,  girt  around  the  waist.  The  lower 
body  of  this  skirt  they  ornament  with  great  art,  and  nestle  the 
same  with  strips  which  are  tastefully  decorated  with  wampum. 
The  wampum  with  which  one  of  these  skirts  is  ornamented  is 
frequently  worth  from  one  to  three  hundred  guilders.  They 
bind  their  hair  behind  in  a  club  of  about  a  hand  long,  in  the 
form  of  a  beaver's  tail,  over  which  they  draw  a  square  cap, 
which  is  frequently  ornamented  with  wampum.  When  they 
desire  to  be  fine  they  draw  a  headband  around  the  forehead, 
which  is  also  ornamented  with  wampum,  etc.  This  band  con- 


22  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

fines  the  hair  smooth,  and  is  fastened  behind,  over  the  club,  in 
a  beau's  knot.  Their  head  dress  forms  a  handsome  and  lively 
appearance.  Around  their  necks  they  wear  various  ornaments, 
which  are  also  decorated  with  wampum.  Those  they  esteem 
as  highly  as  our  ladies  do  their  pearl  necklaces.  They  also 
wear  hand  bands  or  bracelets,  curiously  wrought,  and  inter 
woven  with  wampum.  Their  breasts  appear  about  half  covered 
with  an  elegantly  wrought  dress.  They  wear  beautiful  girdles, 
ornamented  with  their  favorite  wampum,  and  costly  ornaments 
in  their  ears.  Here  and  there  they  lay  upon  their  faces  black 
spots  of  paint.  Elk  hide  moccasins  they  wore  before  the  Dutch 
came,  and  they  too  were  most  richly  ornamented."  Shoes 
and  stockings  they  obtained  from  the  Dutch,  and  also  bonnets. 

Plurality  of  wives  was,  to  some  extent,  in  vogue  among 
them.  "  The  natives,"  says  Van  der  Donck,  "  generally  marry 
but  one  wife  and  no  more,  unless  it  be  a  chief  who  is  great 
and  powerful  j  such  frequently  have  two,  three  or  four  wives, 
of  the  neatest  and  handsomest  of  women,  and  who  live  together 
without  variance."  Minors  did  not  marry  except  with  the 
advice  of  their  parents  or  friends.  Widowers  and  widows 
followed  their  own  inclinations.  Their  marriage  ceremonies 
were  very  simple.  Young  women  were  not  debarred  signify 
ing  their  desire  to  enter  matrimonial  life.  When  one  of  them 
wished  to  be  married  she  covered  her  face  with  a  veil  and  sat 
covered  as  an  indication  of  her  desire.  If  she  attracted  a 
suitor,  negotiations  were  opened  with  parents  or  friends,  pre 
sents  given  and  the  bride  taken. 

Chastity  was  an  established  principle  with  married  females. 
To  be  unchaste  during  wedlock  was  held  to  be  very  disgraceful. 
"  Many  of  the  women  would  prefer  death,  rather  than  submit 
to  be  dishonored."  No  Indian  would  keep  his  wife,  however 
much  he  loved  her,  when  he  knew  she  was  unchaste.  Divorce 
frequently  came  from  disagreements,  and  was  a  simple  form. 
The  wife  was  handed  her  share  of  the  goods  and  put  out  of 
doors  by  the  husband,  and  was  then  free  to  marry  another.  In 
cases  of  separation  the  children  followed  the  mother,  and  were 
frequently  the  cause  of  the  parents  coming  together  again. 
The  man  who  abandoned  his  wife  without  cause  left  her  all 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  23 

her  property,  and  in  like  manner  the  wife  the  husband's.  Foul 
and  impertinent  language  was  despised  by  them.  All  romping, 
caressing  and  wanton  behavior  they  spoke  of  with  contempt, 
as  indirect  alurements  to  unchastity,  and  reproved  such  conduct 
in  the  Netherlanders.  The  Dutch  made  wives  of  many  of 
them  and  retained  them,  refusing  to  leave  them  for  females  of 
their  own  country. 

Most  of  the  diseases  incident  to  females  of  the  present  day 
were  unknown  to  them.  Before  confinement  it  was  their 
custom  to  retire  to  a  secluded  place  near  a  brook,  or  stream  of 
water,  and  prepare  a  shelter  for  themselves  with  mats  and 
covering  and  food,  and  await  delivery  "without  the  company 
or  aid  of  any  person."  After  their  children  were  born,  and 
especially  if  they  were  males,  they  immersed  them  some  time 
in  the  water,  no  matter  what  the  temperature,  and  then  swathed 
them  in  warm  clothing  and  gave  them  great  attention.  Several 
days  after  delivery  they  returned  to  their  homes,  but  until  the 
child  was  weaned,  had  no  commerce  with  their  husbands, 
holding  it  to  be  disgraceful  and  injurious  to  their  offspring. 

In  sickness  they  were  very  faithful  to  each  other,  and  when 
death  occurred  the  next  of  kin  closed  the  eyes  of  the  deceased. 
The  men  made  no  noise  over  the  dead,  but  the  women  made 
frantic  demonstrations  of  grief,  striking  their  breasts,  tearing  their 
faces,  and  calling  the  name  of  the  deceased  day  and  night. 
Their  loudest  lamentations  were  on  the  death  of  their  sons  and 
husbands.  On  such  occasions  they  cut  off  their  hair  and 
burned  it  on  the  grave  in  the  presence  of  all  their  relatives, 
painted  their  faces  pitch  black,  and  in  a  deer's  skin  jerkin 
mourned  the  dead  a  full  year.  In  burying  their  dead  the  body 
was  placed  in  a  sitting  posture,  and  beside  it  were  placed  a  pot, 
kettle,  platter,  spoon,  money  and  provisions  for  use  in  the  other 
world.  Wood  was  then  placed  around  the  body,  and  ,.the 
whole  covered  with  earth  and  stones,  outside  of  which  palisades 
were  erected,  fastened  in  such  a  manner  that  the  tomb  re 
sembled  a  little  house.1  To  these  tombs  great  respect  was 
paid,  and  to  violate  them  was  deemed  an  unpardonable  provo 
cation. 

1  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  iv,  jay. 


24  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Their  fare  or  food  was  poor  and  gross,  "  for,"  says  one 
Dutch  writer,  "they  drink  water,  having  no  other  beverage." 
They  eat  the  flesh  of  all  sorts  of  game,  "  even  badgers,  dogs, 
eagles,  and  similar  trash  which  Christians  in  no  way  regard." 
All  sorts  of  fish  were  eaten,  as  well  as  "  snakes,  frogs  and 
such  like."  Their  mode  of  cooking  without  removing  the  en 
trails  was  not  palatable  to  the  Dutch.  In  addition  to  their 
meats  they  made  bread  of  Indian  meal  and  baked  it  in  hot 
ashes,  and  make  a  "pap  or  porridge,  called  by  some  sapsis,  by 
others  dundare  (literally  boiled  bread),  in  which  they  mixed 
beans  of  different  color  which  they  raised."  The  maize  from 
which  their  bread  and  sapsis  were  made  was  raised  by  them 
selves,  and  was  broken  up  or  ground  in  rude  mortars.  They 
observed  no  set  time  for  meals.  Whenever  hunger  demanded, 
the  repast  was  prepared.  Beavers'  tails,  the  brains  offish,  and 
their  sapsis,1  ornamented  with  beans,  were  their  state  dishes, 
and  highest  luxuries.  They  knew  how  to  preserve  meat  and 
fish  by  smoking,  and  when  on  a  journey  or  while  hunting, 
carried  with  them  corn  roasted  whole.  At  their  meals  they  sat 
on  the  ground. 

Their  occupations  were  hunting,  fishing  and  war.  When 
not  on  the  war  path  they  repaired  to  the  rivers  and  caught  fish 
or  to  the  forests  and  hunted  deer,  fawns,  hares  and  foxes,  "  and 
all  such,"  says  the  narrator  who  adds,  "  the  country  is  full  of 
game  ;  hogs,  bears,  leopards,  yea,  lions,  as  appears  by  the 
skins  which  were  brought  on  board."  The  beaver  was  most 
highly  prized  by  them,  not  only  for  its  food  and  fur,  but  for  the 
medicinal  uses  of  the  oil  obtained.  The  women  made  cloth 
ing  of  skins,  prepared  food,  cultivated  the  fields  of  corn,  beans 
and  squashes,  made  mats,  etc.,  but  the  men  never  labored  until 
they  became  too  old  for  the  field,  when  they  remained  with 
''the^women  and  made  mats,  wooden  bowls  and  spoons,  traps, 
nets,  arrows,  canoes,  etc. 

Their  houses  were  for  the  most  part  built  after  one  plan, 
differing  only  in  lengths.  They  were  formed  by  long,  slender 
hickory  saplings  set  in  the  ground,  in  a  straight  line  of  two 
rows,  as  far  asunder  as  they  intended  the  width  to  be  and  con- 

1 "  The  crushed  corn  is  daily  boiled  to  a  pap  which  is  called  suppacn." 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  25 

tinued  the  rows  as  far  as  they  intended  the  length  to  be.  The 
poles  were  then  bent  towards  each  other  in  the  form  of  an 
arch  and  secured  together,  giving  the  appearance  of  a  garden 
arbor.  Split  poles  were  then  lathed  up  the  sides  and  roof,  and 
over  this  was  bark,  lapped  on  the  ends  and  edges,  which  was 
kept  in  its  place  by  withes  to  the  lathings.  A  hole  was  left  in 
the  roof  for  smoke  to  escape,  and  a  single  door  of  entrance 
was  provided.  Rarely  exceeding  twenty  feet  in  width, 
these  houses  were  sometimes  a  hundred  and  eighty  yards  long. 
"  In  those  places,"  says  Van  der  Donck,  "  they  crowd  a  sur 
prising  number  of  persons,  and  it  is  surprising  to  see  them  out 
in  open  day."  From  sixteen  to  eighteen  families  occupied  one 
house,  according  to  its  size.  A  single  fire  in  the  centre  served 
them  all,  although  each  family  occupied  at  night  its  particular 
division  and  mats. 

Their  castles  were  strong,  firm  works,  and  were  usually 
situated  on  the  side  of  a  steep,  high  hill,  near  a  stream  of  water 
with  a  level  plain  on  the  crown  of  the  hill.  This  plain  was 
enclosed  with  a  strong  stockade,  which  was  constructed  by 
laying  on  the  ground  large  logs  of  wood  for  a  foundation,  on 
both  sides  of  which  oak  palisades  were  set  in  the  ground,  the 
upper  ends  of  which  crossed  each  other  and  were  joined  together: 
against  the  rude  assaults  of  rude  enemies  ,  these  castles  were  a 
safe  retreat.  Inside  of  their  walls  they  not  unfrequently  had 
twenty  or  thirty  houses,  so  that  a  clan  or  tribe  could  be  provided 
for  in  winter.  Besides  their  strongholds,  they  had  villages  and 
towns  which  were  enclosed  or  stockaded.  The  latter  usually 
had  woodland  on  one  side  and  corn  land  on  the  other.  Near 
the  water  sides  and  at  fishing  places  they  not  unfrequently 
had  huts  for  temporary  occupancy  ;  but  in  the  winter  they 
were  found  in  their  castles  which  were  rarely,  if  ever,  left 
altogether.  * 

Their  weapons  of  war  were  the  spear,  the  bow  and  arrows, 
the  war  club  and  the  stone  hatchet,  and  in  combat  they  pro 
tected  themselves  with  a  square  shield  made  of  tough  leather. 
A  snake's  skin  tied  around  the  head,  from  the  centre  of  which 
projected  the  tail  of  a  bear  or  a  wolf,  and  a  face  not  recognizable 
from  the  variety  of  colors  in  which  it  was  painted,  was  their 


26  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

uniform.  Their  domestic  implements  were  of  very  rude  construc 
tion.  Fire  answered  them  many  purposes  and  gained  for  them 
the  name  of  Fireworkers.  By  it  they  not  only  cleared  lands,  but 
shaped  their  log  canoes  and  made  their  wooden  bowls.  Some 
of  their  arrows  were  of  elegant  construction  and  tipped  with 
copper,  and  when  shot  with  power  would  pass  through  the  body 
of  a  deer  as  certainly  as  the  bullet  from  the  rifle.  The  more 
common  arrows  were  tipped  with  flint,  as  well  as  their  spears, 
and  required  no  little  patience  and  skill  in  their  construction. 
When  they  came  to  obtain  guns  from  the  Dutch  they  were 
remarkably  expert  with  them. 

Their  money  consisted  of  white  and  black  zewant  (wampum),1 
which  was  "  nothing  more  nor  less  than  the  inside  little  pillars 
of  the  conch  shells  "  which  the  sea  cast  up  twice  a  year.  These 
pillars  they  polished  smooth,  drilled  a  hole  through  the  centre, 
reduced  them  to  a  certain  size,  and  strung  them  on  threads. 
Gold,  silver  or  copper  coins  they  had  none.  Their  standards 
of  value  were  the  hand  or  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  denotas 
or  bags  which  they  made  themselves  for  measuring  and  pre 
serving  corn.  Such  was  their  currency  and  such  their  only 
commercial  transactions.  To  obtain  wampum  they  made  war 
and  took  captives  for  whom  they  demanded  ransom,  or  made 
the  weaker  tribes  tributaries  to  the  stronger. 

1  There  were  two  kinds  of  wampum  in  wampum,  or  six  of  "white,  were  equal  to  a 

early  use   by  the  Indians,  as  a  standard  of  stuyver  among    the  Dutch,  or    a    penny 

value,  the  purple  or  black  and  the  white,  among    the    English.      Some    variations, 

The  purple  was  made  from  the  interior  por-  however,  existed  in  its  value,  according  to 

tions  of  the  vcnus  mercenaria,  or  common  time  and  place.      A  single  string  of  wam- 

conch.     The  white  was  wrought  out  of  the  pum  of  one  fathom,  ruled  at  five  shillings 

pillar  of  the  periwinkle.     Each  kind  was  in  New  England,  and  is  known  in  New 

converted  into  a  kind  of  bead,  by  being  Netherland  to  have  reached  as    high   as 

rounded  and  perforated,  so  as  to  admit  of  four  guilders,  or  one  dollar  and  sixty-six 

being  strung  on  a  fibre  of  deer's  sinew,  cents.     The  old  wampum  was  made  by 

This  was  replaced  after  the  discovery,  by  hand  and  was  an  exceedingly  rude  article, 

linen  thread.   The  article  was  highly  prized  After  the  discovery,  the  Dutch  introduced 

as  an  ornament,  and  as  such  constituted  an  the  lathe  in  its  manufacture,  polished  and 

object  of  traffic  between  the  sea  coast  and  perforated  it  with  exactness,  and  soon  had 

the  interior  tribes.    It  was  worn  around  the  the  monopoly  of  the  trade.     The  princi- 

neck ;  also  as  an  edging  for  certain  pieces  pal  place  of  its  manufacture  was  at  Hack- 

of  their  garments;  and  when  these  strings  ensak,  in     New  Jersey.       The  principal 

were     united,    they    formed     the     broad  deposit    of  sea-shells    was    Long    Island, 

wampum    belts  by  which  solemn  public  where  the  extensive  shell  banks  left  by 

transactions  were  commemorated.     As  a  the    Indians,   in    which  it  is  difficult   to 

substitute  for  gold  and  silver  coin,  its  price  find   a  whole  shell,  show  the  immense 

was  fixed  by  law.     Three  purple  beads  of  quantities  that  were  manufactured. 


O^  HUDSON'S  RWER.  27 

They  were  not  skilled  in  the  practice  of  medicines,  notwith 
standing  the  general  belief  on  that  subject.  They  knew  how 
to  cure  wounds  and  hurts,  and  treated  simple  diseases  success 
fully.  Their  general  health  was  due  more  to  their  habits  than 
to  a  knowledge  of  remedies.  Their  principal  medical  treat 
ment  was  the  sweating  bath.  These  were  literally  earthen 
ovens,  into  which  the  patient  crept,  and  around  which  heated 
stones  were  placed  to  raise  the  temperature.  When  the  patient 
had  remained  under  perspiration  for  a  certain  time  he  was  taken 
out  and  immersed  suddenly  in  cold  water,  a  process  which 
served  to  cure  or  certainly  cause  death.  The  oil  which  they 
obtained  from  beavers  was  used  in  many  forms  and  for  many 
purposes  ;  among  others  for  dizziness,  for  trembling,  for  the 
rheumatism,  for  lameness,"  for  apoplexy,  for  toothache,  for 
earache,  for  weak  eyes,  for  gout,  and  for  almost  all  ills.  The 
Dutch  took  to  this  remedy  and  attached  to  it  great  value. 

As  the  term  is  generally  understood,  they  had  no  religion, 
but  in  its  place  a  rude  system  in  which  they  looked 
"  Through  nature  up  to  nature's  God." 

Good  and  evil  spirits  they  recognized,  and  to  them  appealed  in 
sacrifice  and  fires.  Their  minister  or  priest  was  called  kitzi- 
naeka.  It  was  his  duty  to  visit  the  sick  and  exorcise  the  evil 
spirits  ;  or,  failing,  to  see  the  usual  rites  for  the  dead  performed. 
He  had  no  home  of  his  own,  but  lodged  were  it  pleased  him, 
or  where  he  last  officiated ;  was  not  permitted  to  eat  any  food 
prepared  by  a  married  woman,  but  that  only  which  was  cooked 
by  a  maiden  or  an  old  woman,  and  altogether  lived  "  like  a 
Capuchin."  x  To  the  sun,  moon  and  stars  they  paid  particular 
attention.  The  first  moon  following  that  at  the  end  of  Feb 
ruary  they  greatly  honored.  They  watched  its  coming  and 
greeted  its  advent  with  a  festival,  at  which  they  collected  from 
all  quarters  and  reveled  "  in  their  way  with  wild  game  or  fish," 
and  drank  clear  river  water  to  their  fill.  This  was  their  new 
year  ;  this  moon  the  harbinger  of  spring.  The  harvest  moon, 
or  the  new  moon  in  August,  they  also  honored  with  a  feast,  in 

1  Wassenaar,  Documentary  History  of    Neva  York,  HI,  28. 

4 


28 


THE  INDUN  TRIBES 


acknowledgment  of  the  product  of  their  fields  and  their  success 
in  the  chase. 

They  fully  recognized  the  existence  of  God,  who  dwelt 
beyond  the  stars,  and  in  a  life  immortal  expected  to  renew  the 
associations  of  this  life.1  But  to  them  God  had  less  to  do  with 
the  world  than  did  the  devil,  who  was  the  principal  subject  of 
their  fears,  and  the  source  of  their  earthly  hopes.  No  expedi 
tions  of  hunting,  fishing  or  war  were  undertaken  unless  the 
devil  was  first  consulted,  and  to  him  they  offered  the  first  fruits 
of  the  chase,  or  of  victory.  "  On  such  occasions,"  says  one  of 
the  early  writers,  "  conjurors  act  a  wonderful  part.  These 

tumble,  with  strange 
contortions,  head  over 
heels,  beat  them 
selves,  leap,  with  a  hi 
deous  noise,  through 
and  around  a  large 
fire.2  Finally  they  set 
up  a  tremendous  cat 
erwauling,  when  the 
devil,  as  they  say,  ap 
pears  in  the  shape  of  a 
ravenous  or  harmless 
animal ;  the  first  be 
tokens  somethingbad, 
the  other  good  ;  both 
give  information  re 
specting  coming 
events,  but  obscurely, 
which  they  attribute 
to  their  own  igno 
rance,  not  understand 
ing  the  devil's  right  meaning  when  matters  turn  out  differ 
ently."  For  the  spiritual  they  cared  nothing ;  but  directed 


Devil  Worship. 


1  The  belief  of  Maikans  regarding  the 
separation  of  the  soul,  is,  that  it  goes  up 
westward  on  leaving  the  body.  There 
it  is  met  with  great  rejoicing  by  the  others 
who  died  previously;  there  they  wear 


black  otter  or  bear  skins,  which  among 
them  are  signs  of  gladness.  They  have 
no  desire  to  be  with  them.  —  Wassenaar. 

2  This  dance  of  the  Indians  was  called 
kintt-kaying.      It   was    observed    on    the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  29 

their  study  principally  to  the  physical,  "  closely  observing  the 
seasons."  Their  women  were  the  most  experienced  star- 
gazeVs,  scarce  one  of  whom  could  not  name  them  all,  give  the 
time  of  their  rising  and  setting,  their  position,  etc.,  in  language 
of  their  own.  Taurus  they  described  as  the  horned  head  of  a  big 
wild  animal  inhabiting  the  distant  country,  but  not  theirs ;  that 
when  it  rose  in  a  certain  part  of  the  heavens,  then  it  was  the 
season  for  planting.  The  firmament  was  to  them  an  open 
book  wherein  they  read  the  laws  for  their  physical  well-being, 
the  dial  plate  by  which  they  marked  their  years. 

They  were  not  without  government  and  laws,  although  both 
partook  of  the  nomadic  state.  They  had  chief  and  subordinate 
rulers,  and  general  as  well  as  local  councils.  Their  sachem  was 
their  local  ruler  and  representative.  Their  general  councils  were 
composed  of  the  sachems  of  different  families  or  clans.  But 
these  councils  assembled  only  in  case  of  war,  or  other  matters 
requiring  concerted  action.  In  all  other  respects  the  tribes  or 
clans  acted  independently,  and  declared  war  and  made  peace 
without  reference  to  their  neighbors,  unless  the  contest  was 
such  that  assistance  was  desirable,  in  which  case  invitations  to 
alliance  were  sent  out  by  messengers.  All  obligations  acquired 
their  force  from  the  acceptance  of  presents.  In  making  agree 
ments  or  sending  messages  they  took  as  many  little  sticks  as 
there  were  conditions  or  parties  in  their  proposals.1  If  the  con 
tracting  parties  agreed  on  all,  each  party,  at  the  conclusion, 
laid  his  presents  at  the  feet  of,  the  other.  If  the  presents  be 
mutually  accepted,  the  negotiation  is  firmly  concluded,  but  if 
not,  no  further  proceedings  were  had  unless  the  applicant 
changed  the  conditions  and  the  presents.  On  occasions  of  im 
portance,  a  general  assembly  was  held  at  the  house  of  the  chief 

eve  of  engaging  in  expeditions  of  war  or  governor  of  New  York,  concerning  the 
hunting.  When  taken  prisoners  and  belt  and  fifteen  bloody  sticks  sent  by  the 
about  to  suffer  torture,  they  asked  permis-  Missiosagaes,  the  like  is  very  common, 
sion  to  dance  the  kintc-kaye.  The  and  the  Indians  use  sticks  as  well  to  ex- 
first  dance  witnessed  by  the  Europeans  press  the  alliance  of  castles  as  the  number 
was  by  the  savages  assembled  on  the  point  of  individuals  in  a  party.  These  sticks 
of  land  just  above  Newburgh,  which  still  are  generally  about  six  inches  in  length 
bears  the  name  of  Dans  hammer^  or  and  very  slender,  and  painted  red  if  the 
dance  chamber.  subject  is  war,  but  without  any  peculiarity 
1 "  As  to  the  information  which  you  as  to  shape. — Documentary  History  of 
observe  I  formerly  transmitted  to  the  Neiv  York,  iv,  437. 


30  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

sachem  in  order  that  a  full  explanation  might  be  made.  At 
these  assemblies  the  will  of  the  sachem  was  supreme,  for  al 
though  permitting  full  debate,  mutiny  was  punished  by  death. 

Lands  held  by  them  were  obtained  by  conceded  original 
occupation  or  by  conquest.  If  conquered,  original  right  ceased 
and  vested  in  the  conquerors  ;  if  reconquered,  the  title  returned 
to  its  original  owners.  This  rule  they  applied  also  to  the  sale 
of  lands  to  the  Dutch.  As  often  as  they  sold  to  the  latter  and 
subsequently  drove  off  the  settlers,  so  often  was  repurchase 
necessary,  and,  if  it  was  not  made,  cause  of  grievance  and 
future  war  remained.  Some  respect  was  paid  to  the  rights  of 
property,  and  whenever  it  was  stolen,  it  was  ordered  returned.1 
Although  tne  reputation  attaches  that  they  were  a  "  thieving 
set,"  yet  the  fact  is  that  in  almost  every  stated  case  the  Dutch 
were  the  aggressors,  the  Indians  only  making  reprisals  for  that  of 
which  they  had  been  despoiled. 

Rank  was  known  among  them  ;  nobles,  who  seldom  married 
below  their  rank,  as  well  as  a  commonalty.2  These  conditions 
were  hereditary,  for  although  one  of  the  commonalty  might 
rise  to  prominence,  the  sachemship  descended  as  long  as  any  one 
was  found  fit  to  rule,  and  regents  frequently  governed  in  the 
name  of  a  minor.  The  oldest  or  first  of  a  household  or  family 
represented  it  "  with  or  unto  the  chief  of  the  nation."  Military 
distinction  was  conferred  by  merit  without  regard  to  families  or 
birth.  The  lowest  might  become  a  chief,  but  the  rank  died 
with  its  possessor,  unless  his  posterity  followed  in  his  footsteps, 
in  which  case  his  titles  were  transmitted.  Those  of  hereditary 
rank,  however,  were  not  esteemed,  unless  they  were  distin 
guished  for  activity,  bravery  and  understanding,  and  such  they 
honored  greatly. 

Their  armies,  or  warriors,  were  composed  of  all  their  young 
men,  among  whom  were  even  boys  of  fifteen,  and  were  not 
without  some  of  the  forms  of  organization  and  discipline  known 
to  civilized  nations.  Each  clan  or  canton  had  its  war  chiefs, 

1 "  Notwithstanding  misdemeanors  are  (stealing)  too  often,  he  is  stripped  bare  of 

not  punished,  wicked  acts  are  of  rare  oc-  his    goods."  —  Documentary    History  t   iv, 

currence.      Stolen  property,  whenever  dis-  129;    Wasstnaar,  Ib.y  in,  44. 
covered,    is   ordered    by    the  chief  to  be          2"  Though  this  people  do  not  make  such 

restored.     If  any  one  commit  that  offense  a  distinction  between  man  and   man  as 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  31 

or  captains,  as  the  Europeans  called  them,1  who  stood  in  rank 
according  to  the  services  by  which  they  had  distinguished  them 
selves,  the  one  highest  in  the  qualifications  of  prudence,  cunning, 
resolution,  bravery,  and  good  fortune,  had  powers  equivalent 
to  a  commanding  general.  In  times  of  war,  the  tribes  were 
under  rigid  martial  law;  nothing  was  done  without  the  consent 
of  the  war  captains ;  no  warrior  could  leave  the  troop  without 
forfeiting  his  honor  and  the  highly  esteemed  advantages  of 
promotion. 

To  begin  a  war  was  called  "taking  up  the  hatchet,"  and 
could  not  be  done  without  what  were  regarded  as  the  most 
just  and  important  reasons.  The  death  of  a  warrior  at  the 
hands  of  a  neighboring  tribe,  was  not  always  a  cause  for  war. 
The  murderer  could  be  surrendered  or  the  offense  atoned  by 
presents ;  but  when  a  warrior  was  killed  and  scalped,  or  when, 
as  with  the  Mohawks,  the  hatchet  was  left  sticking  in  the  head  of 
the  victim,  it  was  regarded  as  a  declaration  6*f  war.  In  such 
cases  the  war  captains  summoned  their  followers  and  addressed 
them :  "  The  bones  of  your  murdered  countrymen  lie  un 
covered  ;  they  demand  revenge  at  our  hands,  and  it  is  our 
duty  to  obey  them  ;  their  spirits  loudly  call  upon  us,  and  we  must 
satisfy  them  ;  still  greater  spirits  watching  over  our  honor,  inspire 
us  with  a  resolution  to  go  in  pursuit  of  the  murderers  of  our 
brethren.  Let  us  go  and  devour  them  !  Do  not  sit  inactive  ! 
Follow  the  impulse  of  your  hereditary  valor  !  Anoint  your 
hair  !  Paint  your  faces  !  Fill  your  quivers  !  Make  the  woods 
echo  with  your  voices !  Comfort  the  spirits  of  the  deceased, 
and  revenge  their  blood  !  "  The  work  of  preparation  for 
the  field  was  speedily  performed  ;  the  weapons  of  war  were 
collected,  a  pouch  of  parched  corn  and  maple  sugar  prepared, 
and  the  body  painted  black.  Then  came  the  war  dance  and 

other  nations,  yet  they  have  high  and  low  proportion  to  the  number  of  troops  under 
families;  inferior  and  superior  chiefs,  his  command.  The  rank  of  captain  is 
whose  authority  remains  hereditary  in  the  neither  elective  nor  hereditary.  The 
houses.  The  military  officers  are  dis-  first  occasion  to  this  appointment  is  gene- 
posed  of  only  according  to  the  valorous  rally  a  dream,  early  in  life,  which  a  young 
prowess  of  each  person." — Documentary  man  or  his  friends  interpret  as  a  destiny 
History  of  New  York,  iv,  128.  for  the  office  of  captain.  Jig  therefore 
1  A  captain  among  the  Indians,  is  what  endeavors  to  attain  the  necessary  qualifi- 
we  should  call  a  commander  or  general,  cations  for  this  dignity,  and  to  prove  his 
He  has  several  subordinate  officers,  in  prowess  by  feats  of  valor. —  Loskiel. 


32  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

war  song ; J  and  the  paths  of  the  forest  received  the  avenging 
horde,  to  return  to  peace  only  when  compelled  by  necessity 
or  the  intervention  of  mediators. 

The  ceremonies  of  war  and  peace  were  somewhat  different 
when  the  alliance  of  one  tribe  with  another  was  called.  In 
such  cases  an  embassy  was  dispatched  bearing  a  piece  of  tobacco, 
a  belt  of  wampum,  and  a  hatchet  with  a  red  handle.  The 
tobacco  invited  a  friendly  smoke  and  consideration,  the  belt 
described  by  certain  figures  the  tribe  against  whom  alliance  was 
desired,  and  the  hatchet  determined  the  purpose.  The  princi 
pal  captain  of  the  embassy  made  a  speech,  on  delivering  these 
credentials  of  his  authority.  If  the  belt  was  accepted,  nothing 
more  was  said,  that  act  being  considered  a  solemn  promise  to 
lend  every  assistance ;  but  if  neither  the  hatchet  was  lifted  up 
nor  the  belt  accepted,  it  was  understood  that  the  tribe  would 
remain  neutral.  The  consideration  of  the  matter  was  usually 
circumspect  and  slow,  and  the  decision  regarded  with  no  little 
reverence. 

The  lives  of  prisoners  taken  in  war  were  rarely  spared,  ex 
cept  those  of  women  and  children,  who  were  treated  leniently 
and  adopted  by  their  conquerors  to  recruit  their  numbers. 
Male  prisoners  were  subjected  to  great  torture,  usually  by  fire, 
and  a  savage  cunning  indeed  was  practiced  in  prolonging  the 
sufferings  of  the  victims.  The  next  of  kin  was  an  avenger 
and  might  inflict  death  on  a  murderer,  provided  he  was  enabled 
to  do  so  within  twenty-four  hours.  After  the  lapse  of  that 
time  the  avenger  himself  was  liable  to  death  if  death  came  by 

1  Heckewelder  gives  the  following  as  Prevent  their  mourning  on  my  account ! 

the  war  song  of  the  Lenape  warriors :  Grant    that  I  may  be  successful  in  this 

«'  O  poor  me  !  attempt, 

Who  am  going  out  to  fight  the  enemy,  That  I  may  slay  my  enemy, 

And   know  not  whether  I  shall  return  And  bring  home  the  trophies  of  war 

again,  To  my  dear  family  and  friends, 

To  enjoy  the  embraces  of  my  children  That  we  may  rejoice  together. 

And  my  wife.  O  take  pity  on  me  ! 

O  poor  creature !  Give  me  strength  and   courage  to    meet 

Whose  life  is  not  in  his  own  hands,  my  enemy. 

Who  has  no  power  over  his  own  body,  Suffer  me  to  return  again  to  my  children, 

But  tries  to  do  his  duty  To  my  wife  ! 

For  the  welfare  of  his  nation.  And  to  my  relations  ! 

O  thou  Great  Spirit  above !  Take  pity  on  me  and  preserve  my  life, 

Take  pity  on  my  children  And  I  will  make  thee  a  sacrifice." 
And  on  my  wife  ! 
. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  33 

his  hand.  A  murderer  was  seldom  killed  after  the  first  twenty- 
four  hours  were  passed,  but  he  was  obliged  to  remain  concealed  ; 
meantime  his  friends  endeavored  to  reconcile  the  parties,  and 
offered  a  blood  atonement  of  wampum.  If  peace  was  agreed 
upon  it  was  usually  accompanied  by  the  condition  that  the 
nearest  relatives  of  the  murderer,  whether  men,  women  or  child 
ren,  on  meeting  the  relatives  of  the  murdered  person,  must  give 
way  to  them.  But  an  offense  unatoned  was  unforgiven,  and, 
though  years  might  elapse,  vengeance  was  certain  if  opportunity 
offered. 

Great  faults  were  charged  against  the  Indians,  and  great 
faults  they  doubtless  possessed  when  judged  from  the  stand 
point  of  a  different  civilization.  Were  the  line  strictly  drawn, 
however,  it  might  be  shown  that,  as  a  whole,  they  compared 
favorably  with  nations  upon  whom  light  had  fallen  for  sixteen 
hundred  years.  This  at  least  appears  to  their  credit,  that 
among  them  there  were  none  who  were  cross-eyed,  blind, 
crippled,  lame,  hunch-backed  or  limping  ;  all  were  well-fash 
ioned,  strong  in  constitution  of  body,  well-proportioned  and 
without  blemish.  Until  touched  and  warped  by  wrong  treat 
ment,  wherever  they  were  met,  whether  on  the  Potomac,  the 
Delaware,  the  Hudson,  or  the  Connecticut,  they  were  liberal 
and  generous  in  their  intercourse  with  the  whites.  More 
sinned  against  than  sinning,  they  left  behind  them  evidences  of 
great  wrongs  suffered,  their  enemies  being  the  witnesses. 


34  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  III. 

* 

NATIONAL  AND  TRIBAL  ORGANIZATIONS,  TOTEMIC  CLASSI 
FICATIONS,  POLITICAL  RELATIONS,  ETC. 

HE  names  and  location  of  the  Indian  tribes  were  not 
ascertained  with  clearness  by  the  early  Dutch 
writers.  Wassenaar  states  that  at  the  time  of 
the  discovery,  and  for  some  years  after  occupation 
by  the  Dutch,  the  Maikans  or  Mabicans,  held  twenty-five  * 
miles  on  both  sides  of  the  river  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Orange  ; 
that  the  Maquas,  or  Mohawks,  resided  in  the  interior ;  that ' 
Fort  Orange  was  erected  on  the  lands  of  the  Mahicans,  whose 
castle  was  on  the  opposite  (east)  side  of  the  river.  De  Laet 
writes  in  1625,  that  the  Maquas  held  the  west  shore,  and 
Wassenaar  concludes  with  a  similar  statement ;  but  if  it  is 
considered  that  the  history  of  the  latter  was  written  at  different 
periods  extending  from  1621  to  1632,  his  account  will  be 
found  entirely  consistent  with  itself  as  well  as  with  De  fact's. 
South  of  Fort  Orange  the  classifications  of  these  writers  is 
almost  wholly  by  chieftaincies  or  cantons.  Van  der  Donck, 
writing  twenty  years  later,  does  not  appear  to  have  obtained 
more  definite  knowledge  than  his  predecessors. 

From  information  subsequently  obtained,  however,  and  es 
pecially  that  furnished  by  treaties  and  other  documentary  papers, 
it  would  appear  that  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  the  Mahicans 
held  possession,  under  sub-tribal  organizations,  of  the  east  bank 
of  the  river  from  an  undefined  point  north  of  Albany  to  the  sea, 
including  Long  Island  ;  that  their  dominion  extended  e^st  to 
the  Connecticut,  where  they  joined  kindred  tribes  ;  that  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Hudson  they  ran  down  as  far  as  Catskill,  and 
west  to  Schenectady ;  that  they  were  met  on  the  west  by  the 
territory  of  the  Mohawks^  and  on  the  south  by  chieftaincies 

1  Seventy-five  English  miles. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  35 

acknowledging  the  supremacy  of  the  Mlnsls,  a  totemic  tribe  of 
the  Lenni  Lenapes,  and  that  the  territory  of  the  latter  extended 
thence  to  the  sea,  and  west  to  and  beyond  the  Delaware 'river. 

Pending  the  early  operations  of  the  Dutch  traders,  this  ori 
ginal  classification  was  somewhat  changed.  The  Mahlcans 
sold  a  considerable  portion  of  their  lands  on  the  west  side  of 
the  river  to  Van  Rensselaer,  retaining  only  a  castle  at  Cohoes 
falls  and  one  at  Katskill,  and  admitted  the  Mohawks  to  territorial 
sovereignty  north  of  the  Mohawk  river.  Although  the  latter 
were  not  in  possession  by  castles  and  villages,  it  may  be  ad 
mitted  tha:,  practically,  as  early  as  1630,  three  great  divisions 
or  nations  were  represented  on  the  Hudson  :  The  iROQyois,1 
the  MAHICANS,  and  the  LENNI  LENAPES,  or  Delawares  as  they 
were  more  modernly  known.  The  first  of  these  nations,-  the 
IROQUOIS,  was  represented  by  a  tribe  called  by  themselves 
Kayingehaga  ;  by  their  enemies,  the  Mahicans,  the  Maquas ;  by 
the  Dutch,  Makwaes;  by  the  English,  Mohawks,  and  by  the 
French  Agniers.  The  IROQUOIS  CONFEDERACY  2  was,  at  this 
time,  composed  of  five  tribes  under  the  modern  names  of 
Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas  and  bore  the 
title  of  Aquinoshioni  or  Konoshiont,  that  is,  Cabin-makers,  or 
People  of  the  Long  House,  as  applied  to  their  territorial  posses 
sions  and  national  organization.  That  "  long  house  "  subse 
quently  reached  from  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  to  the  shores  of 
Lake  Erie,  and  from  the  Katskill  range  to  the  St.  Lawrence  — 
the  Eastern  door  guarded  by  the  Mohawks  and  the  western  by 
the  Senecas. 

The  traditions  held  by  the  Iroquois  respecting  their  origin 
and  confederate  organization^  are  that,  like  the  Athenian,  they 
sprung  from  the  earth  itself.  In  remote  ages  they  had  been 
confined  under  a  mountain  near  the  falls  of  the  Osh-wah-kee, 

1  The  appellation,  Iroquois,  was  first  a  Co/den's  History  of  the  Six  Nations ; 
applied  to  them  by  the  French,  because  Schooler affs  Notes  on  the  Iroquois;  Dun- 
they  usually  began  and  finished  their  dis-  lap's  Hist.  Neiv  York  •  fates  &  Monitor? s 
courses  or  palaver  with  the  word  hiro,  History  New  York;  O'Callaghan's  Neiv 
which  means  either  "I  say,"  or  "I  have  Netherlands  BrodheacTs  Neiv  York,  etc. 
said,"  combined  as  an  affix  with  the  word  3  The  Iroquois  tribes  are  classed  by 
kong,  an  exclamation  expressing  joy  or  Gallatin  in  three  divisions  :  eastern, 
sorrow  according  as  it  was  pronounced  western,  and  southern.  The  eastern  con- 
long  or  short." — Garncaus  History  of  sisted  of  the  confederation  known  as  the 
Canada.  Five  Nations,  the  western  of  the  Wy- 


36  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

1 
or  Oswego  river,  whence  they  were  released  by  Tharonhyjagon^ 

the  Holder  of  the  Heavens.  Bidding  them  go  forth  to  the 
east,  he  guided  them  to  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  follow 
ing  its  stream  they  reached  the  Hudson,  which  some  of  them 
descended  to  the  sea.  Retracing  their  steps  towards  the  west, 
they  originated,  in  their  order  and  position,  the  Mohawks^ 
Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  Senecas,  and  Tuscaroras,  six  nations ; 
but  the  Tuscaroras  wandered  away  to  the  south  and  settled  on 
the  Cautano,  or  Neuse  river,  in  North  Carolina,  reducing  the 
number  to  five  nations. 

Each  of  the  tribes  thus  originated  was  independent  of  the 
others,  and  warred  with  each  other,  as  well  as  with  the  sur 
rounding  tribes.  Tharonhyjagon  still  remained  with  the  tribes  ; 
gave  them  seeds  of  various  kinds,  with  the  proper  knowledge 
for  planting  them  ;  taught  them  how  to  kill  and  roast  game  ; 
made  the  forests  free  to  all  the  tribes  to  hunt,  and  removed 
obstructions  from  the  streams.  After  this  he  laid  aside  his 
divine  character  and  resolved  to  live  with  the  Onondagas,  that 
he  might  exemplify  the  maxims  he  had  taught.  For  this  pur 
pose  he  selected  a  handsome  spot  of  ground  on  the  southern 
banks  of  the  lake  called  Teonto,  being  the  sheet  of  water  now 
known  as  Cross  lake.1  Here  he  built  a  cabin,  and  took  a  wife 
of  the  Onondagas,  by  whom  he  had  an  only  daughter,  whom  he 
tenderly  loved,  and  most  kindly  and  carefully  treated  and  in 
structed.  The  excellence  of  his  character,  and  his  great  saga 
city  and  good  counsels,  led  the  people  to  view  him  with  venera 
tion,  and  they  gave  him  the  name  of  Hi-a-wat-ha,  signifying  a 
very  wise  man.  From  all  quarters  people  came  to  him  for 
advice,  and  in  this  manner  all  power  came  naturally  into  his 
hands,  and  he  was  regarded  as  the  first  chief  in  all  the  land. 
Under  his  teachings  the  Onondagas  became  the  first  among  all 
the  original  clans.  They  were  the  wisest  counselors,  the  best 
orators,  the  most  expert  hunters,  and  the  bravest  warriors. 


andots,  or  Hurons,  and  the  Attiouanda-  The  Tuscaroras  and  Tutelos  removed  to  the 

rons,  or  neutral  nation,   north,    and   the  north,  the  former  in  1714  and  the  latter 

Erigas   and   Andastes,  or  Guandastogues  in   1758,   and  were   incorporated  in  the 

(Guyandots),  south   of  Lake    Erie ;  the  Five  Nations,  the   former  becoming  the 

southern,  of  the  Tuscaroras,  the  Tutelos,  sixth  member  of  the  confederacy, 
and   the   Nottowas,   of  North  Carolina.          l  Schooler af is  Notes  on  the  Iroquois,  273. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  37 

t  Hence  the  Onondagas  were  early  noted  among  all  the  tribes  for 
"heir  preeminence. 

While  Hiawatha  was  thus  living  in  quiet  among  the  "  people 
of  the  hills,"  the  tribes  were  attacked  by  a  furious  and  powerful 
enemy  from  the  north  of  the  great  lakes.  This  enemy  ad 
vanced  into  the  country  and  laid  waste  the  villages,  and 
slaughtered  men,  women  and  children,  until  the  people  had  no 
heart  to  oppose  the  invaders.  In  this  emergency  they  fled  to 
Hiawatha  for  advice,  who  counseled  them  to  call  together  all 
the  tribes  from  the  east,  and  the  west,  "  for,"  said  he,  "  our 
safety  is  not  alone  in  the  club  and  dart,  but  in  wise  counsels." 
He  appointed  a  place  on  the  banks  of  the^  Onondaga  lake  for 
the  meeting,  and  thither  the  chiefs,  warriors,  and  head  men 
forthwith  assembled  in  large  numbers,  bringing  with  them  their 
worrien  and  children. 

41  The  council  had  been  waiting  for  three  days,  but  as  yet 
Hiawatha  was  absent.  Messengers  were  dispatched  to  hasten 
his  attendance,  but  they  found  him  gloomy  and  depressed.  He 
told  them  that  evil  lay  in  his  path,  and  felt  that  he  should 
be  called  to  make  some  great  sacrifice  ;  nevertheless  he  would 
attend  the  council.  The  talismanic  white  canoe,  in  which  he 
always  made  his  voyages,  and  which  the  people  had  learned  to 
reverence,  was  got  out  and  Hiawatha  and  his  daughter  took 
their  seats.  Gliding  silently  down  the  deep  waters  of  the 
Seneca,  the  canoe  reached  the  outlet  and  entered  on  the  placid 
Onondaga.  As  the  canoe  of  the  venerated  chief  appeared,  he 
was  welcomed  with  loud  shouts  ;  but  while  he  was  measuring 
his  steps  towards  the  council  ground,  a  long  and  low  sound  was 
heard,  and  instantly  all  eyes  were  turned  upward,  where  a  com 
pact  mass  of  cloudy  darkness  appeared,  which  gathered  size  and 
velocity  as  it  approached,  and  appeared  to  be  directed  inevitably 
to  fall  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly.  Every  one  fled  but 
Hiawatha  and  his  daughter,  who  calmly  awaited  the  issue. 
The  force  of  the  descending  body  was  like  that  of  a  sudden 
storm  ;  and  hardly  had  Hiawqtha  paused,  when  an  immense 
bkd,  with  long  distended  wings,  came  down,  with  a  swoop,  and 
crushed  the  daughter  to  the  earth.  The  very  semblance  of  a 
human  being  was  destroyed  in  tne  remains  of  the  girl,  and  the 


38  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

head  and  neck  of  the  bird  were  buried  in  the  ground  from  the* 
force  of  the  fall. 

Hiawatha  was  inconsolable  for  several  days  ;  but  at  length 
took  his  place  in  the  council  and  the  deliberations  opened.  The 
subject  of  the  invasion  was  discussed  by  several  of  the  ablest 
counselors,  and  various  plans  proposed  to  foil  the  enemy.  Hia 
watha  listened  to  the  debate,  and  at  its  conclusion  bade  the 
warriors  depart  until  the  next  day  when  he  would  unfold  his 
plan,  which  he  felt' confident  would  ensure  safety. 

The  council  again  met ;  and  with  even  more  than  ordinary 
attention  the  people  listened  to  the  words  of  their  great  chief. 
Hiawatha  counseled  them,  that  "  to  oppose  these  hordes  of 
northern  tribes  singly  and  alone,  would  prove  certain  destruc 
tion  ; "  that  to  oppose  them  successfully,  the  tribes  must  unite 
in  ".one  common  band  of  brothers,"  must  have  one  voice, 
one  fire,  one  pipe,  and  one  war  club.  In  the  confederacy  which 
he  proposed  should  be  formed,  the  several  tribes  were  assigned 
the  position  they  were  to  thereafter  occupy  ;  and,  in  conclusion, 
he  urged  them  to  weigh  well  his  words  ;  that  if  they  should 
unite  in  the  bond  he  had  proposed,  the  Great  Spirit  would  smile 
upon  them,  and  they  would  be  free,  prosperous  and  happy  ;  but 
if  they  rejected  it,  they  would  be  "  enslaved,  ruined,  perhaps 
annihilated  forever." 

The  tribes  received  the  address  in  solemn  silence  ;  and  the 
council  closed  to  deliberate  on  the  plan  recommended.  As 
sembling  the  next  day,  the  union  of  the  tribes  into  one  con 
federacy  was  discussed  and  unanimously  adopted.  Pending  this 
result,  Hiawatha,  warned  by  the  death  of  his  daughter  that  his 
mission  was  accomplished,  prepared  to  make  his  final  departure 
from  earth.  Before  the  council  dispersed,  he  recounted  the 
services  he  had  rendered  to  his  people,  and  urged  them  to  pre 
serve  the  union  they  had  formed.  "  If  you  preserve  this,"  said 
he,  u  and  admit  no  foreign  element  of  power,  by  the  admission 
of  other  nations,  you  will  always  be  free,  numerous  and  happy. 
If  other  tribes  and  nations  are  admitted  to  your  councils,  they 
will  sow  the  seeds  of  jealousy  and  discord,  and  you  will  become 
few,  feeble  and  enslaved.  Remember  these  words,  they  are 
the  last  you  will  hear  from  the  lips  of  Hiawatha.  The  Great 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  39 

Master  of  breath  calls  me  to  go.  I  have  patiently  waited  his 
summons.  I  am  ready  to  go.  Farewell."  As  his  voice 
ceased,  sweet  sounds,  from  the  air,  burst  on  the  ears  of  the 
multitude  ;  and  while  all  attention  was  engrossed  in  the  celestial 
melody,  Hiawatha  was  seen,  seated  in  his  white  canoe,  in  the 
mid-air,  rising  with  every  choral  chant  that  burst  out,  till  the 
clouds  shut  out  the  sight  and  the  melody  ceased.  Every  war 
rior  now  plucked  a  feather  from  the  great  bird  as  a  memorial, 
and  took  their  departure.1 

The  precise  date  of  the  formation  of  the  confederacy  cannot, 
of  course,   be  ascertained.     Pyrlaus,   a  missionary  among  the 
Mohawks,    states   as  the  result  of  his  investigations,    that    the 
alliance   took  place  "  one  age,   or  the  length  of  a  man's  life, 
before   the   white    people  came  into  the  country."     Another 
writer  fixes  the  date  at  1414  ;  while  a  third  confirms  the  state 
ment  of  Pyrlaus.2     Whatever  may  have  been  its  date,  it  was  a 
practical  and  effective  alliance  by  which  the  democratic  principle, 
which  was  the  basis  of  the   government  of  the  cantons,  was 
extended  to  the  expression  of  the  national  will.     The  general 
head  had  few  powers,  but  the  determination  of  the  tribes,  in 
regard  to  matters  in  which  they  had  a  common  interest,  when 
announced  from  the  general  council  at  Onondaga,  carried  with 
it  the  united  voice  of  an  empire.     The  active  government  was 
confined  to  the  tribes  or  cantons,  which  were  independent  states. 
Each  had  its  own  chiefs,  civil  and  military,  and  its  own  council, 
and   was  represented  in  general  councils  by  sachems  exercising 
the  power  of  delegates.     These  delegates,  however,  spoke  the 
popular  will  of  the  tribes   they  represented,  and   to   determine 
their  action  they  were  not  permitted   to  approve   any  measure 
which   the    tribe    had    not    endorsed    by    an    unanimous    vote. 
Indeed,    the  unanimous   principle   was  the    ruling   one  of  the 
confederacy.     Tribes   might  declare  war  and  conclude  peace, 
and  exercise  all  powers  of  sovereignty  on  their  own  account, 

1  Schoolcraffs  Notes,  278,  etc.  pelled  to  join  it.     Those  two  tribes  were 

"*  Schooler affs     Notes,    1 1 8,    1 20,    etc.  the  younger,  and  the  three  others  the  older 

"The   time  when  the   confederacy  was  members  of  the  confederacy." — Galla- 

formed  is  not  known,  but  it  was  presumed  tin.      "The    Oneidas^  and    Cayugas    are 

to  be  of  a  recent  date,  and  the  Oneidas  their  children." — Zinxcndorf. 
and  Cayugas  are  said  to  have  been  com- 


40  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

but  national  or  confederated  action  required  the  concurrence  of 
all  the  tribes,  and  hence,  when  a  decision  was  made,  it  was 
clothed  with  all  the  power  of  the  most  full  popular  will.1  There 
was  no  female  suffrage  among  them,  and  yet  females  had  the 
power,  by  adoption,  to  rescue  prisoners  from  death,  and  to  com 
mand  a  cessation  of  war.  When  so  determined  by  the  matrons, 
the  braves  returned  from  the  conflict  without  compromiting  the 
character  of  the  tribe  for  bravery.  But  this  feature  in  their 
customs  was  common  to  all  the  Indian  nations.  It  remains  to 
be  shown  that  they  had  any  forms  of  government  peculiar 
to  themselves.  Their  power  was  in  their  confederation, 
and  in  this  they  apparently  differed  from  other  nations  only 
in  the  number  of  tribes  and  in  the  perpetuity  of  the  organiza 
tion,  other  nations  securing  the  same  results,  in  case  of  war, 
by  temporary  alliances. 

A  view  of  their  national  council  is  furnished  by  Loskiel,  who 
says  that  in  1745,  Spangenberg,  one  of  the  Moravian  bishops, 
spent  several  weeks  at  Onondaga,  and  frequently  attended  its 
sessions.  -"  The  council-house  was  built  of  bark.  On  each 
side  six  seats  were  placed,  each  containing  six  persons.  No  one 
was  admitted  besides  the  members  of  the  council,  except  a  few, 
who  were  particularly  honored.  If  one  arose  to  speak,  all  the 
rest  sat  in  profound  silence,  smoking  their  pipes.  The  speaker 
uttered  his  words  in  a  singing  tone,  always  rising  a  few  notes  at 
the  close  of  each  sentence.  Whatever  was  pleasing  to  the 
council  was  confirmed  by  all  with  the  word  nee,  or  yes.  And 
at  the  end  of  each  speech,  the  whole  company  joined  in  ap 
plauding  the  speaker  by  calling  hobo.  At  noon,  two  men 
entered,  bearing  a  large  kettle  filled  with  meat  upon  a  pole 
across  their  shoulders,  which  was  first  presented  to  the  guests. 
A  large  wooden  ladle  as  broad  and  deep  as  a  common  bowl, 
hung  with  a  hook  to  the  side  of  the  kettle,  with  which  every 
one  might  at  once  help  himself  to  as  much  as  he  could  eat. 

1  The  difference  between  confederated  feated.      In  1763,  Johnson  did  not  class 

and  tribal  action  has  many  illustrations  the  Senecas  among  the  "  friendly  tribes," 

in  the  history  of  the  times  in  which  they  and  in  1775  ^e  English  were   compelled 

took    a    conspicuous    part.       It    became  to  resort  to  tribal  alliances,  in  view  of  the 

very  difficult  indeed   to   secure  unity   of  determination  of  the  council  in  favor  of 

action  in  favor  of  the  English  at  different  neutrality, 
times,  and  in   1755   it  was  entirely  de- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  41 

The  whole  was  conducted  in  a  very  decent  and  quiet  manner. 
Indeed,  now  and  then  one  or  the  other  would  lie  flat  upon  his 
back  and  rest  himself,  and  sometimes  they  would  stop,  joke  and 
laugh  heartily." 

The  second  of  the  national  divisions  was  the  MAHICANS, 
called  by  the  Dutch,  Maikans,  and,  by  the  French  missionaries, 
"  the  nine  nations  of  Mankingansf  gathered  between  Manhattan 
and  the  environs  of  Quebec."  The  several  nations  composing 
the  confederacy  have  never  been  designated,  although  certain 
general  divisions  appear  under  the  titles  of  the  Mabicans,  the 
Soquatucks,  the  Horicons,  the  Pennacooks,  the  Nipmufks,  the 
Abenaquis,  the  Nawaas,  the  Sequins,  and  the  Wappingers,  which, 
in  confederated  action,  may  be  classed  under  the  generic  name 
of  Abenaqui,  or  Wapanackki,  that  is,  Men  of  the  East.  The 
representative. nation  of  the  confederacy  on  the  Hudson,  the 
Mabican,  appears  to  have  taken  original  position  there,  and  to 
have  sent  out  subduing  colonies  .to  the  south  and  east,  originat 
ing  other  national  combinations.  To  the  noble  stream  upon 
which  they  were  found  by  the  Dutch  they  gave  their  name,  the 
Mahicanituck  ;  and  kindled  their  ancient  council-fire  at  Scho- 
dac,  opposite  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Albany.  To  trace 
their  movements  prior  to  the  discovery,  tradition  and  theory 
must  be  blended.  It  may  be  presumed  that  in  the  course  of 
the  ages  they  seized  the  head  waters  of  the  Connecticut,  the 
Housatonic,  and  the  Hudson,  and  from  their  inland  position 
rolled  a  savage  horde  upon  the  sea-coast,  giving  birth  to  the 
Pequots  and  the  Narragansetts,2  and  from  thence  overrunning 
the  tribes  on  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  of  New  York 
and  the  adjacent  islands,  and  reuniting  with  the  parent  stock  as 
one  independent  tribe  in  the  position  in  which  they  were  found 

1  Muhhekaneeiv  is  the  orthography  of  planted    by   the     English,"     that     they, 
the  original  name  as  given  by  Dr.  Ed-  "  being  a  more  fierce,  cruel,  and  warlike 
wards,    for    many    years    among    them,  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came 
The   Dutch  called  them  Mahikanders  ;  down  out  of  the  inland  parts  of  the  con- 
the  French  knew  them  as  the    Mouri-  tinent,    and    by    force    seized    upon    the 
gans  and  Manhingans  5  the    English    as  goodliest  places  near  the  sea,  and  became 
the  Mohiccons,  Mohegans,  Muhheeck-  a  terror  to  all  their  neighbors." — Indian 
anew,  etc.  Wars,    14.      The    relationship    between 

2  Hubbard,  referring  to    the    Pequots,  the  Mahicans  and  Pequots  is  so  conclu- 
says  that    it    was  "  commonly  reported,  sively  shown  that  one  must  have  appa- 
about  the  time  when  New  England  was  rently  originated  the  other. 


42  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

by  the  Dutch  under  the  names  of  Wappingers,  Montauks  and 
Mahicans. 

The  tradition  which  the  Mahicans  give  of  their  origin  states  : 
"  The  country  formerly  owned  by  the  Muhheakunnuk  nation, 
was  situated  partly  in  Massachusetts,  and  partly  in  the  states  of 
Vermont  and  New  York.  The  inhabitants  dwelt  chiefly  in 
little  towns  and  villages.  Their  chief  seat  *was  on  Hudson's 
river,  now  it  is  called  Albany,  which  was  called  Pempotowwut- 
hut-Muhhecanneuw,  or  the  fire-place  of  the  Muhheakunnuk 
nation,  where  their  allies  used  to  come  on  any  business  whether 
relative  to  the  covenants  of  their  friendship  or  other  matters. 
The  etymology  of  the  word  Muhheakunnuk,  according  to 
original  signification,  is  great  waters  or  sea,  which  are  constantly 
in  motion,  either  ebbing  or  flowing.  Our  forefathers  asserted 
that  they  were  emigrants  from  west-by-north  of  another  country  ; 
that  they  passed  over  great  waters,  where  this  and  the  other 
country  are  nearly  connected,  called  Ukhkokpeck  ;  it  signifies 
snake  water  or  water  where  snakes  are  abundant ;  and  that  they 
lived  by  side  of  a  great  water  or  sea,  from  whence  they  derive 
the  name  of  Muhheakunnuk  nation.  Muhheakunneuw  signifies 
a  man  of  Muhheakunnuk  tribe.  Muhheakunneyuk  is  a  plural 
number.  As  they  were  coming  from  the  west  they  found  many 
great  waters,  but  none  of  them  flowing  and  ebbing  like  Muh 
heakunnuk  until  they  came  to  Hudson's  river  ;  then  they  said 
one  to  another,  this  is  like  Muhheakunnuk  our  nativity.  And 
when  they  found  grain  was  very  plenty  in  that  country,  they 
agreed  to  kindle  a  fire  there  and  hang  a  kettle,  whereof  they 
and  their  children  after  them  might  dip  out  their  daily  refresh 
ment.  That  before  they  began  to  decay,  our  forefathers  in 
formed  us  that  the  Muhheakunnuk  nation  could  then  raise  about 
one  thousand  warriors  who  could  turn  out  at  any  emergency."1 

The  government  of  the  Mahicans  was  a  democracy.  They 
had  a  chief  sachem,  chosen  by  the  nation,  upon  whom  they 
looked  as  conductor  and  promoter  of  the  general  welfare. 
This  office  was  hereditary  by  the  lineage  of  the  wife  of  the 
sachem  ;  that  is,  the  selection  of  a  successor,  on  the  death  of  a 

1  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Collec-  tradition  bears  the  impress  of  the  theories 
tionsy  ix,  101.  In  some  of  its  parts  this  entertained  by  the  early  missionaries. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  43 

sachem,  was  confined  to  the  female  branch  of  the  family.  The 
sachem  was  assisted  by  counselors,  and  also  by  one  hero,  one 
owl,  and  one  runner ;  the  rest  of  the  nation  were  called 
young  men  or  warriors.  The  sachem,  or  more  properly  king, 
remained  at  all  times  with  his  tribe  and  consulted  their  welfare  ; 
he  had  charge  of  the  mnoti,  or  bag  of  peace,  which  contained 
the  belts  and  strings  used  to  establish  peace  and  friendship  with 
different  nations,  and  concluded  all  treaties  on  behalf  of  his 
people.  The  counselors  were  elected,  and  were  called  chiefs. 
Their  business  was  to  consult  with  their  sacrtem  in  promoting 
the  peace  and  happiness  of  their  people.  The  title  of  hero 
was  gotten  only  by  courage  and  prudence  in  war.  When  a 
war-alliance  was  asked,  or  cause  for  war  existed  with  another 
tribe,  the  sachem  and  the  counselors  consulted,  and  if  they 
concluded  to  take  up  the  hatchet,  the  matter  was  put  in  the 
hands  of  the  heroes  for  execution.  When  peace  was  proposed, 
the  heroes  put  the  negotiations  in  the  hands  of  the  sachem 
and  counselors.  The  office  of  owl  was  also  one  of  merit. 
He  must  have  a  strong  memory,  and  must  be  a  good  speaker. 
His  business  was  to  sit  beside  his  sachem,-  and  proclaim  his 
orders  to  the  people  with  a  loud  voice  ;  and  also  to  get  up  every 
morning  as  soon  as  day-light  and  arouse  the  .people,  and  order 
them  to  their  daily  duties.  The  business  of  runner  was  to 
carry  messages,  and  to  convene  councils.1 

Precisely  what  relation  the  Mahlcans  of  the  Hudson  sustained 
to  the  Mohegans  under  Uncas,  is  not  known.  Uncas,  it  will 
be  remembered,  was  a  Pequot  chief,  and  as  such  occupied  a 
district  of  country  between  the  Thames  and  the  Connecticut, 
called  Mohegoneak.2  After  an  unsuccessful  conflict  with  the 
tribe  to  which  he  belonged,  he  fled,  with  some  fifty  of  his 

1  Stockbridge,  Past  and  Present.  of  New  London,  Groton  and  Stonington. 

2  The  Pequot    and    Mohegan    country  All  the  tract  above  this,  as  far  north  and 
lay  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  Nehan-  east  as  has  been  described,  was  the  Mo- 
ticks  (in  Lyme),  from  Connecticut  river  hegan  country ;   and  most,  if  not  all,  the 
to  the  eastern   boundary  line  of  the  co-  towns  held  their  deeds  from  Uncas  or  his 
lony,  and  north-east  or  north  of  its  north-  successors.     Dr.  Trumbull,  in  his  History 
ern     boundary   line.       This     tract    was  of  Connecticut,     expresses      the     opinion, 
thirty    miles  square,    and    included    the  that  the  Pequots  and  Mohegans  were  one 
counties    of    New    London,    Windham,  tribe   and   took   their  names   "  from  the 
and  the  principal  parts  of  the  county  of  place  of  their  situation." — Massachusetts 
Tolland.      The    Pequot    country    proper  Historical  Society  Collections,  ix,  79. 

was  principally  within  jthe  three   towns 

6 


44 


THE  INDUN  TRIBES 


followers,  to  Hartford,  where  he  formed  an  alliance  with  the 
English  in  1638.  In  the  subsequent  wars  between  the  English 
and  the  Pequots,  he  remained  faithful  to  the  former,  and,  when 
the  Pequots  were  blotted  out  as  a  nation,1  received  a  portion  of 
its  survivors  as  his  reward.  He  subsequently  became  one  of 
the  most  powerful  chiefs  of  the  country,  and  the  petted  favorite 
of  the  English  of  Connecticut.  Originally  of  the  same  stock  ; 2 
controlled  by  the  same  traditionary  hostility  to  the  Mohawks  ; 
influenced  by  the  conflict  for  jurisdiction  between  the  Dutch 
and  the  English  "to  the  Connecticut,  it  is  not  at  all  improbable 
that  he  was  frequently  found  sustaining  his  brethren  on  the 
Hfudson,  and  that  they  in  turn  recruited  his  numbers  to  some 
extent.3  The  organization  under  Uncas,  however,  was  clearly 
distinct  from  that  of  the  Hudson  confederacy.4  The  latter 
were  powerful  in  themselves,  and  in  their  recognized  confede 
rated  allies,  and  successfully  disputed  the  prowess  of  their 
Mohawk  rivals. 

The  third  of  the  great  divisions  or  confederations  represented 
on  the  Hudson  was  the  LENNI  LENAPES,  a  name  which  they 
applied  to  themselves,  and  which  has  had  various  interpretations, 
among  others,  that  of  original  people,  and  unmixed  people.  » 
They  were  also  called  by  [the  generic  name  of  Wapanachki, 

1  By  the  terms  of  peace  which  closed 
the  Pequot  war,  that  nation  were  not  to 
live  in  their  ancient  country,  nor  be  called 
by  their  ancient  name,  but  to  become 
Narragansetts  and  Mohegans.  The 
name  of  their  ancient  river  was  changed  to 
Thames,  and  their  territory  was  to  be  con- 
sidered  the  property  of  the  English. — Rhode 
Island  Historical  Society  Collections,  m,  177. 

2 "And  the  identity  of  name  between 
the  Makicans  of  the  Hudson  and  the 
Mobegans  of  East  Connecticut,  induces 
the  belief  that  all  those  tribes  belonged 
to  the  same  stock." — Gallatin,  n,  34. 
"  The  Pequots  and  Mohegans  were  appa 
rently  originally  of  the  same  race  with 
the  Mohicans,  Mohegans,  or  Mohican- 
ders,  who  lived  on  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson." — De  Forest's  History  of  the  In 
dians  of  Connecticut. 

3  "  Some  Mahicanders  are  at  Hertford 
in  consultation  with  others  the  rivers  and 
Northern  Indians." — Col.  Nichols,  June 
25,  1666;  Colonial  History ,  in,  117. 


4  This  fact  cannot  be  too  distinctly 
recognized.  The  Mobegans  were  an 
exclusively  Eastern  Connecticut  tribe  and 
in  alliance  with  the  government  of  that 
province  ;  the  Mahicans  of  New  York 
differed  from  them  in  their  dialect,  in  the 
territory  which  they  occupied,  and  in 
their  alliances ;  having  in  the  latter  re 
spect  a  nominal  representation  with  the 
authorities  of  New  York  and  a  positive 
one  with  Massachusetts.  The  Mohegans 
of  Connecticut  were  one  of  the  very  few 
tribes  whose  organization  and  subsequent 
history  is  a  matter  of  record  5  the  Ma- 
bicans  of  the  Hudson  ante-date  all  human 
knowledge. 

6  "  The  term  Lenape"  says  Schoolcraft, 
"  appears  to  carry  the  same  meaning  as 
inaba,  a  male,  and  the  word  was  proba 
bly  used  nationally,  and  with  emphasis 
in  the  sense  of  men."  "  I  have  called 
them  simply  Lenapc,  as  they  do  them 
selves  in  most  instances." — Hcckeiuelder. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


45 


or  Men  of  the  East.1  Their  territory  extended  from  the 
KatskiK  mountains  south  to  the  Potomac,  occupying  the  region 
watered  by  the  Hudson,  the  Delaware,2  the  Susquehanna  and 
the  Potomac.  The  site  of  their  ancient  council-fire  was  at 
what  is  now  Philadelphia,  on  the  bank  of  the  Lenapewihituk, 
or  Delaware  river ;  Lenape,  the  term  given  to  themselves,  and 
ituk  a  geographical  equivalent  for  the  English  word  domain  or 
territory.3 

According  to  tradition  4  handed  down  from  their  ancestors, 
the  Lennl  Lenapes  resided  for  many  centuries  in  a  very  distant 
country,  in  the  western  part  of  the  American  continent.  Hav 
ing  resolved  to  move  eastward,  they  set  out  in  a  body  in  search 
of  a  new  home ;  and  after  a  long  journey  and  many  nights 
encampment,  (i.  e.,  halts  of  one  year  at  a  place),  they  reached 
the  Namaesl  Sipee  (Mississippi),  where  they  fell  in  with  another 
nation,  the  Mengwe,  or  Iroquois,  who  had  also  emigrated  from 
a  distant  country  for  the  same  purpose.  The  region  east  of 
the  Mississippi  was  occupied  by  the  Allegewi  (Alleghany),  a 
powerful  and  partially  civilized  people,  having  numerous  large 
towns  defended  by  Regular  fortifications  and  entrenchments.5 

1 "  These  people  are  known  and  called 
by  all  the  western,  northern  and  some  of 
the  southern  nations  by  the  name  of 
Wappanachki,  which  the  Europeans 
have  corrupted  into  Apenaki,  Openagi, 
Abenaquis,  and  Abenakis.  All  these 
names,  however  differently  written,  and 
improperly  understood  by  authors,  point 
to  one  and  the  same  people,  the  Lenape, 
who  are  by  this  compound  word  called 
People  at  the  rising  of  the  Sun,  or  as 
we  would  say  Eastlanders ;  and  are 
acknowledged  by  near  forty  tribes,  whom 
we  call  nations.  All  these  nations,  de 
rived  from  the  same  stock,  recognize 
each  other  as  Wappanachki,  which 
among  them  is  a  generic  name." — Hecke- 
iu elder. 

2  Their  territorial  possessions  on  the 
Hudson  are  clearly  defined.  Onderis 
Hocque,  one  of  their  chiefs,  declared  to 
the  Esopus  clans,  at  the  treaty  of  1660  : 
"  Ye  must  not  renew  this  quarrel.  This 
is  not  your  land  ;  it  is  our  land.  There 
fore  repeat  not  this,  but  throw  down  the 
hatchet.  Tread  it  so  deeply  in  the  earth 
that  it  shall  never  be  taken  up  again." 


In  the  controversy  in  reference  to  the 
Hardenbergh  tract,  in  1769,  one  Dr. 
Shuckburgh  stated  that  he  was  present  at 
a  conference  in  1734,  in  which  the  chiefs 
of  Schoharie,  Seth  and  Hance,  "  told  the 
Esopus  or  Delawares  that  if  they  ever 
attempted  to  sell  lands  west  of  the  Kats- 
kill  hills,  they  would  kill  them."  An 
Oneida  Indian,  whose  father  was  chief 
sachem  of  Oneida,  "  and  their  oracle  in 
all  matters  of  antiquity,"  heard  his 
"  father  often  say  that  the  lands  on  the 
east  of  the  Delaware  was  the  property  of 
the  River  Indians  or  Delawares." — John 
son  Manuscripts,  xvn,  159. 

3  The  capital  of  the  nation  was  subse 
quently  removed  to  Shamokin,  and  from 
thence  to  Wyoming. 

4  No  value  whatever  attaches  to  these 
traditions.      That  which  is  here  recited 
gives  to  them  a  western  origin,  in  face  of 
their  eastern  name. 

5 "  It  is  generally  believed  that  the 
Allcgcwi,  or  AlleghanS)  were  of  Welsh 
origin.  This  belief  rests  on  the  supposed 
voyage  of  Madoc  to  this  continent  in  the 
twelfth  century.  The  Welsh  tradition  is, 


46  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

In  this  country  the  Lenape,  on  their  arrival,  asked  to  settle. 
This  request  was  denied  by  the  Allegewi,  but  permission  was 
granted  to  pass  through  the  territory,  and  seek  a  settlement 
further  eastward.  No  sooner  had  they  commenced  to  cross 
the  Mississippi,  however,  than  the  Allegekui,  perceiving  the  vast 
numbers  of  the  Lenape,  furiously  attacked  them.  The  result  of 
this  treachery  was  a  long  and  bloody  war  between  the  Lenape 
and  their  allies  the  Mengwe,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Allegewi 
on  the  other.  The  latter,  after  protracted  contest,  rinding  them 
selves  unable  to  make  head  against  the  formidable  alliance,  and 
that  their  very  existence,  as  a  distinct  tribe,  was  threatened, 
abandoned  their  ancient  seats  and  fled  down  the  Mississippi, 
from  whence  they  never  again  returned.  Of  course,  their 
lands  were  divided  by  the  conquerors. 

For  a  long  period — some  say  for  several  centuries  —  the 
Mengwe  and  Lenape  dwelt  in  peace  together,  and  both  nations 
rapidly  increased  in  numbers.  At  length  some  of  the  more 
enterprising  of  the  Lenape  huntsmen  and  warriors  crossed  the 
mountains,  pursued  their  travels  near  to  the  great  salt-water  lake 
(Atlantic),  and  discovered  the  great  river  (Delaware).  Going 
on  still  further  eastward  through  the  Sheyickbi  country,  they 
came  to  another  great  stream  (the  Hudson).  On  their  return 
home  they  gave  so  flattering  an  account  of  the  excellence  and 
richness  of  the  regions  thus  discovered,  as  to  induce  the  general 
belief  that  this  was  the  land  which  the  Great  Spirit  designed  for 

that  Madoc's  company  landed  on  some  occupy  the  foreground  of  our  remote 
part  of  New  England  or  Virginia,  and  in  aboriginal  history,  were  a  valiant,  noble 
process  of  time  spread  over  a  great  part  of  and  populous  race,  who  were  advanced  in 
America.  The  investigations  showing  arts  and  the  policy  of  government  and 
the  existence  of  'white  people  in  the  valley  raised  fortifications  for  their  defense, 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  that  they  were  of  which  are  extended  over  the  entire  Mis- 
Welsh  origin,  are  very  interesting.  This  sissippi  valley,  as  high  as  latitude  43°, 
people  spoke  the  Welsh  language  to  a  and  the  lake  country,  reaching  from  Lake 
considerable  extent,  and  claimed  Welsh  St.  Clair  to  the  south  shore  of  Lake  On- 
origin.  For  more  than  a  century  and  a  tario,  and  the  country  of  the  Onondagas 
half,  the  existence  of  this  people  in  the  and  Oneidas." —  Schooler  aft.  Priest  traces 
interior  of  our  country,  has  been  traced." —  the  Allegeivi  from  the  lake  country  to 
TTatcs  and  Moulton.  "  They  occupied  a  the  "  vale  of  Mexico,  where  they  finally 
large  portion  of  the  western  area  of  the  and  permanently  rested,"  and  where  they 
State  of  New  York,  comprising  the  valley  assumed  the  name  of  Aztecas,  or  people 
of  the  Alleghany  river  to  its  utmost  source,  of  the  lakes.  The  course  of  migration 
and  extending  eastwardly  an  undefined  is  marked  by  the  mounds  where  they 
distance.  Our  authorities  do  not  leave  "  rested,"  or  dwelt  temporarily  on  their 
us  in  doubt,  that  this  ancient  people,  who  journey. —  American  Antiquities. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  47 

/ 

their  permanent  abode.  Though  emigrating  at  first  in  small 
numbers,  the  great  body  of  the  nation  at  last  settled  on  the  four 
great  rivers,  Delaware,  Hudson,  Susquehanna  and  Potomac,  and 
kindled  their  council-fire  in  the  centre  of  their  possessions. 
Here  they  became  so  numerous  that  their  descendants  were 
compelled  to  separate  from  them  in  branches,  so  that  nearly 
forty  tribes  honored  them  with  the  title  of  grandfather -,1  a  title 
which  some  of  them  continue  to  apply  to  the  present  day.2 

In  the  government  of  the  Lenapes  the  perfect  liberty  of  the 
people  was  the  fundamental  law,  and  absolute  unanimity  the 
only  recognized  expression  of  the  popular  will.  A  more  per 
fect  system  of  checks  and  balances  the  wisdom  of  civilized 
nations  has  not  devised;  They  were  divided  in  three  tribes,  the 
Unami,  the  Unalachto,  and  the  Minsi,  or  the  Turtle,  the  Turkey, 
and  the  Wolf.  Each  tribe  had  its  chief  and  each  chief  his 
counselors,  the  latter  composed  either  of  experienced  warriors 
or  aged  and  respectable  fathers  of  families.  In  times  of  peace 
nothing  could  be  done  without  the  consent  of  the  council 
unanimously  expressed.  The  chiefs  were  required  to  keep 
good  order,  and  to  decide  in  all  quarrels  and  disputes  ;  but  they 
had  no  power  to  command,  compel,  or  punish  ;  their  only  mode 
of  government  was  persuasion  and  exhortation,  and  in  departing 
from  that  mode  they  were  deposed  by  the  simple  form  of  for 
saking  them.  The  constant  restraint  which  they  were  under 
made  them,  in  general,  the  most  courteous,  affable  and  hospita 
ble  of  men.  Their  legislative  hall  was  usually  in  a  building 
provided  for  that  purpose  ;  the  counselors  were  called  together 
by  a  servant ;  in  the  centre  of  the  room  a  large  fire  was  kindled, 
and  tobacco,  pipes,  and  provisions  provided,  and  the  matter 
under  consideration  disposed  of  after  alternate  smoking,  eating 
and  deliberation,  but  with  the  utmost  gravity. 

In  national  matters  the  chief  of  the  Unami  was  first  in  rank 
and  constituted-  the  head  or  king.  For  this  reason,  while  he 
must  be  a  member  of  that  tribe,  the  selection  of  his  successor, 
in  case  of  his  death,  was  made  by  the  ruling  chiefs  of  the  other 

1  The  tribes  acknowledging  this  relation  appellation  of  Noochivissak  or  my  grand- 

addressed    the   Lenni  Lenapes    with    the  children. —  Yates  and  Moulton. 
title  of  Mochomes,   that  is  to  say,   their         2  Schoolcraft  admits  that  there  is  some 

grandfather,  and  were  received    with  the  reason  to  acquiesce,  "  to  a  certain  extent," 


48  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

tribes.  He  was  required  to  maintain  the  peace  and  covenants 
with  other  nations,  and  to  that  end  to  carry  on  a  kind  of  corre 
spondence  with  them  that  he  might  always  be  acquainted  with 
their  disposition  towards  his  people.  He  also  sent  out  embassies, 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  other  chiefs.  He  was  liable 
to  removal  in  case  of  neglect  of  duty,  or  for  suffering  any  of 
his  people  to  commit  offenses  which  might  involve  the  nation  in 
war.  If,  after  being  admonished  of  his  duty  he  was  still  neg 
lectful  of  it,  he  was  forsaken  and  his  power  was  at  an  end. 
National  councils  were  a  duplication  of  tribal  councils,  except 
that  they  were  composed  of  representatives  selected  by  the 
chiefs  and  counselors  of  the  tribes  and  their  assemblage  held  at 
the  capital.  In  times  of  war  the  powers  of  the  civil  government 
were  suspended.  A  chief  could  not  declare  war  without  the 
consent  of  his  captains',  nor  could  he  accept  a  war-belt  except 
to  transmit  it  to  them,  and  finally,  the  captains  could  not  declare 
war  unless  by  unanimous  assent.  When  war  was  formally 
declared,  the  care  of  the  people  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
captains.  When  terms  of  peace  were  proposed,  civil  govern 
ment  was  resumed  ;  the  chief  again  took  his  place  ;  the  captains 
placed  the  proposals  in  his  hands,  and  he  had  power  to  accept 
or  reject  them.  If  he  accepted  the  proposals,  he  took  the 
hatchet  from  the  hands  of  the  chief  captain,  and  desired  him 
to  sit  down.  This  constituted  a  truce,  and  was  followed  by  the 
appointment  of  embassadors  to  conclude  a  treaty.  All  the 
proceedings  were  accompanied  by  the  gravest  demeanor,  and 
the  most  impressive  dignity.  "  No  stranger  could  visit  their 
councils  without  a  sensation  of  respecxt." 

Law  and  justice,  as  civilized  nations  understand  those  terms, 
were  to  them  unknown,  yet  both  they  had  in  a  degree  suited  to 
their  necessities.  Assaults,  murders,  and  other  acts  regarded 
as  criminal  offenses  by  all  nations,  were  so  regarded  by  them, 
but  the  execution  of  punishment  was  vested-  in  the  injured 
family,  who  were  constituted  judges  as  well  as  executioners, 

in  both   the  claim  to  antiquity  and  their  none  of  the   existing  tribes  in  the  north 

ancient  position,  in  the  great  Algonquin  and  west,  who  are  known  to  us  personally, 

family    of  the   Lenapcs.     He  says  :   "  It  who  do  not  acknowledge  the  ancient  Le- 

is  believed  that  there  are  no  members  of  napes  under  the  title  of  grandfather." 
this    generic    family  of  tribes,    certainly 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  49 

and  who  could  grant  pardons  or  accept  atonements.  The  rights 
of  property  they  understood  and  respected  ;  and  half  their  wars 
were  retaliatory  for  the  taking  of  their  territory  without  making 
just  and  proper  compensation.  There  was  not  a  man  among 
them  that  did  not  know  the  bounds  of  his  own  land  as  accu 
rately  as  though  defined  by  a  surveyor's  chain.  Their  customs 
were  their  unwritten  laws,  more  effective  than  those  which  fill 
the  tomes  of  civilized  governments,  because  taught  to  the  people 
from  infancy  and  woven  into  every  condition  and  necessity  of 
their  being.  Their  chiefs  were  poor  and  without  revenue,  yet 
the  treasury  of  the  nation  was  never  exhausted.  A  more  perfect 
democracy  will  never  exist  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and 
in  this  respect  it  was  distinguished  from  the  government  of  the 
Iroquois,  the  latter  more  nearly  resembling  a  republic  from  the 
greater  number  of  tribes  represented  in  national  councils,  but  in 
other  respects  scarcely  presenting  a  single  contrasting  feature. 

The  names  given  to  the  Lenape  tribes  were  from  their  totems. 
Each  Indian  nation  was  not  only  divided  into  tribes  and  chief 
taincies  or  family  clans,  but  had  peculiar  totemic  classifications. 
Totems  were  rude  but  distinct  devices  or  family  symbols,  denot 
ing  original  consanguinity,  and  were  universally  respected. 
They  were  painted  upon  the  person  of  the  Indian,  and  again 
on  the  gable  end  of  his  cabin,  "  some  in  black,  others  in  red." 
The  wandering  savage  appealed  to  his  totem,  and  was  entitled  to 
the  hospitality  of  the  wigwam  which  bore  the  corresponding  em 
blem.  They  had  other  and  various  uses,  but  the  most  important 
was  the  representation  which  they  made  of  the  tribe  or  family 
to  which  they  belonged  or  were  made  the  emblems.  The 
Iroquois  had  nine,  forming  two  divisions,  one  of  four  tribes 
and  the  other  of  five.  Of  the  first  division  the  emblems  were 
the  Tortoise,  the  Wolf,  the  Bear,  and  the  Beaver.  The 
second  division,  and  subordinate  to  the  first,  were  the  Deer,  the 
Potatoe,  the  Great  Plover,  the  Little  Plover,  and  the  Eagle. 
The  Mohawks  were  represented  by  the  totem  of  the  Bear.1 
The  Lenni  Lenapes  had  three  totemic  tribes  :  the  Turtle,  or 

1  The  Mohawk  sachems  who  presented  bear  you    know    never  yields   while  one 

their  condolence  at  Albany,  in  1690,  on  drop  of  blood   is   left.     We   must  all  be 

the  taking  of  Schenectady,  said  :   "  We  bears." — Schoolcraft. 
are  all  of  the  race  of  the  bear,   and  the 


50  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Unami ; *  the  Turkey,  or  Unalachto,  and  the  Wolf,  or  Minsi. 
The  totems  of  the  Mabicans  were  the  Bear,2  the  Wolf,  and  the 
Turtle.  The  Turkey  and  Turtle  tribes  occupied  the  sea- 
coast  and  the  south-western  shore  of  the  Hudson,  while  the 
Wolf  or  Minsi,  being  much  the  most  warlike  of  the  three, 
served  as  a  sort  of  shield  to  their  more  peaceful  brethren,  and 
watched  the  movements  of  the  Mengwe  or  Iroquois.  Their 
territory  extended  from  the  Katskill  mountains  to  the  head 
waters  of  the  Delaware  and  Susquehanna  rivers,  and  was 
bounded  on  the  east  by  the  Hudson ;  their  council-fire  was 
lighted  at  Minisink.3  The  Turkey  tribe  joined  the  Mlnsi  on 
the  south  somewhere  about  Stony  point.  On  the  west  bank 
of  the  river,  therefore,  there  were  but  two  totemic  Lenape  tribes. 
Above  the  Minsi  came  the  Mabican  totem  of  the  Wolf,  and  on 
the  east  bank  the  Bear  of  that  nation.  Below  the  Mohicans 
from  Roeloff  Jansen's  kill  to  the  sea,  the  Wolf  again  appeared 
as  the  totem  of  the  Wappingers ;  while  the  Montauks  bore  the 
emblem  of  the  Turtle.4  The  prevailing  totem  of  all  the 
Hudson  river  cantons  was  the  Wolf,  borne  alike  by  Minsis, 
Wappingers  and  Mahicans^  leading  the  French  to  call  them  all 
Loups  or  wolves,  and  affording  Mr.  Schoolcraft  the  basis  for  his 

1 "  The  Turtle  tribe,  among  the  Len-  their  protection,  watching  the  motions  of 

apes,  claims^  a  superiority  and  ascendancy  the  Meng<we,  and  being  at  hand  to  afford 

over  the  others  because  of  their  relation  their  aid  in  case  of  rupture  with  them. 

to  the  great  tortoise,  a  fabled  monster,  The    Minsi    were    considered    the    most 

the  Atlas  of  their  mythology,  who  bears,  warlike  and  active  branch  of  the  Lenape. 

according   to   their   traditions,   this  great  They    extended    their    settlements    from 

island,  as   they  term   the   world,  on  his  the  Minisink,  a  place  named  after  them, 

back}  and   also  superior   because   he    is  where   they  had   their   council  seat  and 

amphibious." — fates  and  Moultons  His-  fire,  quite  up  to  the  Hudson  5   and  to  the 

tory.     Politically  the  Turtle  and  Turkey  west,  or  southwest,  far^beyond  the  Susque- 

tribes  were  associated  in  the  same  govern-  hanna  5    their  northern  boundaries  were 

ment,   while   the   Minsis   had   a  distinct  supposed   originally  to   be   the   heads   of 

organization.  the  great  rivers   Susquehanna  and  Dela- 

2  "The  Bear  tribe  was  considered  the  ware,  and  their  southern  .boundaries  that 
leading   totem   and  entitled  to  the  office  ridge  of  hills   known  in   New  Jersey  by 
of  chief  sachem." — Mahican    Tradition,  the  name  of  Muskanecum,  and  in  Penn- 
They  appear  to  have  been  in  occupation  sylvania,  by  those  of  Lehigh,  Coghnewago, 
in  the  vicinity  of  Albany.  etc." — Hcckeiuelder. 

3  The  location    was    about    ten    miles          4  The    classification    is     not    positive, 
south  of  Maghackemek,  in  the  present  There  were  other  than  the  Turtle  totem 
state  of  New  Jersey.     "  The  third  tribe,  on  the  island. 

the  Wolf,  commonly  called  the  Minsi,  6  "  Mohcgan  is  a  word,  the  meaning  of 
which  we  have  corrupted  into  Monscys,  which  is  not  explained  by  the  early  writ- 
had  chosen  to  live  back  of  the  two  other  ers ;  but  if  we  may  trust  the  deductions 
tribes,  and  formed  a  kind  of  bulwark  for  of  philology,  it  needs  create  little  uncer- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  51 

9 

argument  that  the  name  of  the  Mahican  confederacy  was  from 
its  prevailing  totemic  emblem. 

For  dividing  the  territory  of  the  Mahlcans  at  RoelofF  Jansen's 
kill,  and  again  at  Long  Island,  there  is  other  than  totemic  au 
thority.  In  regard  to  the  former,  the  affidavit  of  King  Nim- 
ham  is  on  record,  under  date  of  October  13,  1730,  in  which  it 
is  stated  that  the  deponent  was  "a  River  Indian  of  the  tribe  of 
the  Wappinots,  which  tribe  was  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  the 
eastern  shore  of  Hudson's  river,  from  the  city  of  New  York  to 
about  the  middle  of  Beekman's  patent,"  in  the  northern  part  of 
the  present  county  of  Dutchess  ;  "  that  another  tribe  of  River 
Indians  called  the  Mayhiccondas  were  the  ancient  inhabitants 
of  the  remaining  eastern  shore  of  said  river  ;  that  these  two 
tribes  constituted  one  nation."  The  testimony  in  regard  to  the 
Montauks  is  not  so  clear  and  positive,  but  is  sufficiently  so  to 
indicate  their  status  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  whatever  may 
have  been  their  subsequent  political  relations.  On  the  earliest 
maps  the  island  is  assigned  to  the  Mahicans.  DeRasieres, 
writing  in  1626,  states  that  its  occupation  was  then  by  the  "old 
Manhattans,"  and  intimates  that  they  were  conquered  "by  the 
Wappenos."  While  all  the  eastern  Indians  were  called  Wap- 
penos, x  or  Wapenacki,  the  reference,  in  this  instance,  is 
clearly  specific,  not  general,  and  evidently  refers  to  the  Wappinoo 
or  Wappinger  branch  of  the  Mahicans,  who,  whatever  may  have 

tainly.     In  the   Mohegan,   as  spoken  at  wolf,  or  a  wolf  of  supernatural  power, 

the  present  time  by  their  lineal  descend-  This  was  the  badge  of  arms  of  the  tribe, 

ants,  the    Stockbridges     of    Wisconsin,  rather    than    the    name  of  the    tribe  it- 

Maihtshoiv  is  the  name  of  the  common  self." — Schooler  aft.     Compare    with    the 

wolf.      It  is  called,  in  the  cognate  dialects  statement    of    Capt.    Hendrick,     quoted 

of  the  Algonquin,  Myegan  by  the  Kenis-  ante,  p.  42. 

tenos,  and  Myeengun  by  the  Chippewas,  1  Their  various  tongues  may  be  classed 
etc.  In  the  old  Algonquin,  as  given  by  into  four  distinct  languages,  namely,  Man- 
La  Hontan,  it  is  Mahingan,  and  we  per-  hattan,  Minqua,  Savanoo  and  Wappanoos. 
ceive  that  this  was  the  term  adopted  by  With  the  Manhattans  we  include  those 
the  early  French  writers  for  the  Mohe-  who  live  in  the  neighboring  places  along 
gans.  The  term  itself,  it  is  to  be  under-  the  North  river,  on  Long  Island,  and  at 
stood,  by  which  the  tribe  is  known  to  us,  the  Neversink ;  with  the  Minquas,  we 
is  not  the  true  Indian,  but  has  been  include  the  Senecas,  the  Maquas,  and 
shorn  of  a  part  of  its  true  sound  by  the  other  inland  tribes.  The  Savanoos  are 
early  French,  Dutch  and  English  writers,  '^the  southern  nations  and  the  Wappanoos 
The  modern  tribe  of  the  Mohegans,  to  the  eastern. — Van  der  Donck,  N.  T.  Hist. 
whom  allusion'  has  been  made,  called  Soc.  Coll.,  ad  Series,  i,  zo6;  Wassenaar, 
themselves  Muhhekanleiv .  *  *  Mohcgan  Doc.  Hist.,  in,  46. 
was  a  phrase  to  denote  an  enchanted 


52  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

* 

been  their  origin,  seized  the  southern  part  of  the  peninsula  and 
adjacent  islands,  and  established  themselves  in  the  Highlands. 
Long  anterior  to  Nimham's  affidavit,  however,  the  Montauks 
were  severed  from  the  Mahicans,  and  became  tributaries  to  the 
Dutch  and  to  the  English. 

The  original  supremacy  of  the  IROQUOIS  CONFEDERACY  is 
assumed  by  almost  every  writer  of  Indian  history.  "From 
their  ancient  fortresses,"  says  one  of  their  ardent  but  not  alto 
gether  truthful  admirers,  "war  parties  continually  went  forth  ; 
their  war-cry  sounded  from  the  lakes  to  the  far  west,  and  rolled 
along  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  and  over  the  far-off  fields  of 
the  south.  They  defeated  the  Hurons  under  the  very  walls  of 
Quebec,  put  out  the  council-fires  of  the  Gakkwas  and  the 
Eries*  eradicated  the  Susquehannocks2  and  placed  the  Lenapes, 
under  tribute.  The  terror  of  their  name  went  wherever  their 
war  canoes  paddled,  and  nations  trembled  when  they  heard  the 
name  of  Konoshioni."  Another  asserts  that  "long  before 
European  discovery,  the  question  of  savage  supremacy  had  been 
settled  on  the  waters  of  the  Cahohatatea  ;  "  that  the  "  invinci 
ble  arms "  of  the  Iroquois  "  humbled  every  native  foe."  In 
view  of  the  undeniable  fact  that  there  is  not  a  single  well- 
attested  case  of  subjugation  by  the  Iroquois  until  nearly  half  a 
century  after  "  European  discovery,"  these  fulsome  panegyrics 
may  very  properly  be  subjected  to  analysis. 

While  conceding  to  the  Iroquois,  and  to  their  immediate 
representative  on'the  Hudson,  the  Mohawks,  much  of  the  credit 
which  has  been  claimed  for  them,  justice  to  other  nations  will 
compel  the  acknowledgment  that  the  former  were  aided  in  their 
conquests  and  preserved  in  their  integrity  to  a  very  great  extent 
by  their  early  alliances  with  the  Europeans,  and  especially  by 
their  constitution,  by  the  English  of  New  York,  as  an  armed 
police  over  the  unarmed  tribes  ;  and  further,  that  there  is  scarce 
a  recorded  conquest  by  them  that  is  not  tinged  by  the  unmis- 

1  The  Eries  were  seated  on  the  southern  been  the  same  with  the  Erics  ;  by  others 
shores  of  the  lake  which  still  bears  their  f  that  they  were  subsequently  known  as 

name.     We  only  know  that  they  were  the  Hurons. —  Schoolcraft. 
an  Iroquois  tribe,  and  that  they  were  de-          a  The  Susquehannocks  were  seated  on 

stroyed  in    1655. —  Gallatin.     The   Gab-  the  Susquehanna   river  and   Chesapeake 

favas,  or  Kakkwahs,  were  also  an  Iroquois  bay.     They    were    defeated,    in    conflict 

tribe,  and  are  supposed   by  some  to  have  with  the  English,  at  their  fort  near  Co- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  53 

takeable  fact  that  the  subjugated  tribe  was  contending  against 
civilized  as  well  as  savage  foes.  In  their  early  wars  the  Dutch 
took  no  part,  except  to  exchange  for  their  furs  the  munitions  of 
war  which  they  wanted,  and  to  cultivate  with  them,  for  the  pur 
poses  of  trade,  peace  and  friendship.  To  both,  this  friendly  inter 
course  was  desirable,  and  to  both  a  necessity.  When*  the 
English  came  in  possession  of  the  province,  the  wars  in  which 
the  Indians  had  taken  part  and  were  then  engaged,  the  alliances 
which  they  had  formed  with  the  French,  and  the  positions  which 
they  respectively  occupied,  made  an  alliance  with  the  Iroquois 
but  the  perfection  of  a  condition  of  things  which  had  had  the 
growth  of  over  half  a  century,  and  which  were  destined  to  still 
further  development. 

This  fact  appears  more  clearly  in  connection  with  contempo 
raneous  events.  The  settlement  of  Canada  was  commenced 
in  1604,  under  a  patent  granted  by  Henry  IV  to  Pierre  du  Gast. 
In  1609,  the  year  in  which  Hudson  ascended  the  Mahicanituck, 
Champlain  discovered  the  lake  which  now  bears  his  name.  At 
this  time  the  Mohawks  were  at  war  with  the  northern  tribes, 
and  by  the  mere  force  of  the  circumstances  under  which  he 
was  placed,  he  formed  an  alliance  with  the  latter,  even  agree 
ing  to  assist  them  against  their  enemies.  The  first  result  of 
this  alliance  was  at  a  meeting  of  war  parties  of  the  Mohawks 
and  Hurons  on  Lake  Champlain  at  which  the  former  were 
defeated,  mainly  perhaps  by  the  power  of  the  French  arque 
buses.1  From  that  period  the  tide  of  Algonquin  success  rolled 

lumbia,  with  the  loss  of  several  hundred  out  into  the  lake  from  the  west  side." 
warriors,  and  in  this  weakened  state  were  By  agreement,  hostilities  were  suspended 
conquered  by  the  Oneidas  and  incorpo-  until  the  next  morning,  when  the  Hurons 
rated  with  that  tribe.  When  they  had  led  the  attack.  Running  to  within  two 
forgotten  their  language  they  were  sent  hundred  feet  in  front  of  their  enemy, 
back  to  the  Susquehanna  and  became  they  stopped  and  divided  into  bands  on 
known  as  the  Conestogas. —  Gallatin.  the  right  and  left,  leaving  Champlain  and 
xThis  battle  was  fought  on  the  morn-  his  men  in  the  centre.  The  sudden  ap 
ing  of  the  30th  July,  1609.  Champlain  pearance  of  the  Frenchmen,  and  the 
with  four  of  his  men,  and  accompanied  peculiarity  of  their  arms,  produced  extreme 
by  some  aoo  Hurons,  were  engaged  in  astonishment  in  the  Mohawk  ranks ;  but 
exploring  Lake  Champlain,  when  a  party  what  was  their  dismay  when  the  first 
of  hostile  Mohawks  appeared.  As  the  In- .  report  of  the  arquebuses  fell  upon  their 
dian  practice  was  against  fighting  on  the  ears,  and  they  beheld  two  of  their  chiefs 
water,  both  parties  hurried  to  the  shore,  fall  dead  and  a  third  dangerously  wounded, 
where  they  pitched  for  battle.  The  Mo-  The  contest  was  of  short  duration.  The 
hawks  hastily  entrenched  themselves  with  Mohaiuks  broke  and  fled.  Many  were 
trees  "  at  the  point  of  a  cape  which  runs  killed,  and  some  taken  prisoners.  Not 


54  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

along  the  northern  frontiers  of  the  Iroquots,  and  carried  terror 
into  the  ranks  of  the  Onondagas*  Obtaining  arms  and  powder 
from  the  Dutch,  the  confederacy  recovered  its  position,  and  in 
turn  harassed  the  French  and  their  Indians  in  wars  which  were 
yet  open  when  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutch  was  exchanged  for 
that  6f  the  English. 

That  the  Dutch  were  neutrals  is  evident  from  their  treaties 
with  the  Indians.  Their  first  settlement  was  among  the  Mahi- 
cans  at  what  is  now  Albany,  and  their  intercourse  was  mainly, 
if  not  entirely,  with  that  nation  until  1623,  when  it  is  stated,  the 
Mahicans,  Mohawks^  Oneidas,  Onondagas^  Cayugas^  and  Senecas, 
as  well  as  the  "  far  off  Ottawa  Indians,"  came  "  and  made  cove 
nants  of  friendship  "  with  them,  bringing  to  commander  Joris 
"  great  presents  of  beaver  and  other  peltry,  and  desired  that  they 
might  come  and  have  constant  free  trade  with  them,  which  was 
concluded  upon."  2  It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that  the  nations 
named  were  present  at  one  time,  for  they  were  not  at  peace 
with  each  other ;  there  is  no  mention  made  by  the  Dutch  histo 
rians  of  any  acknowledgment  of  subjugation  by  any  of  the  tribes, 
so  minutely  described  in  one  of  the  early  histories  of  New  York,3 
and  accepted  apparently  without  examination  by  subsequent 
writers.  The  deducible  fact  is  that  none  of  the  tribes  were 
granted  special  privileges,  and  that  there  was  not  the  slightest 
distinction  made  between  them  in  the  terms  of  the  compact. 

During  the  difficulties  with  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of 
Fort  Amsterdam  in  1645,  it  is  said  that  Director  Kieft  visited 
Fort  Orange  and  made  a  treaty  with  the  Mohawks  and  Mahi- 
cans  by  which  their  friendship  was  secured.  Although  O'Cal- 
laghan  4  magnifies  J:he  consequence  of  the  Mohawks  in  this  trans 
action,  and  assumes  that  their  "name  alone,  inspired  terror 
among  all  the  tribes  west  of  the  Connecticut  ;  over  whom  they 
claimed  to  be  sovereign,  and  from  whom  they  exacted  tribute," 

one  of  the  Hurons  was  killed  ;  and  they  so  graphically  described  in  the   story  of 

celebrated  their  victory  on  the   field  of  Hiawatha. 

battle  in  dancing  and  singing. —  Yates  and  .     2  Ifassenaar,   vn,  1 1 }    Doc.  Hist.,  in, 

Moulton.  35,  51. 

1  The  incursions  of  the  French  explor-  *  Yates  and  Moulton's  Hist.  Ne-w  York, 

ing     parties    may    have    been    the    very  346,  347. 

"northern  hordes,"  to  resist  whom  the  *  Hist.  Neio  JNetherlandt  i,  355. 
confederation  was  formed  in  the  manner 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  55 

his  statements  are  defeated  by  the  association  of  the  Mahicans 
in  the  treaty,  by  the  facts  which  he  subsequently  quotes,  and  by 
the  whole  tenor  of  contemporaneous  history.  In  1659,  the 
Mohawks  visited  Fort  Orange  for  the  first  time  to  ask  special 
favors,  and  the  first  visit  to  them,  in  an  official  capacity,  was 
made  by  the  Dutch  soon  after.  There  is  nothing  in  the  pro 
ceedings  of  either  conference  which  establishes  any  other  fact 
than  that  the  Mohawks  desired  an  accommodation  which  the 
Dutch  were  willing  to  grant  only  to  an  extent  that  should 
prevent  the  alliance  of  the  former  with  the  tribes  then 
threatening  hostilities.  In  1660,  they  were  included  in  the 
peace  at  Esopus,  but  neither  in  its  negotiation  nor  its  terms 
was  there  distinction  made  between  the  parties  to  that  treaty. 
Three  years  later  Stuyvesant  distinctly  refused  to  employ  them. 
The  advantage  to  the  Iroquois  from  their  treaty  of  free  trade 
was  great,  but  it  was  made  so  only  by  the  bar  which  their  proxi 
mity  to  Fort  Orange  interposed  to  the  supplying  of  other  nations 
with  whom  they  were  at  war. 

The  treaty  between  Nicolls,  on  the  part  of  the  English,  and 
the  Iroquois,  was  one  of  necessity.  With  the  Mahicans  the 
English  were  already  in  treaty  ;  with  the  Iroquois  alone  they 
had  none.  Nothing  was  changed  by  it,  but  the  change  which 
subsequently  came  was  due  to  other  causes,  and  those  causes 
precisely  what  they  were  a  hundred  years  later.  It  required 
more  than  half  a  century  to  develop  the  result  of  the  opposing 
French  and  English  Indian  alliances,  even  admitting  that  the 
result  was  practically  determined  on  this  continent.  The  war 
between  the  French  Indians  and  the  Iroquois  at  the  north  was 
one  of  alternate  successes  and  reverses,  with  positive  advantages 
undetermined ;  but  at  the  south,  where  the  French  alliance  was 
without  power,  the  Lenapes,  Minsis,  Susquehannas,  dndastesj 
and  other  tribes  became  tributary  to  their  ancient  enemies. 
With  the  progress  of  the  French  in  the  west,  and  the  gathering 
•«* 

1  Note    3,    ante   p.    35.     Raffeix,   the  Brodhcad,  n,  193.     The  wars  of  the  five 

French     missionary,    writes,    in     1672:  nations  against  their  own  kindred,  as  in 

"  God  preserve  the  Andastcs,  who  have  the  case  of  the  Andastes,  Eriesy  etc.,  are 

only   three  hundred  warriors,   and   bless  one  of  the  unexplained  passages  in  their 

their  arms  to  humiliate  the  Iroquois  and  history, 
preserve  to  us  peace  and  our  missions." — 


56  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

thither  of  tribes  retreating  before  the  civilization  which  was 
rolling  upon  them,  the  condition  of  even  the  subjugated  tribes 
improved,  while  the  integrity  of  the  Iroquois  was  compromised. 
What  the  French  lacked  in  position  they  made  up  in  zeal,  and 
pushed  their  priests  and  their  fire-arms  together.  Their  success 
was  far  greater  than  the  English  could  wish.  The  Mohawks 
were  shorn  of  an  entire  canton  of  converts ;  the  flower  of  the 
Mohicans  became  the  trophies  of  the  priests  ;  the  Senecas,  who 
could  call  out  more  warriors  than  their  four  associate  tribes 
combined,  were  detached  almost  entirely,  two  small  villages  only 
retaining  their  allegiance  to  the  English.  A  hundred  years  of 
war  and  diplomacy  gave  the  French  a  very  strong  position,  and 
correspondingly  elevated  the  tribes  with  which  they  were  in 
alliance.  The  English  were  compelled  to  dictate  the  removal 
of  the  petticoat  from  the  Lenapes^  while  the  Mohawks  were 
reduced  to  numbers  comparatively  insignificant,  notwithstanding 
the  efforts  made  to  recruit  them.  How  the  contest  would  have 
ended  had  the  French  remained  in  possession  of  Canada 
and  the  west,  cannot  be  assumed ;  but  the  presumption  is  not' 
unreasonable,  that,  while  the  English  may  not  have  been 
swept  out  of  possession,  the  prowess  of  the  Algonquins  would 
have  been  chanted  where  now  the  notes  of  applause  embalm 
the  memory  of  the  Iroquois. 

The  inquiry  has  its  specific  form  in  the  alleged  subjugation 
of  the  Mahicans  and  in  the  period  assigned  to  the  subjugation 
of  the  Lenapes  as  having  been  anterior  to  the  advent  of  the 
Europeans.  The  Mahicans  were  the  most  formidable  com 
petitors  of  the  Iroquois.  Equal  in  courage,  equal  in  numbers, 
equal  in  the  advantages  of  obtaining  fire-arms  from  the  Dutch 
and  in  their  subsequent  alliance  with  the  English,  they  marched 
unsubdued  by  the  boasted  conquerors  of  America.  When 
the  Dutch  first  met  them  they  were  in  conflict  with  the  Mohawks, 
and  that  conflict  was  maintained  for  nearly  three-quarters  of  a 
century,  and  until  the  English,  who  were  in  aWiance  with  both, 
were  able  to  effect  a  permanent  settlement.  Gallatin,  writing 
upon  this  subject,  says :  "  Judge  Smith,  in  his  History  of 
New  Tork,  published  in  1756,  says,  that  'When  the  Dutch 
began  the  settlement  of  this  country,  all  the  Indians  on  Long 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  57 

Island  and  the  northern  shore  of  the  sound,  on  the  banks  of 
Connecticut,  Hudson's,  Delaware,  and  Susquehanna  rivers, 
were  in  subjection  to  the  Five  Nations,  and,  within  the  memory 
of  persons  now  living,  acknowledged  it  by  the  payment  of  an 
annual  tribute :  "  He  gives  no  authority  for  the  early  date  he 
assigns  to  that  event.  The  subsequent  protracted  wars  of  the 
Dutch  with  the  Manhattan  and  the  Long  Island  Indians,  and 
the  continued  warfare  of  the  Mohawks  against  the  Connecticut 
Indians,  are  inconsistent  with  that  account,  which  is  clearly 
incorrect  with  respect  to  the  Mohikander  River  Indians,  or 
Mahicans.  These  are  mentioned  by  De  Laet  as  the  mortal 
enemies  of  the  Maquas.  It  was  undoubtedly  the  interest  of 
the  Dutch  to  promote  any  arrangement,  which,  by  compelling 
the  Mahicans  to  remain  at  peace,  would  secure  their  own  trade. 
If  they  succeeded  at  any  time,  the  peace  was  but  temporary. 
We  learn  from  the  Relations  of  the  French  missionaries,  that 
war  existed  in  1656,  between  the  Manhingans  and  the  Mohawks, 
and  that  these  experienced  a  severe  check  in  1663,  in  an  attack 
upon  a  Manhingan  fortified  village,  and  Golden  admits  that  the 
contest  was  not  at  an  end  until  1673.  'The  trade  of  New 
York,'  he  says,  '  was  hindered  by  the  war  which  the  Five 
Nations  had  at  that  time  with  the  River  Indians  j '  and  he  adds 
that  the  governor  of  New  York  l  obtained  a  peace  between 
the  Five  Nations  and  the  Mahikanders  or  River  Indians.' x  It 
is  also  certain  that  those  Mohikander  or  River  Indians  were 
not  reduced  to  the  same  state  in  which  the  Delawares  were 
placed.  It  is  proved  by  the  concurring  accounts  of  the  French 
and  English  writers,  that,  subsequently  to  the  peace  of  1673, 
they  were  repeatedly,  indeed  uniformly,  employed  as  auxiliaries 
in  the  wars  of  the  Five  Nations  and  the  British  against  the 
French."2 

This  conclusion  is  not  only  abundantly  sustained  by  the 
records  referred  to,  but  by  an  analysis  of  the  testimony  which 
has  been  relied  upon  as  indicating  an  opposite  result.  The 
latter  is  confined,  first,  to  traditionary  reverses  sustained  by  the 
Mahicans  on  Wanton  island,  near  Katskill,  and  at  Red  Hook, 
in  Dutchess  county,  the  bones  of  the  slain  at  the  latter  place 

1  Golden' 's  Six  Nations,  chap,  ii,  35?  *  Gallatin*s  Indian  Tribes,  u,  43,  44. 


58  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

being,  it  is  said,  in  monumental  record  when  the  Dutch  first  set 
tled  there ;  and  second,  to  the  statements  by  Mfcchaelius  and 
Wassenaar.  The  traditionary  evidence  is  entirely  worthless  as 
to  the  results  involved,  and  at  best  can  only  be  accepted  as 
proof  of  sanguinary  conflicts  ;  while  the  statements  by  Michael- 
ius  and  Wassenaar,  based  as  they  were  on  information  received 
from  others,  are  almost  wholly  at  variance  with  positive  records. 
The  former  writer  states  that  in  the  war  of  1626,  the  Mohawks 
were  successful  and  that  the  Mabicans  fled  and  left  their  lands 
unoccupied  ; x  the  latter  affirms  that  "  war  broke  out "  again  in 
1628,  "  between  the  Maikens,  near  Fort  Orange,  and  the  Mak- 
waes"  and  that  the  former  were  beaten  and  driven  off.2  Ad 
mitting  that  both  writers  refer  to  the  same  occurrence,  and  that 
there  is  no  conflict  in  date,  the  retirement  spoken  of  could  only 
have  included  a  single  canton  or  chieftaincy.  That  the  Mahi- 
cans^  as  a  nation,  did  not  leave  their  lands  unoccupied  nor  sur 
render  their  possession,  appears  from  the  title  deeds  which  they 
gave  to  Van  Rensselaer  in  1630,  the  validity  of  which  was 
never  questioned  ;  from  the  treaty  made  with  them  by  Kieft, 
and  from  their  participation  in  the  wars  with  the  Dutch  at  Fort 
Amsterdam.  To  these  facts  it  may  be  added  that  deeds  from 
King  Aepjin  show  that  his  council-fire  was  kept  burning  at 
Schodac  3  as  late  as  1664  ;  that  one  of  the  castles  of  the  nation, 
that  at  Cohoes,  was  in  occupation  by  them  as  late  as  1660,  and 
that  the  records  of  the  commissioners  of  Indian  affairs  show  an 
organization,  distinct  from  that  which  was  recognized  by  Mas 
sachusetts  but  clearly  subordinate  to  it,  for>  over  half  a  century 
after  the  English  succeeded  the  Dutch  in  the  government. 

It  only  remains  to  harmonize  these  facts  with  the  statements 
referred  to.     That,  as  already  intimated,  a  canton  or  chieftaincy 

1  "  The  business  of  furs  is  dull  on  ac-  but  these  beat  and  captured  the  Maikans 
count  of  a  new  war  of  the  Maechibacys  and    drove  off  the  remainder,   who  have 
(Mohawks)   against  the  Maikans  at  the  retired   towards  the  north   by  the   Fresh 
upper   end  of  this    river.     There    have  river,    so    called,    where    they    begin    to 
occurred    cruel    murders    on    both  sides,  cultivate    the   soil ;    and    thus    the    war 
The  Maikans  have  fled  and  their  lands  terminated." — Wassenaar,     Documentary 
are  unoccupied,  and  they  are  very  fertile  History,  in,  48. 

and  pleasant." — Michaelius,  Colonial  His-         8  It  is  not  certain  that  Schodac  was  the 

tory,  n,  769.  original  capital  of  the  nation.      The  pro- 

2  "  In  the  beginning  of  this  year  (1628)  babilities  are  that  it  was,  and  that  it  was 
war    broke    out    between    the    Maikans,  subsequently  removed  to  Westenhuck,  in 
near   Fort    Orange,   and  the  Mohawks,  the  valley  of  the  Housatonic. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  59 

of  the  nati^i  retired  from  the  west  bank  of  the  river  at  or  about 
the  time  spBben  of  by  Michaelius  and  Wassenaar,  is  not  only 
probable,  but  its  movements  can  apparently  be  traced  and  the 
territory  which  it  "  left  unoccupied  "  very  nearly  defined.  The 
explanation  is  found  in  the  title  deeds  which  were  subsequently 
given  by  the  tribes  who  were  parties  to  the  conflict.  Their 
examination  shows  that  the  Mohawks  only  claimed  the  right  of 
conquest  over  lands  north  of  the  Mohawk  river  and  in  part  par 
ticularly  embraced  in  the  Kayaderossera  patent.  South  of  the 
Mohawk  river  they  never  either  claimed  or  sold  lands  on  the 
Hudson,  and  even  north  of  that  point  their  claim,  although  tra 
ditionally  conceded,  was  subsequently  disputed.1  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  extent  of  the  territory  which  they  claimed, 
however,  it  is  apparent  that  it  was  limited  and  that  it  did  not 
include  or  extend  to  the  east  side  of  the  river,  nor  involve  the 
subjugation  of  the  nation.  The  retiring  canton  was  an  advanced 
post  on  the  frontiers,  pushed  forward,  it  may  be  reasonably 
supposed,  by  superior  prowess,  and  maintained  until  peculiarly 
exposed.  The  point  to  which  it  removed  is  not  positively 
stated ; 2  but  the  evidence  is  sufficient  to  indicate  pretty  cer 
tainly  that- it  was  known  as  the  Soquatucks  or  Socoquts^  in  the 
alliances  of  1664,  and  in  the  subsequent  history  of  the  nation. 

If  there  is  no  evidence  of  prior  subjugation,  there  is  certainly 
none  establishing  that  condition  after  the  advent  of  the  English. 
The  nation  was  almost  continually  in  conflict  with  the  Mohawks, 
and  in  its  last  war  with  them  maintained  itself  with  success.  A 
more  extended  reference  to  this  war  and  its  results  may  be  pro 
per.  The  eastern  Indians  were  involved  in  the  contest  as  well 

*It  is  asserted  that   the  Mahicans  ad-  Col.  Hist.,  ix,  475),  does  not  correspond 

mitted  the  conquest  of  the  lands  west  of  with    their   assignment    "  towards   Lake 

the  Hudson  embraced    in  the     Saratoga  Champlain,"  (/£.,  795),  or  with  the  very 

(Schuylerville)  tract ;  yet  from  the  John-  plain  statement  by  Talon  :  "  Two  Indian 

son    Manuscripts    it    appears    that    they  tribes,  one  called   the  Loups  (Mahicans) 

claimed  them  in  1767,  to  "the  prejudice,"  and   the   other   the  Socoquis,  inhabit   the 

as  Johnson  says,  "of  Mohawk  rights." —  country  adjoining  the  English,  and  live, 

Johnson  Manuscripts,  iv,  170,  173.  in  some  respect,  under  their  laws,  in  the 

2  Wassenaar  says,  "  towards  the  north  same     manner    as    the    Algonquin*     and 
near  the  Fresh  river."  Hurons  do    under  those  of  his  majesty. 

3  Brodheatfs   Hist.,  i,  732;   Col.    Hist.,  I  perceive  in  these  two  tribes,  by  nature 
ix,  66.     Probably  called  Soquatucks  from  arrant  and  declared  enemies  of  the  Iro- 
Soquans,  or  Suckquans,  their  chief  sachem,  quois,  a  great  inclination  to  reside  among 
Their  classification  as  Saco  Indians  (note  the     French."    '    After    King     Philip's 

8 


60  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

as  the  Mabicam*  In  1662,  Director  Stuyvesant^ucceeded  in 
establishing  peace  between  the  contestants,  but  iPen  the  Mo 
hawks  carried  presents  to  the  English  fort  at  Penobscot  to 
confirm  the  same,  they  were  attacked  and  slain.2  The  con 
nection  of  the  Hudson  river  chieftaincies  with  the  war  which 
followed  cannot  be  distinctly  traced,  but  there  is  some  data 
upon  the  subject.  In  Kregier's  Journal  of  the  Second  Esopus 
War,  it  is  said  that  residents  at  Bethlehem,  in  the  present 
county  of  Albany,  were  warned,  in  the  fall  of  1663,  by  a 
friendly  Indian,  to  remove  to  a  place  of  security  ;  that  "  five 
Indian  nations  had  assembled  together,  namely  the  Mahikan- 
ders,  the  Kats kills ,  the  Wappingers,  those  of  Esopus,  besides 
another  tribe  of  Indians  that  dwell  half-way  between  Fort 
Orange  and  Hartford  ; "  that  their  "  place  of  meeting  was 
on  the  east  side  of  Fort  Orange  river,  about  three  (nine)  miles 
inland  from  Claverack,"  3  and  that  they  were  "about  five 
hundred  strong."  Again  :  "  Hans  the  Norman 4  arrived  at 
the  redoubt  with  his  yacht  from  Fort  Orange  ;  reports  that  full 
seven  thousand  Indians  had  assembled  at  Claverack,  on  the 
east  side,  about  three  (nine)  miles  inland,  but  he  knows  not  with 
what  intent."  5  The  intent  soon  became  apparent.  JJnder  date 
of  June  21,  1664,  Brodhead  writes:  "War  now  broke  out 
again.  The  Mahicans  attacked  the  Mohawks,  destroyed  cattle 
at  Greenbush,  burned  the  house  of  Abraham  Staats  at  Clave 
rack,  and  ravaged  the  whole  country  on  the  east  side  of  the 
North  river."  The  operations  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  were 
seriously  hindered ;  prisoners  taken  on  either  side  were  burned 
or  eaten  ;  the  Mohawks  were  weakened  and  their  pride  humbled. 
Such  were  the  results  of  the  war  at  the  close  of  i668.6 

In  the  spring  of  1669,  a  Mohawk  embassy  visited  Quebec, 
and  asked  that  their  nation  might  be  "  protected  from  the  Mahi- 

war,  a   portion   of  them   appear  to  have  Mohegans,  who   had   been  joined   by  the 

returned  to  the  Hudson,  where  they  were  Abcnaqui  nations. — Shea's  Charle-voix,  m, 

incorporated  with  the  Mahicans  at  Scha-  45  ;   Drake 's  Book  of  the  Indians. 
ticook.      The  greater  portion,   however,          2  Brodkead's  Netw  York,  i,  732. 
ultimately   found   their   way  to  Canada,          3  The  village  of    Claverack   was   five 

where,  with   fragments   of  other   tribes,  miles  from  the  Hudson.     It  was  known 

they    were    known    as    the    St.    Francis  by  the  Indian  name  of  Potkoke. 
'  Indians. —  Doc.   Hist.,  i,  27  j   Col.   Hist.,         4  Norman's  kill,  in   Albany,  takes  its 

in,  482,  562;  iv,  684,  715.  name  from  this  person. 

*On   the  other  hand,  war  was  raging          5 Documentary  History,  iv,  83,  85. 
furiously  between  the  Mohawks  and   the          °  Brodhead,  n,  99,  146. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  61 

cans  by  the  king  of  France,  to  whom  their  country  now 
belonged  by'the  force  of  arms."  In  this  they  were  successful 
so  far  at  least  as  to  secure  the  cooperation  of  the  Jesuit  mission 
aries  in  resisting  an  attack  by  the  Mahicans  on  the  palisaded 
village  of  Caghnawaga.  This  attack  was  made  on  the  eighteenth 
of  August,  1669.  The  Mahicans  retired  after  two  hours 
fighting;  and  the  Mohawks,  descending  the  river  in  canoes,  hid 
themselves  below  them  in  an  ambuscade  which  commanded  the 
road  to  Schenectady,  at  a  place  called  Kinaquariones,  where  a  con 
flict  ensued  in  which,  although  at  first  successful,  the  Mohawks 
were  put  to  flight.1  The  Mohawks  then  induced  the  Oneidas, 
Onondagas  and  Cayugas  to  make  common  cause  with  them  ;  and 
four  hundred  confederate  warriors  went  to  surprise  a  Mahlcan  fort 
"  situated  near  Manhattan."  But  this  enterprise  failed,  and  the 
Iroquols  returned  home  with  two  wounded.2  In  April,  1670, 
Governor  Lovelace  visited  Albany,  charged,  among  other  things, 
with  the  duty  of  making  peace  between  the  Mohawks  and  Ma 
hicans  j  but  it  was  not  until  August  of  the  succeeding  year  that 
the  negotiations  were  consummated.3  What  the  terms  of  peace 
were  is  not  stated,  and  can  only  be  inferred  from  the  subsequent 
treatment  of  the  tribes  who  were  parties  to  it,  who  are  described 
as  being  "  linked  together  in  interest,"  and  who  were  uniformly 
treated  as  equals  even  in  the  selection  of  representative  chiefs 
to  visit  England.  At  no  stage  of  their  history  are  they  repre 
sented  as  the  dependents  of  the  Five  Nations.  This  will  more 
fully  appear  from  their  connection  with  the  wars  with  the  Dutch, 

1  Drake  states  that  the  Mahicans  and  chosen  leader.     This  was  a  severe  stroke, 

their  allies   marched  into    the   Mohawk  and  although  the  war  continued,  it  was 

country,  led  by  the  principal  sachem  of  not  with  that  spirit  in  which  it  had  been 

Massachusetts      (Pennacooks  ?  )      named  commenced." 

Josiah,    alias    Chekatabut,    a    wise    man,          z  Brodhead's  Neiu  Tforkfnt  161. 
and  stout  man  of  middle  stature.     After         3  Assize    Record,    11,    732;   Brodhead's 

a  "journey  of  two  hundred  miles,"  they  New    York,  n,    181.     Colden   says   that 

arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort,  "  when,  upon  peace   was   not    established    until    1673. 

besieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  The    following   entry  is    made  in  Assize 

of  their    men    killed    and  sundry  others  Record,    iv,     116:     "  March    7,     1671. 

sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  retreated.  Mendowasse,  sagamore  from  Hackinsack, 

The  Mohaiuks  pursued  them,  got  in  their  Anmanhose  from  Haverstroo,    Meggen- 

front,    and    from    an    ambush,   attacked  maiker,  sagamore  of  Tappan,  in  behalf 

them    and    a    great  fight   ensued.     The  of  themselves  and  Neversincks,    having 

Mohawks  were   finally  put   to   flight  by  understood   that   peace    had    been    made 

the  extraordinary  bravery  and  prowess  of  between  the  Maquas  and  Mahikanders, 

Chekatabut  and   his  captains  ;  but  victory  asked  permission  to  visit,  etc." 
was    purchased    by    the    death    of    their 


62  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

their  treaties  with   the   English  and  their  official  relations  with 
the  governments  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts. 

That  the  Mahicans  experienced  great  changes  is  unquestioned. 
To  a  considerable  extent  their  position  involved  this.  Though 
spared  on  the  north  and  east,  they  were  exposed  to  the  incom 
ing  civilization  on  the  west  and  south.  The  Wapplngers  suffered 
terribly  in  their  wars  with  the  Dutch  :  from  the  rapacity  of  the 
traders  at  Fort  Orange  they  recoiled.  If  their  national  council- 
fire  was  originally  at  Schodac,  it  was  subsequently  removed  to 
the  valley  of  the  Housatonic,1  where,  under  the  name  of 
W-nahk-ta-kook,  it  was  known  to  the  authorities  of  Massa 
chusetts  and  to  the  English  missionaries  ;  under  that  of  Wes- 
tenhuck,  to  the  Moravians,  and  under  that  of  Stockbridge, 
preserved  the  line  of  kings  and  linked  the  past  with  the  present 
history  of  the  nation.2  To.  the  English  of  New  York,  however, 
this  council-fire  was  little  known.  Cut  off  by  the  boundary 
line  of  Massachusetts  it  was  officially  recognized  by  that  province, 
while  the  authorities  of  New  York  maintained  their  official 
relations  with  an  organization  which  is  represented  as  existing 
"above  and  below  Albany,"  and  known  as  the  Mahicander 
or  River  Indians.  This  organization  was  strengthened  by  the 
results  of  King  Philip's  war.  In  that  war  the  Pennacooks 3  had 
taken  part,  and  at  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  1675,  found 
winter  quarters  among  their  kindred  "  near  'Albany."  After 
the  disastrous  conflict  of  August  12th,  of  the  succeeding  year, 
in  which  Philip  was  killed,  they  again  retreated  "  towards 
Albany,"  some  two  hundred  and  fifty  in  number,  but  were  pur 
sued  and  attacked  by  the  English,  near  the  Housatonic  river, 
and  a  number  of  them  killed.  The  main  body  of  them,  how 
ever,  made  good  their  retreat  to  the  Hudson,  where  a  portion  of 

1  The  Housatonic  was  originally  known  to   the   merciless   cruelty  of  the   French 

as  the  Westenhook  river,  south  of  Wes-  and  their  Indians." — -Colonial  History,  vi, 

tenhuck. —  (SautAier's    Map).       It    was  371. 

the  boundary  line  of  the  neutrality  which         2  Stockbridge,    Past   and   Present,    395 

was  established   by  the  Iroquois  and  the  History    of  Missions    of  United  Brethren, 

Mahicans    with    the   French    Indians  in  n,  56,    115,  130;   Memorials   Moravian 

the  war  of  1704.     **  The  inhabitants  of  Church,  i,  etc. 

this  Province  who  lived  on  the  west  side          8  The     Pennacooks,    Schoolcraft    says, 

of  that  river  followed  all  their  occupa-  "  occupied  the  Coos  country,   extending 

tions  in  husbandry  as  in  times  of  peace,  from    Haverhill    to    the   sources    of  the 

while  at  the  same  time  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut."     The  French  classed  them 

New  England  were  in  their  sight  exposed  among  the  Mahican  tribes,  and  such  they 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  63 

them  remained  near  the  Dutch  village  of  Claverack,  and  the 
remainder,  some  two  hundred  in  number,  passed  over  to  Potick, 
an  old  Mahican  village  at  Katskill.1  The  French  immediately 
made  overtures  to  them,  through  their  associates  who  had  found 
refuge  in  Canada,  and  Connecticut  invited  them  to  homes  within 
her  borders.  Governor  Andros,  with  equal  promptness  and 
from  a  similar  motive,2  invited  them  to  settle  at  Schaticook,  in 
the  present  county  of  Rensselaer,  near  the  confluence  of  the 
Hoosic  with  the  Hudson,  in  company  with  the  Mahicans  who 
were  established  there.  This  offer  was  accepted  and  a  flourish 
ing  colony  soon  came  into  existence,  which  was  patronizingly 
called  by  the  Mohawks,  our  children. 

The  historical  narrative  need  not  be  further  anticipated.  In 
passing,  however,  it  may  be  remarked  that  it  cannot  be  admitted 
that  while  "  the  Pequots  and  Mohegans  claimed  some  authority 
over  the  Indians  of  the  Connecticut,  those  extending  west- 
wardly  to  the  Hudson  appear  to  have  been  divided  into  small 
and  independent  tribes,  united,  since  they  were  known  to  the 
Europeans,  by  no  common  government,"  as  stated  by  Gallatin. 
That  conclusion  was  based  upon  information  less  perfect  than 
that  which  has  since  been  obtained,  and  not  only  so  but  is  in 
conflict  with  the  previous  findings  of  that  author.  There  was 
nothing  in  their  action  inconsistent  with  the  clearly  understood 
powers  of  chieftaincies  ;  but  much  that  implies  obligation  to 
national  authority.  The  entire  peninsula  south  of  the  Highlands 
was  under  the  sovereignty  of  the  Wappingers,  as  a  tribal  division 
of  the  Mahicans,  and  the  offenses  of  the  Dutch  were  resented 
by  the  nation  and  the  tribe.  As  early  as  1622,  the  imprison 
ment  of  the  chief  of  the  Sequins  aroused  the  Mahicans  to  that 
extent  that  the  offending  agent  of  the  Dutch  was  compelled  to 
leave  the  country;  in  the'  war  of  1643,  the  Dutch  were  sur 
prised  to  fine!  their  boats  attacked  above  the  Highlands,  by 
Indians  with  whom  they  were  ignorant  of  ever  having  had  any 

appear  to  have  been  from  the  statements  1  Hubbard's     Indian     Wars^     94,     98, 

of  Gov,  Moore  and  others  pending  the  188  ;     Colonial    History,    jv,    902,    etc.  ; 

efforts    to    secure    their    removal   to    the  Brodheatfs  New  York,  11,  294. 

Hudson  river  after  their  disastrous  defeat  2  The   Indians   began  to  have  a  value 

in  the  war  under  King  Philip.     At  the  in  the  hands  of  the  French  as  well  as  the 

time  of  the  discovery  they  were  a  powerful  English.     To  both  parties  they  were  the 

tribe. — Schoolcraffs  Ind.  Nat.,  v,  222,  etc.  most  effective  soldiers  that  could  be  pro- 


64  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

difficulty,  and  subsequently  the  Indian  fortresses  of  the  High 
lands  became  the  receptable  of  Dutch  prisoners.  The  Dutch 
knew  very  little  of  tribal  organizations  or  tribal  laws.  To  each 
village  they  gave  the  dignity  of  a  tribe,  and  undertook  to  hold 
with  them  separate  covenants.  The  Makicans  made  a  very 
wide  distinction  between  the  Dutch  at  Fort  Orange  and  those 
at  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  it  was  not  until  Kieft  made  his  treaty 
with  them  in  1645,  that  he  had  peace.  With  the  subsequent 
crumbling  up  of  the  clans  more  exposed  to  European  influences, 
and  the  debris  which  remained  after  the  retirement  of  their 
more  active  members,  the  result  was  the  same  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  whether  Mahicans,  Lenapes,  or  Mohawks. 

In  considering  the  political  relations  of  the  LENAPES  they 
should  be  regarded  as  the  most  formidable  of  the  Indian  con 
federacies  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  America,  and  as  hav 
ing  maintained  for  many  years  the  position  which  subsequently 
fell  to  the  Iroquois,  rather  than  as  having  been  subjugated  by  the 
latter  anterior  to  the  advent  of  the  Europeans.  Their  tradition 
that  they  were  "  the  head  of  the  Algonquin  x  nations,2  and  held 
the  Mengwe  in  subjection,"  is  not  without  confirmation.  The 
precise  time  at  which  the  latter  condition  was  reversed,  cannot 
be  stated  ;  but  the  causes  leading  thereto  are  now  pretty  cor 
rectly  ascertained.  Their  long  house  was  invaded  alike 
by  the  Europeans  and  the  Ir&quois,  with  special  advantages  to 
the  latter  in  position,  and  in  the  facility  with  which  they  could 
obtain  arms.3  The  tradition  which  they  gave  of  their  subjuga- 

cured.     The  great  error  of  Massachusetts  2"  The  Delawares  were  the  head  of  all 

was  the  war  which  she  made  upon  them,  nations.     All  nations  except  the  Mingoes 

as  she  subsequently  learned.  and  their  accomplices,  were  united  with 

1 "  The  primitive  language   which  was  them  and  had  free  access  to  them  5  or  in 

the  most   widely  diffused,  and   the  most  their  own  words,  according  to  their  figu- 

fertile    in     dialects,    received    from     the  rative  manner  of  expressing  themselves, 

French  the  name  of  Algonquin.      It  was  the  united  nations  had  one  house,  one  fire, 

the  mother  tongue  of  those  who  greeted  and  one  canoe.'"'' — Hcckeiu  elder. 

the  colonists  of  Raleigh  at  Roanoke,  of  3  "  Clean  across  this  extent  of  country 

those  who  welcomed  the  Pilgrims  at  Ply-  (namely  from  Albany  to   the  Potomac), 

mouth.      It  was   heard  from  the  Bay  of  our  grandfather  had  a  long  house,  with  a 

Gaspe  to  the  valley  of  the  Des  Moines,  door  at  each  end,  which  doors  were  always 

from  Cape   Fear,  and,   it   may   be,  from  open  to  all  the  nations  united  with  them. 

the  Savannah,  to  the  land  of  the  Esqui-  To  this   house   the  nations  from  ever  so 

maux  }  from    the    Cumberland    river    of  far  off  used  to  resort,  and  smoke  the  pipe 

Kentucky  to  the  southern   bank  of  the  of  peace    with   their  grandfather.      The 

Mississippi." — Bancroft,  HI,  237.  white  people  coming  from  over  the  great 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  65 

tion  is  that  the  Iroquois,  finding  the  contest  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  too  great  for  them,  as  they  had  to  cope  on  the  'one 
hand  with  the  French,  and  on  the  other  with  native  prowess, 
resorted  to  a  master  stroke  of  intrigue.  They  sent  an  embassy 
to  the  Lenapes  with  a  message  in  substance  as  follows  :  That 
it  was  not  well  for  the  Indians  to  be  fighting  among  themselves 
at  a  time  when  the  whites,  in  even  larger  numbers,  were  press 
ing  into  their  country  j  that  the  original  possessors  of  the  soil 
must  be  preserved  from  total  extirpation  ;  that  the  only  way  to 
effect  this  was  a  voluntary  assuming,  on  the  part  of  some  mag 
nanimous  nation,  of  the  position  of  the  women  or  umpire; 
that  a  weak  people  in  such  a  position  would  have  no  influence, 
but  a  power  like  the  Lenapes,  celebrated  for  its  bravery  and 
above  all  suspicion  of  pusillanimity,  might  properly  take  the 
step ;  that,  therefore,  the  Aquinoshioni  besought  them  to  lay 
aside  their  arms,  devote  themselves  to  pacific  employments,  and 
act  as  mediators  among  the  tribes,  thus  putting  a  stop  forever  to 
the  fratricidal  wars  of  the  Indians. 

To  this  proposition  the  Lenapes  listened  cheerfully,  and  trust 
fully  consented  ;  for  they  believed  it  to  be  dictated  by  exalted 
patriotism,  and  to  constitute  the  language  of  genuine  sincerity. 
They  were,  moreover,  themselves  very  anxious  to  preserve  the 
Indian  race.  At  a  great  feast,  prepared  for  the  representatives 
of  the  two  nations,  and  amid  many  ceremonies,  they  were  accord 
ingly  made  women,  and  a  broad  belt  of  peace  entrusted  to  their 
keeping.  The  Dutch,  so  the  tradition  continues,  were  present 
on  this  occasion,  and  had  instigated  the  plot.  That  it  was  de 
signed  to  break  the  strength  of  the  Lenapes  soon  became  evident. 
They  woke  up  from  their  magnanimous  dream,  to  find  them 
selves  in  the  power  of  the  Iroquois.  From  that  time  they  were 
the  cousins  of  the  Iroquois,  and  these  were  their  uncle.1 

While  this  tradition  bears  the  impress  of  theory  upon  a  sub 
ject  in  regard  to  which  little  was  known,  and  while  it  is  much 

water,  unfortunately  landed  at  each  end  powerful,    assisted   the   common  enemy, 

of  this  long  house  of  our  grandfathers,  the  Maquas,  in   erecting  a  strong   house 

and  it  was  not  long  before  they  began  to  on  the  ruins  of  our  grandfathers." Rela- 

pull  the  same  down   at    both  ends.    Our  tion  by  an  aged  Mahican,  given  by  Hecke- 

grandfather  still  kept  repairing  the  same,  'welder. 

though   obliged  to  make  it   from  time  to          1  Life  and   Times  of  David  Zeisberrer 

time  shorter ;   until  at  length  the  white  45,  46. 

people,  who  had  by  this  time  grown  very 


66  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

less  clear  than  that  already  quoted,  as  from  a  Mahican,  it  is  not 
wholly  unsupported.  The  Lenapes  did,  to  a  very  considerable 
extent,  act  in  the  capacity  of  mediators,  and  the  Dutch  traders 
did  no  doubt  have  part  in  terminating  the  hostilities  between 
them  and  the  Iroquois.  It  is  a  singular  fact,  too,  that  of  all  the 
nations  subjugated  by  the  Iroquois,  the  Lenapes  alone  bore  the 
name  of  women.  While  the  council-fires  of  other  nations 
were  "  put  out,"  and  their  survivors  merged  in  the  confederacy, 
that  of  the  Lenapes  was  kept  burning,  and  their  civil  govern 
ment  remained  undisturbed.  The  proposition,  however,  is  that 
both  of  the  results  stated  were  in  accordance  with  the  terms 
of  the  peace  which  the  English  government  negotiated,  and  not 
of  prior  Iroquois  diplomacy. 

The  historic  causes  leading  to  the  subjugation  of  the  Lenapes 
is  to  be  found  in  the  circumstances  and  position  of  the  nation, 
as  compared  with  the  Iroquois  ;  the  one  with  territory  invaded  by 
Europeans  at  different  points,  the  other  assailed  only  on  one 
border  by  the  French,  against  whom  they  were  sustained  by 
"  free  trade  "'  with  the  Dutch  and  by  subsequent  more  positive 
alliance  with  the  English.  To  the  establishment  of  the  lord 
ship  and  manor  of  Rensselaerswyck,  and  its  village  of  Beaver- 
wyck,  %the  Iroquois  were  primarily  indebted  for  their  subsequent 
position  in  the  family  of  Indian  nations.  That  manor  was 
organized  under  an  independent  charter  with  powers  not  delegated 
to  the  West  India  Company  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  especially  in 
the  matter  of  the  sale  of  fire-arms  to  the  Indians.  At  its  trad 
ing-houses  arms  could  be  had  for  furs  ;  there  the  doors  were 
open  to  the  Mohawks  and  the  Makicans,  who  guarded  well  the 
special  advantages  which  they  enjoyed.  These  advantages  were 
great ;  the  former  were  enabled  by  them  to  push  their  conquests, 
the  latter  to  maintain  independence.  This  is  clearly  deducible 
from  the  records  which  were  made  by  the  Dutch,  in  connection 
with  the  wars  at  Fort  Amsterdam  in  1643,*  in  which  it  is  said 
that  the  traders  from  Rensselaerswyck,  "  perceiving  that  the  Mo 
hawks  were  craving  for  guns,  which  some  of  them  had  already  re 
ceived,  paying  for  each  as  many  as  twenty  beavers,  and  for  a  pound 
of  powder  as  many  as  ten  or  twelve  guilders,  came  down  to  Fort 

1  Journal  of    Netw    Netherlandy    Doc.  Hist.,  iv,  I,  etc. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  67 

Amsterdam,  in  greater  numbers  than  usual,  where  guns  were 
plenty,  purchasing  them  at  a  fair  price,  realizing  in  this  way 
considerable  profit.  This  extraordinary  gain  was  not  long  kept 
secret.  The  traders  coming  from  Holland  soon  got  scent  of  it, 
and  from  time  to  time,  brought  over  great  quantities,  so  that 
the  Mohawks,  in  a  short  time,  were  seen  with  fire  locks  and 
powder  and  lead  in  proportion."  The  record  continues  :  "  Four 
hundred  armed  men  knew  how  to  make  use  of  their  advantage, 
especially  against  their  enemies,  dwelling  along  the  river  of 
Canada,  against  whom  they  have  now  achieved  many  profitable 
forays  where  before  they  had  but  little  advantage.  This  caused 
them  also  to  be  respected  by  the  surrounding  Indians  even  as  far 
as  the  sea-coast,  who  must  generally  pay  them  tribute  ;  whereas, 
on  the  contrary,  they  were  formerly  obliged  to  contribute  to  these. 
On  this  account  the  Indians,  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Amsterdam, 
and  as  the  record  elsewhere  shows,  especially  the  Minsis  of 
New  Jersey  and  the  Delaware,  "  endeavored  no  less  to  procure 
guns,  and  through  the  familiarity  which  existed  between  them 
and  the  people "  at  New  Amsterdam,  "  began  to  solicit  the 
latter  for  guns  and  powder,  but  as  such  was  forbidden  on  pain 
of  death,  and  could  not  remain  long  concealed  in  consequence 
of  the  general  conversation,  they  could  not  be  obtained.  This 
greatly  augmented  the  hatred  which  stimulated  them  to  con 
spire  against  us,  beginning  first  with  insults  which  they  every 
where  indiscreetly  uttered,  railing  at  us  as  materiotty,  that  is  to 
say  cowards." 

In  regard  to  the  time  at  which  the  subjugation  of  the  Lenapes 
took  place  or  was  acknowledged,  there  is  wide  divergence  in 
statement.  Smith's  assertion  that  it  was  prior  to  European 
occupation,  is  generally  denied  j  while  Brodhead's  assumption 
that  it  was  in  1617,' is  without  foundation  in  contemporaneous 
or  subsequent  facts.  Nor  could  subjugation  have  been  as  early 
as  1643  or  1645,  when  Kieft  made  his  treaty  with  the  Mohawks 
and  Mahicans,  for  the  Swedes  were  then  supplying  the  Minsis 
with  arms.  In  1660,  the  latter,  through  their  chief,  could 
declaim  to  their  dependents  at  Esopus,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Mohawk  embassador,  "  this  is  not  your  land ;  it  is  our  land,- 
9 


68  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

therefore  repeat  not  this,"  x  and  no  Mohawk  chief  ever  made 
utterance  with  more  authority.  A  terrific  contest  was  then 
raging  between  the  Senecas  and  the  Minsis^  and  the  former  came 
to  Fort  Orange  and  demanded,  by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  Esopus 
(1660),  a  higher  price  for  their  furs.  "  We  require,  said  they, 
sixty  handsful  of  powder  for  one  beaver.  We  have  a  vast  deal 
of  trouble  collecting  beavers  through  the  enemy's  country. 
We  ask  to  be  furnished  with  powder  and  ball.  If  our  ene 
mies  conquer  us,  where  will  ye  then  obtain  beavers  ?  "  Direc 
tor  Stuyvesant,  so  the  record  says,  replied  by  giving  them  a  keg 
of  powder,  but  entreated  them  to  make  peace  with  the  Minsis 
so  that  the  Dutch  might  "  use  the  road  to  them  in  safety." 
Three  years  later  the  Dutch  were  in  terrible  alarm.  A  body 
of  six  hundred  Senecas  attacked  the  fort  of  the  Minsis  on  the 
Delaware,  and  were  put  to  flight  and  pursued  northward  for 
two  days.  Unable  to  cope  with  them  single-handed,  the  Sene 
cas  solicited  the  aid  of  the  Mohawks^  and  with  them  continued 
the  struggle.  The  transition  of  the  province  from  the  Dutch 
to  the  English  found  the  contest  undecided,  and  not  only  so 
but  the  Mohawks  expressly  asking  the  English  to  make  peace 
"  for  the  Indian  princes  with  the  nations  down  the  river,"  2  as 
they  had  pleaded  with  the  governor  of  Canada  for  protection 
against  the  Mabicans.  In  a  letter  from  Governor  Lovelace, 
February  24,  1665,  it  is  said  that  negotiations  for  peace  were 
then  pending  between  the  Esopus  Indians,  the  South  Indians, 
and  the  Novisans,  on  the  one  part,  and  the  Senecas  and  Mohawks 
on  the  other,  and  that  the  magistrates  of  Ulster  were  directed  to 
encourage  the  same;  and  under  date  of  August  13,  1669,  the 
same  officer  writes  that  "  Perewyn  lately  made  sachem  of 
Hackinsack,  Tappen,  and  Staten  Island,"  had  visited  him  "  to 
renew  and  acknowledge  the  peace  between  them  and  the  Christ 
ians  ;  also,  between  them  and  the  Maquas  and  Sinnecas,  the 
which  they  say  they  are  resolved  to  keep  inviolable."  He 
ordered  that  the  matter  be  "  put  on  record  to  be  a  testimony 
against  those  that  shall  make  the  first  breach."  3  It  was  about 
this  time  that  tradition  gives  the  story  of  a  great  battle  between 

1  O'Callaghan's     New    Netherlandy    n,          2  Colonial  History,  in,  67, 
417.  3  Assize  Reeordsy  n,  408. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  69 

the  contestants  in  the  Minnisink  country,  and  the  probabilities 
are  that  the  peace  spoken  of  was  its  result.  But  whatever  the 
date,  the  Minnisinks,  a  north-western  family  of  the  Minsis,  as 
well  as  the  Tappans,  were  under  the  obligations  of  subjugation 
in  1680,  for  Paxinosa  or  Paxowan  as  he  was  sometimes  called, 
sachem  of  the  former,  was  required  to  furnish  forty  men  to  join 
the  Mohawks  in  an  expedition  against  the  French.1  In  1693-4, 
these  tribes  paid  tribute  to  the  Senecas*  The  inference  is  that 
if  the  peace  which  was  made  with  the  Minsis  3  was  not  made 
until  after  the  English  came  in  possession  of  the  province,  that 
the  subjugation  of  the  Lenapes  did  not  take  place  at  an  earlier 
period. 

And  this  conclusion  agrees  with  the  almost  infallible  test  of 
title  to  lands.  The  Iroquois  never  questioned  the  sales  made  by 
the  Lenapes  or  Mimis  east  of  the  Delaware  river,  but  only 
asserted  the  rights  acquired  by  conquest  in  accepting,  in  1743, 
the  clearly  false  boundaries  which  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsyl 
vania  had  given  to  lands  which  had  been  purchased  from  the 
Lenapes  in  1686.  Whatever  title  the  Iroquois  had  could  not 
have  been  acquired  when  this  sale  was  made.  The  findings  of 
Gallatin  in  this  particular  are  confirmed  by  all  the  title  deeds 
in  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  In  New  Jersey  the  M'msis 
were  paid  for  lands  which  they  held  prior  to  subjugatio'n  long 
after  actual  subjugation  had  taken  place  and  possession  ceased, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  they  were  not  conquered  lands.  In 
whatever  aspect  the  question  is  considered,  the  same  result  is 
reached. 

That  the  subjugation  of  the  Lenapes  was  complete,  there  is 
no  denial.  The  famous  speech  of  Canassatiego,  at  Philadelphia, 
in  1742  :  "We  conquered  you,  we  made  women  of  you  ;  you 
know  you  are  women  ;  we  charge  you  to  remove  instantly  j 
we  don't  give  you  liberty  to  think  about  it,"  is  not  more  conclu 
sive  than  the  admission  of  Tedyuscung  :  "  I  was  styled  by  my 
uncles,  the  Six  Nations,  a  wom^n,  in  former  years,  and  had  no 

1  Council  Minutes ,  Aug.  7.  were   the  same  persons  who    appeared  at 

2  Colonial  History,  iv,  98.  Esopus  in  1 660.     The  treaty  which  was 

3  The  terms  Minquas,  Minsis,  Monseys,  concluded  by  the  one  was  concluded  by 
and  Munsies  are  convertible.     The  Min-  the  other.  - 

quas   who   sold  lands   on  the    Delaware 


70 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


natchet  in  my  hand  but  a  pestle  or  a  hominy  pounder."  But 
through  the  thick  gloom  which  shrouds  the  history  of  their  sub 
jugation,  through  all  the  degradation  and  reproach  which  was 
heaped  upon  them  as  "  a  nation  of  women,"  there  runs  a  thread 
of  light  revealing  their  former  greatness,  pleading  the  causes  of 
their  decay,  promising  that  their  dead  shall  live  again.  Not  in 
the  eternal  darkness  which  shuts  in  the  Eries  is  that  light  lost, 
but  from  its  prison  house  breaks  in  brilliancy,  redeeming  the 
past,  and  wringing  from  their  ancient  subjugators,  shivering 
under  adverse  fortune,  the  greeting  —  BROTHERS. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  71 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ANALYSIS  OF  TRIBES  AND  CHIEFTAINCIES. 

•ASSENAAR  and  De  Laet  supply  the  earliest  account 
of  the  subtribal  divisions,  or  chieftaincies  of  In 
dians  occupying  the  valley  of  the  Hudson.  The 
former  writes  :  "  Below  the  Maikans  are  situate 
these  tribes :  Mechkentowoon  and  Tappents,  on  the  west  side  ; 
Wickagjock  and  Wyeck,  on  the  east  side.  Two  nations  lie  there 
lower  down  at  Klinkersberg.1  At  the  Fisher's  Hook 2  are  the 
Pacbany,  Warenecker,  Warrawannankoncks.  In  one  place, 
Esopus,  are  two  or  three  tribes.  The  Manhates  are  situated  at 
the  mouth."  The  latter  corrects  the  geography  of  his  prede 
cessor  and  gives  the  location  of  what  he  calls  tribes 3  more 
accurately.  Commencing  at  New  York,  he  says  :  "  On  the 
east  side,  on  the  main  land,  dwell  the  Manhattans,  a  bad  race 
of  savages,  who  have  always  been  very  obstinate  and  unfriendly 
towards  our  people.  On  the  west  side  are  the  Sanhickans,  who 
are  the  deadly  enemies  of  the  Manhattans,  and  a  much  better 
people.  They  dwell  along  the  bay,  and  in  the  interior.  The 
course  of  the  river  is  north-east  and  north-north-west  according 
as  the  reaches  extend.  Within  the  first  reach,  on  the  west  bank 
of  the  river,  where  the  land  is  low,  dwell  the  Tappans.  The 
second  reach  of  the  river  extends  upwards  to  a  narrow  part 
named  by  our  people  Haverstroo  ;  then  comes  the  Seylmaker's- 
reach,  as  they  call  it,  and  next  a  crooked  reach,  in  the  form  of 
a  crescent,  called  KockVreach.  Next  is  Hoge-reach  ;  and 
then  comes  Vossen-reach,  which  extends  to  Klinkersberg. 
This  is  succeeded  by  Fisher's-reach,  where  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river,  dwell  a  nation  of  savages  named  Pachami.  This 
reach  extends  to  another  narrow  pass,  where  on  the  west,  is  a 

1  The  first  title  given  to  Butter  Hill.         of  the  Matteawan  creek. 

2  The  bend  in  the  river  opposite  New-          3  A  tribe  was  an  union  of  families,  but 
burgh,  forming  a  hook  by  the  confluence     as-  here  used  designated  families. 


72  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

point  of  land  that  juts  out  *  covered  with  sand,  opposite  a  bend 
in  the  river,  on  which  another  nation  of  savages,  the  Waora- 
necks,  have  their  abode  at  a  place  called  Esopus.  A  little  be 
yond  on  the  west  side,  where  there  is  a  creek  and  the  river 
becomes  more  shallow,  the  Warranawankongs  dwell.  Next 
comes  another  reach  called  Klaverack ;  then  comes  Backerack, 
John  Playsier's-rack,  and  Vaste-rack  as  far  as  Hinnenhock. 
Finally  the  Huntenrack  succeeds  as  far  as  Kinderhook;  further 
onareSturgeon's-hookand  Fisher's-hook,  over  against  which,  on 
the  east  side  dwell  the  Mahicans." 

Van  der  Donck,  who  wrote  thirty  years  later,  places  the 
Manhattans  on  the  island,  and  above  them  Indian  villages  which 
he  names  Saeckkill,  Wickquaskeck,  Alipkonck,  Sin-Sing,  Kestau- 
buinck,  Keskistkonck,  Pasquuasheck,  and  Noch-Peem,  south  of  and 
in  the  highlands.  On  the  south  side  of  Wappinger's  kill  he 
locates  three  villages  under  the  general  name  of  Waoranecks, 
and  |ibove  them  and  occupying  both  sides  of  the  river  south  of 
the  "  Groote  Esopus  R.,"  he  places  the  Wappingers.  On  the 
west  side  he  locates  the  Neve-Sincks  opposite  Staten  Island, 
then  the  Raritans ;  opposite  Manhattan  Island,  Haverstroo ; 
below  Verdrietigehoeck,  the  Tappans ;  between  Murderer's 
creek  and  the  Dans-Kammer,  the  Waranwankongs ';  then  the 
Wappingers,  and  west  of  the  Esopus,  the  general  title  of  "  Min- 
nessinck  of  te  1'Landt  von  Bacham." 

Were  the  question  of  location  left  to  these  writers  and  to  the 
early  maps,  the  inquiry  might  well  be  abandoned  as  hopeless. 
Fortunately,  however,  Indian  treaties  and  title  deeds  supply 
information  which,  though  still  imperfect,2  enables  a  division  of 
territory  and  location  of  subtribes  to  be  made  with  tolerable 
accuracy.  From  these  sources  the  following  classifications  are 
mainly  derived  : 

I.  The  chieftaincies  of  the  MONTAUKS  were : 

ist.  The  Carnarsees,  who  claimed  the  lands  now  included  in 
the  county  of  Kings,  and  a  part  of  the  town  of  Jamaica. 

1  Dans-Kammer  point.  water,   etc.,    which    were    and    still    are 

2  "There  being  no  previous  survey  to  the  known   to  very  few  Christians.     Some- 
grants,  their  boundaries  are  expressed  with  times  the  grant  is  of  the   land  that  be- 
much  uncertainty,  by  the  Indian   names  longed  to  such  an  Indian  by  name,  or  is 
of  brooks,   rivulets,   hills,  ponds,  falls  of  bounded  by  such  an  Indian's  land,  but  to 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  73 

Their  principal  village  was  about  the  site  of  the  village  of  Flat- 
lands,  where  there  is  a  place  which  still  retains  the  name  of 
Canarsee,  and  was,  perhaps,  the  residence  of  the  sachem.  This 
chieftaincy  was  pf  considerable  power  in  1643,  when  it  stood 
at  the  head  of  the  Long  Island  tribes  who  were  engaged  in  the 
war  with  the  Dutch.  Penhawitz  was  the  first  sachem  known 
to  the  Dutch,  by  whom  he  was  styled  the  Great  Sachem  of 
Canarsee.  The  names  of  the  chiefs  in  1670,  as  given  in  a 
deed  for  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Brooklyn,  were  Peter, 
Elmohar,  Job,  Makagiquas,  and  Shamese. 

2d.  The  Rockaways^  who  were  scattered  over  the  southern 
part  of  the  town  of  Hempstead,  which,  with  a  part  of  Jamaica 
and  the  whole  of  Newtown,  constituted  the  bounds  of  their 
claim.  Their  main  settlement  was  at  Near  Rockaway.  The 
first  sachem  known  to  the  Dutch  was  Chegonoe.  Eskmoppas 
appears  to  have  been  sachem  in  1670,  and  Parnau  in  1685. 

3d.  The  Merrlcks,  Merokes,  or  Merikokes,  as  they  have  been 
denominated,  who  claimed  all  the  territory  south  of  the  middle 
of  the  island,  from  Near  Rockaway  to  the  west  line  of  Oyster 
bay.  Their  principal  village  was  the  site  of  the  present  village 
of  Mer'ick.  Their  sachem  in  1647,  was  Wantagh. 

4th.  The  Marsapequas  or  Marsapeagues,  who  had  their  settle 
ment  at  a  place  called  Fort  Neck,  and  thence  eastward  to  the 
bounds  of  Islip  and  north  to  the  middle  of  the  island.  At 
Fort  Neck  the  remains  of  two  Indian  forts  were  recently  still 
visible.  One  was  upon  the  most  southerly  point  of  land  ad 
joining  the  salt  meadow,  nearly  of  quadrangular  form  and  about 
thirty  yards  in  extent  on  each  side.  The  other  was  on  the 
southernmost  point  of  the  salt  meadow  adjoining  the  bay,  and 
consisted  of  palisades  set  in  the  meadow.  The  place  is  now 
covered  with  water.  The  chieftaincy  was  prominent  in  the 
war  of  1643  and  suffered  severely.  After  this  they  appear  to 
have  been  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Dutch  ;  and  in  the  Esopus 
war  of  1663,  contributed  forty-six  men  to  Kregier's  forces.1 

prove  that  any  particular  spot  belonged  to  be   proved   with  positive    accuracy.       In 

any  particular  Indian,  I  believe  is  beyond  hundreds  of  old  surveys  the  hills,  streams, 

human  skill,  so  as  to  make  it  evident  to  •  etc.,   by  which  the  tracts  were  bounded 

any  indifferent  man." —  Golden,  Document-  are  as  clear  as  the  marks  of  modern  sur- 

ary  History,  i,   383,   384.     Nevertheless  veyors. 
many  such  localities  have  been   and  can          1  (fCallaghan,  n,  482. 


74  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

Tackapousha,  sachem  in  1656,  was  also  chief  sachem  of  the 
western  chieftaincies  on  the  island. 

5th.  The  Matinecocks^  who  claimed  jurisdiction  of  the  lands 
east  of  Newtown  as  far  as  the  west  line  of  Smithtown,  and 
probably  to  the  west  side  of  Nesaquake  river.  They  were 
numerous  and  had  large  villages  at  Flushing,  Glen  Cove, 
Cold  Spring,  Huntington  and  Cow  Harbor.1  A  portion  of  the 
chieftaincy  took  part  in  the  war  of  1643  under  Gonwarrowe  ; 
but  the  sachem  at  that  time  remained  friendly  to  the  Dutch, 
and  through  his  diplomacy  succeeded  in  establishing  peace. 
Whiteneymen  (one-eyed)  was  sachem  in  1643,  and  Assiapam 
in  1653. 

6th.  The  Nesaquakes  or  Missaquogues  possessed  the  country 
east  of  the  river  of  that  name  to  Stony  brook  and  from  the  sound 
to  the  middle  of  the  island.  The  principal  settlement  of  the 
tribe  was  on  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Nesaquake  where 
the  sachem  probably  resided.  Coginiquant  was  sachem  in  1656. 

yth.  The  Seatalcats  or  Setaukets,  whose  territory  extended 
from  Stony  brook  to  Wading  river.  Their  village  was  upon 
Little  Neck.  They  are  said  to  have  been  a  numerous  family. 
Warrawakin  sachem,  1655  ;  Gil,  in  1675. 

8th.  The  Corchattgs  owned  the  remainder  of  the  territory 
from  Wading  river  to  Oyster  ponds,  and  were  spread  upon 
the  north  shore  of  Peconic  bay,  and  upon  the  necks  adjoining 
the  sound.  From  the  many  local  advantages  which  their  situa 
tion  afforded,  there  is  reason  to  suppose  that  they  were,  as  re 
gards  numbers  and  military  power,  a  respectable  clan.  Mo- 
mometon  sachem  in  1648. 

9th.  The  Manhassets,  who  occupied  Shelter  island,  Hog 
island,  and  Ram  island.  Their  principal  settlement  was  on 
Shelter  island  ;  and  the  residence  of  their  sachem  on  what  is 
now  known  as  Sachem's  Neck.  Tradition  affirms  that  they 
could  once  bring  "into  the  field  more  than  five  hundred  fighting 
men.  From  their  exposed  situation  they  were,  like  other  clans 
on  this  part  of  the  island,  made  tributary  to  the  Pequots,  Nar- 
ragansetts  and  Mahlcans  alternately.  Poygratasuck,  a  brother  to 

1  Thompson" i  Long  Island.     Van  Tien-     thirty  families  in  1650. 
hoven  represents  them  to  consist  of  only 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  75 

Wyandance,  was  sachem  in  1648,  and  is  spoken  of  as  possessed 
of  capacity  and  courage.  Yokee,  or  Youghco,  sachem  in  1651. 

i Oth.  The  Secatogues,  who  joined  the  Marsapequas  on  the 
west  and  claimed  the  country  as  far  east  as  Patchogue.  The 
farm  owned  by  the  Willett  family,  at  Islip,  is  supposed  to  have 
been  the  site  of  their  village.  The  bounds  of  their  tract  were 
from  Connectquut  river  on  the  east  to  the  line  of  Oyster  bay 
on  the  west,  and  from  the  South  bay  to  the  middle  of  the  island. 
They  were  so  much  reduced  by  wars  and  disease  that  when 
settlements  were  made  among  thdfci  their  lands  were  compara 
tively  deserted.  Winnequaheagh  was  sachem  in  1683. 

nth.  The  Patchogues^  or  Onchechaugs.  Their  jurisdiction  ex 
tended  from  Patchogue  east  to  West  Hampton,  and  their  villages 
at  Patchogue,  Fire  Place,  Mastic,  Moriches  and  West  Hampton. 
Tobaccus  sachem  in  1666. 

1 2th.  The  SkinecockS)  who  claimed  the  territory  from  West 
Hampton  to  East  Hampton,  including  Sag  harbor,  and  the 
whole  south  shore  of  Peconic  bay.  Nowedonah  was  sachem 
in  1648,  and  Quaquasho,  or  The  Hunter,  in  1691. 

1 3th.  The  Montauks*  This  chieftaincy  was  acknowledged 
both  by  the  Indians  and  the  Europeans,  as  the  ruling  family 
of  the  island.  They  were  indeed,  the  head  of  the  tribe  of  Mon- 
tauks,  the  other  divisions  named  being  simply  clans  or  groups, 
as  in  the  case  of  other  tribes.  DeRasieres  and  Van  der 
Donck  class  them  as  "  old  Manhattans."  They  were  consi 
derable  in  numbers ;  distinguished  for  the  hosp^plity  which 
they  extended  to  the  Dutch  traders  and  early  settlers,  and  no 
less  so  for  their  subsequent  hostility.  Holding  in  their  posses 
sion  the  treasure  chest  of  all  the  Indian  nations,  they  were 
especially  exposed  to  invasion  by  the  more  powerful  tribes  bor 
dering  on  the  sound.  At  the  time  of  the  discovery  they  were 
a  part  of  or  under  tribute  to  the  Mahlcans.  Wyandance,  their 
sachem,  was  also  the  grand  sachem  of  Paumanacke,  or  Sewan- 
hackey,  as  the  island  was  called.  Nearly  all  the  deeds  for  lands 
were  confirmed  by  him.  His  younger  brothers,  Nowedonah 
and  Poygratasuck,  were  respectively  sachems  of  the  Sbinecocks 
and  the  Mankassets.  His  residence  was  upon  Montauk,  and 

1Metowacks,  Brodhead ;  Matuwacks,  fates  &  M.oulton  ;  Montauks,  Thompson. 

10 


76  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

the  body  of  his  followers  lay  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  Dur 
ing  the  wars  of  the  Mahicans,  the  Montauks  were  subjugated  by 
or  compelled  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Pequots.  After  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  latter  nation  in  1637,  the  Mahicans  again  asserted 
their  authority,  but  about  that  time  the  Montauks  accepted  the  pro 
tection  of  the  English  and  paid  tribute  to  the  governor  of  New 
Haven.  In  1653,  they  were  engaged  in  war  with  the  Narra- 
gansetts,  or  rather  the  latter  attacked  them  "as  the  friends  and 
tributaries  of  the  English."1  A  considerable  number  of  the 
Montauks  perished  in  this  wlr. 

On  the  division  of  the  island  in  1650,  between  the  English 
and  the  Dutch,  the  English  taking  the  eastern,  and  the  Dutch 
the  western  part,  the  jurisdiction  of  Wyandance  was  nominally 
divided,  Tackapousha  being  elected  sachem  of  the  chieftaincies 
in  possession  of  the  Dutch,  viz :  Marsapequas,  Merikokes, 
Carnarsees,  Secatogues,  Rockaways,  and  Matinecocks.  In 
the  winter  of  1658,  the  small  pox  destroyed  more  than  half  the 
clan,  while  Wyandance  lost  his  life  by  poison  secretly  adminis 
tered.  The  remainder,  both  to  escape  the  fatal  malady, 
and  the  danger  of  invasion  in  their  weakened  state,  fled  in  a 
body  to  their  white  neighbors,  who  received  and  entertained 
them  for  a  considerable  period.  Wycombone  succeeded  his 
father,  Wyandance,  and  being  a  minor,  divided  the  government 
with  his  mother,  who  was  styled  the  Squa-sachem.  Lion 
Gardiner  and  his  son  David  acted  as  guardians  to  the  young 
chief,  by  r^uest  of  his  father  made  just  before  his  death.  At 
Fort  Pond,  called  by  the  Indians  Konk-hong-anok,  are  the  remains 

Thompson  ascribes  the  cause  of  this  King  Philip's  war,  (1675),  and  punished 
war  to  the  refusal  of  the  Montauk  mon-  them  severely.  The  engagement  took 
arch  to  join  in  the  plan  for  exterminating  place  on  Block  Island,  whither  the  Mon- 
the  Europeans.  Roger  Williams  writes  tauks  went  in  their  canoes,  and  upon  land- 
to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  in  1654  :  ing,  fell  into  an  ambuscade.  He  says  : 
"  The  cause  of  the  war  is  the  pride  of  the  "  The  Montauk  Indians  were  nearly  all 
barbarians,  Ascassascotick,  the  Long  Is-  killed  j  a  few  were  protected  by  the  Eng 
land  sachem,  and  Ninigret,  of  the  Narra-  lish  and  brought  away.  The  sachem 
gansetts.  The  former  is  proud  and  fool-  was  taken  and  carried  to  Narragansett, 
ish  j  the  latter  proud  and  fierce." —  he  was  made  to  walk  on  a  large  flat  rock 
Thompsons  Hist.  Long  Island  '  Drake's  that  was  heated  by  building  fires  on  it, 
Book  of  the  Indiana  and  walked  several  times  over  it  singing 

Lion  Gardiner,  in  his  Notes  on  East  his  death  song,  but  his  feet  being  burned 

Hampton,  relates,  that  the  Block  Island  to  the  bones,  he  fell  and  they  finished  the 

Indians,  acting  as  the  allies  of  the  Narra-  tragical  scene  as  is  usual  for  savages." — 

gansetts  attacked  the  Montauks,  during  N.  f.  Hist.  Soc.-Coll.y  1849,  258. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER. 


77 


of  the  burial  ground  of  the  chieftaincy,  and  here  once  stood  the 
citadel  of  the  monarch,  Wyandance.1 

II.  The  chieftaincies  of  the  WAPPINGERS  were  : 
1st.  The  Reckgawawancs.2  This  chieftaincy  has  been  gene 
rally  known  by  the  generic  name  of  Manhattans^  and  is  so 
designated  by  Brodhead  and  other  historians.  The  site  of  their 
principal  village  is  now  occupied  by  that  of  Yonkers,  and  was 
called  Nappeckamak.  This  village,  says  Bolton,4  was  situated 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Neperah,  or  Saw  Mill  creek.  On  Berrien's 
Neck,  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Spuyten  Duyvel  creek,  was 
situated  their  castle  or  fort,  called  Nipinichsen.  This  fort  was 
carefully  protected  by  a  strong  stockade  and  commanded  the 
romantic  scenery  of  the  Papirinimen,  or  Spuyten  Duyvel,  and 
the  Mahicanituk,  the  junction  of  which  two  streams  was  called 
Shorackappock.  It  was  at  this  castle  that  the  fight  occurred 
between  Hudson  and  the  Indians  on  his  return  voyage,5  and 

formerly  many  people  have  dwelt,  but 
who  for  the  most  part  have  died  or  have 
been  driven  away  by  the  Wappenos." 
Again,  referring  to  Long  Island,  he  says  : 
"  It  is  inhabited  by  the  old  Manhattans 
(Manhatesen) ;  they  are  about  two 
hundred  or  three  hundred  strong,  women 


1  Thompson 's  History  of  Long  Island. 

3  Bolton  gives  them  the  name  of  Nap- 
peckamaks,  but  that  title  does  not  appear 
in  the  records  except  as  the  name  of  their 
village  at  Yonkers. 

«  3  Custom  would,  perhaps,  warrant  the 
continuance  of  the  name  as  designating 
a  chieftaincy,  but  the  evidence  is  conclu 
sive  that  it  was  not  used  by  the  Indians 
in  any  such  connection,  but  was  a  generic 
term  designating  not  only  the  occupants 
of  the  island  now  called  Manhattan,  but 
of  Long  Island,  and  the  mainland  north 
of  Manhattan  Island.  The  term  Man 
hattan  indicates  this,  being  apparently 
from  Menohhunnet,  which  in  Eliot's 
Bible,  is  given  as  the  equivalent  of  islands, 
or  as  applied  to  the  people,  "  the  people 
of  the  islands." —  (Historical  Magazine, 
i,  89).  The  statements  of  the  Dutch 
historians  confirm  this  interpretation. 
Van  der  Donck  and  Wassenaar  agree 
that  there  were  four  languages  spoken  by 
the  natives,  namely,  the  Manhattan, 
Minqua,  Savanoo,  and  Wappinoo.  "  With 
'the  Manhattan,"  says  Van  der  Donck, 
"we»include  those  who  live  in  the  neigh 
boring  places  along  the  North  river  on 
Long  Island  and  at  the  Neversink."  De 
Rasieres,  writing  in  1628,  as  a  personal 
witness,  says  :  "  Up  the  river  the  east 
side  is  high,  full  of  trees,  and  in  some 
places  there  is  a  little  good  land,  where 


they  call  sackimes  (sachems)."  De  Laet 
says  :  "  On  the  east  side  on  the  main 
land,  dwell  the  Manhattans."  Block, 
whose  vessel  was  burned  in  the  lower 
bay  in  1614,  and  who  there  built  another, 
was  fed  and  protected  by  the  Manhattans, 
not  on  Manhattan  Island,  but,  as  appears 
by  the  statements  of  the  Long  Island 
Indians,  this  care  and  protection  was  in 
the  territory  and  on  the  island  of  the 
latter.  Under  this  explanation  there  is 
no  contradiction  in  the  statements  of 
Hudson,  De  Laet  and  other  writers,  as 
compared  with  the  Albany  Records,  that 
the  name  Manhattan,  is  *'  from  or  after 
the  tribe  of  savages  among  whom  the 
Dutch  made  their  first  settlement ;  "  nor 
with  that  contained  in  a  paper  describing 
New  Netherland  (Documentary  History, 
iv,  115):  "So  called  from  the  people 
which  inhabited  the  main  land  on  the 
east  side  of  the  river." 

*  History  of  Westchester  County. 

5  "  Whereupon  two  canoes  full  of  men, 
with  their  bowes  and  arrowes  shot  at  us 


78  THE  INDI4N  TRIBES 

it  was  also  at  this  point  that  he  first  dropped  anchor  on  his  as 
cending  vpyage.  They  held  occupation  of  Manhattan  island 
and  had  there  villages  which  were  occupied  while  on  hunting 
and  fishing  excursions.  In  Breeden  Raedt  their  name  is  given 
as  the  Reckewackes,  and  in  the  treaty  of  1643,  it  is  said  that 
Oritany,  sachem  of  the  Hackinsacks,  "  declared  he  was  dele 
gated  by  and  for  those  of  Tappaen,  Reckgawawanc,  Kickta- 
wanc,  and  Sintsinck." 

The  tract  occupied  by  the  Reckgawawancs  on  the  main  land 
was  called  Kekesick,  and  is  described  as  "  lying  over  against 
the  flats  of  the  island  of  Manhates."  It  extended  north  includ 
ing  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Yonkers,  and  east  to  the 
Broncks  river.  Their  chiefs  were  Rechgawac,  after  whom  they 
appear  to  have  been  called,  Fecquesmeck,  and  Peckauniens. 
Their  first  sachem  known  to  the  Dutch,  was  Tackarew,  in 
1639.  In  1682,  the  names  of  Goharis,  Teattanqueer  and 
Wearaquaeghier  appear  as  the  grantors  of  lands  to  Frederick 
Phillipse.  Tackarew's  descendants  are  said  to  have  been  resi 
dents  of  Yonkers  as  late  as  1701.  The  last  point  occupied  by 
the  chieftaincy  was  Wild  Boar  hill,  to  which  place  its  members 
had  gathered  together  as  the  Europeans  encroached  upon  them. 
Traces  of  two  burial  grounds  have  been  discovered  on  their 
lands. 

ad.  The  Weckquaesgeeks?  As  early  as  1644,  this  chieftaincy 
is  known  to  have  had  three  entrenched  castles,2  one  of  which 
remained  as  late  as  1663,  and  was  then  garrisoned  by  eighty 
warriors.  Their  principal  village  was  on  the  site  of  Dobb's 
Ferry  ;  it  is  said  that  its  outlines  can  still  be  traced  by  numerous 
shell  beds.  It  was  called  Weckquaskeck,  and  was  located  at 
the  mouth  of  Wicker's  creek,  which  was  called  by  the  Indians 
Wysquaqua.  Their  second  village  was  called  Alipconck.  Its 

after  our  sterne ;  in  recompense  whereof  killed   one    of   them.     Then   our    men 

we    discharged   six  muskets,    and   killed  with  their  muskets,  killed  three  or  four 

two  or  three  of  them.     Then  above  an  more   of    them.       So   they   went    their 

hundred  of  them  came  to  a  point  of  land  way." — Hudson's  Journal. 

to  shoot  at  us.     There  I  shot  a  falcon  at          1  This    name    appears    to  be  local,    al- 

them,   and  killed  two  of  them  ;  where-  though  there  is  some  reason  for  regarding 

upon  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods.     Yet  it  as  generic. 

they  manned  off  another  canoe  with  nine         a  "  Journal  of  New  Netherland,"  Docu- 

or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us.     So  mentary  History ,  iv,  15. 

I  shot  a  falcon,  and  shot  it  through,  and 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  79 

site  is  now  occupied  by  the  village  of  Tarrytown.  Their  terri 
tory  appears  to  have  extended  from  Norwalk  on  the  Sound,  to 
the  Hudson,  and  to  have  embraced  considerable  portions  of  the 
towns  of  Mount  Pleasant,  Greenburgh,  White  Plains,  and  Rye  ; 
it  was  very  largely  included  in  the  Manor  of  Phillipsborough. 
Their  sachem,  in  1649,  was  Ponupahowhelbshelen  ;  in  1660, 
Ackhough  ;  in  1663,  Souwenaro  ;  in  1680,  Weskora,  or  Wes- 
komen,  and  Goharius  his  brother ;  in  1681,  Wessickenaiuw  and 
Conarhanded  his  brother.  Their  chiefs  are  largely  represented 
in  the  list  of  grantors  of  lands. 

3d.  The  Sint-Smks.  This  chieftaincy  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  very  numerous.  Their  name  is  perpetuated  in  the 
present  village  of  Sing-Sing,  which  was  called  Ossing-Sing, 
where  they  had  a  village.  Another  village  was  located  between 
the  Sing-Sing  creek  and  the  Kitchawonck,  or  Croton  river,  and 
was  called  Kestaubuinck.  Their  lands  are  described  in  a  deed 
to  Frederick  Phillipse,  August  24,  1685,  and  were  included  in 
his  manor.  The  grantors  were  Weskenane,  Crawman,  Wap- 
pus,  Mamaunare  and  Weremenhore,  who  may  or  may  not  have 
been  chiefs. 

4th.  The  Kitchawongs^  or  Kicktawancs.  The  territory  of 
this  chieftaincy  appears  to  have  extended  from  Croton  river 
north  to  Anthony's  Nose.  Their  principal  village,  Kitcha 
wonck,  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  which  bears  their  name. 
They  also  had  a  village  at  Peekskill,  which  they  called  Sackhoes. 
Their  castle  or  fort,  which  stood  at  the  mouth  of  the  Croton, 
is  represented  as  one  of  the  most  formidable  and  ancient  of  the 
Indian  fortresses  south  of  the  Highlands.  Its  precise  location 
was  at  the  entrance  or  neck  of  Teller's  point  (called  Senasqua), 
and  west  of  the  cemetery  of  the  Van  Cortlandt  family.  Their 
burial  ground  was  a  short  distance  east  of  the  castle  ;  a  roman 
tic  and  beautiful  locality.  The  traditionary  sachem  of  the 
chieftaincy  was  Croton.  Metzewakes  appears  as  sachem  in 
1641  ;  Weskheun  in  1685,  and,  in  1699,  Sakama  Wicker. 
There  was  apparently  a  division  of  the  chieftaincy  at  one  time, 
Kitchawong  appearing  as  sachem  of  the  village  and  castle  on 
the  Croton,  and  Sachus  of  the  village  of  Sackhoes  or  Peekskill. 
Sirham  was  sachem  of  the  latter  in  1684.  Their  lands  were 


80  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

principally  included  in  the  manor  of  Cortlandt,  from  which  was 
subsequently  erected  the  towns  of  Cortlandt,  Yorktown,  Somers, 
North  Salem  and  Lewisborough. 

5th.  The  Tankitekes^  The  lands  occupied  by  this  chieftaincy 
are  now  embraced  in  the  towns  of  Darien,  Stamford,  and  New 
Canaan,  in  Connecticut,  and  Poundridge,  Bedford,  and  Green- 
bush,  in  Westchester  county.  They  were  purchased  by  Na 
thaniel  Turner,  in  behalf  of  the  people  of  New  Haven,  in  1641, 
and  are  described  in  the  deed  as  the  tracts  called  Toquams  and 
Shipham.  Ponus  was  sachem  of  the  former  and  Wasenssne  of 
the  latter.  Ponus  reserved  a  portion  of  Toquams  for  the  use 
of  himself  and  his  associates,  but  with  this  exception  their  entire 
possessions  appear  to  have  passed  under  a  deed  without  metes 
or  bounds.  The  chieftaincy  occupies  a  prominent  place  in 
Dutch  history  through  the  action  of  Pacham,  "a  crafty  man," 
who  not  only  performed  discreditable  service  for  Director  Kieft, 
but  was  also  very  largely  instrumental  in  bringing  on  the  war  of 
1645. 

6th.  The  Nockpeems.  This  chieftaincy  occupied  the  high 
lands  north  of  Anthony's  Nose.2  Van  der  Donck  assigns  to 
them  three  villages  :  Keskistkonck,  Pasquasheck  and  Nochpeem 
on  the  Hudson.  Their  principal  village,  however,  appears  to 
have  been  called  Canopus  from  the  name  of  their  sachem.  It 
was  situated  in  what  is  now  known  as  Canopus  hollow,  one  of 
the  most  fertile  sections  of  Putnam  county.  The  residence  of 
Canopus  is  said  to  have  been  on  a  hill  in  the  south-east  part  of 

1  Brodhead  locates  this  chieftaincy  at  a  Wassenaar  locates  here  the  Pachany  j 
Haverstraw,  but  his  authorities  are  not  at  and  Brodhead,  on  authorities  which  ap- 
all  clear.  For  example,  it  is  said  that  an  pear  to  him  sufficient,  follows  him  under 
offending  member  of  the  Hackinsacks,  the  name  of  Pachimis.  In  Breeden 
had  gone  "  two  days'  journey  off  among  Raedt  they  are  called  Hogelanders,  while 
the  Tankitekes  5  "Pacham,  the  subtle  in  the  treaty  of  1644  ( 0' Callaghan,  i, 
chief  of  the  Tankitekes  near  Haver-  302),  they  are  called  Nochpeems,  a  title 
straw."  Haverstraw  was  not  two  days'  which  corresponds  with  the  name  of  one 
journey  from  Hackinsack,  certainly.  His  of  their  villages  on  Van  der  Donck's 
location  is  also  defeated  in  the  person  and  map.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Tan- 
history  of  Pacham,  whose  name  he  pre-  kitekes  extended  into  the  highlands  on 
viously  gives  to  a  chieftaincy  in  the  the  east,  and  that  their  chief  Pacham 
highlands.  O'Callaghan  locates  them  held  sway  there,  and  hence  the  name  j 
on  the  east  side  of  Tappan  bay,  and  but  the  treaty  record  of  1 644  appears  to 
Bolton  in  the  eastern  part  of  Westchester  be  a  sufficient  answer  to  this  theory.  It 
from  the  deeds  which  they  gave  to  their  is  certainly  safe  to  designate  them  by  a 
lands.  The  latter  is  clearly  correct.  title  by  which  they  were  officially  known. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  81 

the  town  of  Putnam  Valley,  and  was  included  in  the  deeds  for 
the  manor  of  Cortlandt.  The  remainder  of  their  lands  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Adolph  Phillipse,  under  a  title  which  was  the 
subject  of  controversy  for  years,  and  in  reference  to  which  a 
delegation  of  chiefs  visited  England  accompanied  by  king  Nim- 
ham.  Those  who  have  regarded  these  chieftaincies  as  "  inde 
pendent  tribes,  united,  since  they  were  known  to  the  Europeans, 
by  no  common  government,"  may  examine  this  controversy 
with  profit.  The  grantors  of  the  deed  were  Angnehanage, 
Rauntaye,  Wassawawigh,  Meanakahorint,  Meahem,  Wrawerm- 
neuw,  and  Awangrawryk,  and  was  for  a  tract  from  Anthony's 
Nose  to  the  Matteawan  creek,  and  from  the  Hudson  three 
miles  into  the  country.  The  latter  line  Phillipse  stretched  to 
twenty  miles.1 

yth.  The  Siwanoys ;  also  known  as  "  one  of  the  seven  tribes 
of  the  sea-coast."  This  chieftaincy  was  one  of  the  largest  of 
the  W^applnger  subdivisions.  They  occupied  the  northern  shore 
of  the  sound,  "  from  Norwalk  twenty-four  miles  to  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Hell-gate."  How  far  they  claimed  inland  is  uncertain, 
but  their  deeds  covered  the  manor  lands  of  Morrisania,  Scarsdall 
and  Pelham,  from  which  were  erected  the  towns  of  Pelham,  New 
Rochelle,  East  and  West  Chester,  North  and  New  Castle, 
Mamaroneck,  Scarsdall,  and  parts  of  White  Plains  and  West 
Farms  ;  other  portions  are  included  in  the  towns  of  «Rye  and 
Harrison,  as  well  as  in  Stamford.  There  is  also  some  reason 
for  supposing  that  the  tract  known  as  Toquams  and  assigned  to 
the  Tankitekes,  was  a  part  of  their  dominions.  A  very  large 
village  of  the  chieftaincy  was  situated  on  Rye  Pond  in  the  town 
of  Rye.  In  the  southern  angle  of  that  town,  on  a  beautiful 
hill  now  known  as  Mount  Misery,2  stood  one  of  their  castles. 
Another  village  was  situated  on  Davenport's  Neck.  Near  the 
entrance  to  Pelham's  Neck  was  one  of  their  burial  grounds. 
Two  large  mounds  are  pointed  out  as  the  sepulchres  of  the 
sachems  Ann-Hoock  and  Nimham.  In  the  town  of  West 

1  Land  Papers,  xvin,   lay,  etc.  .  Rochelle,  in  retaliation  for  a  descent  upon 

*  This  hill  is  said  to  have  acquired  its  their  place.     If  such  a  battle  took  place 

present  name  from  the  fact  that  a  large  it  has  no  official  record.     The  story  is 

body  of  Indians  were  there  surprised  and  mythical. 

cut  to  pieces  by  the  Huguenots  of  New 


82  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

Chester  they  had  a  castle  upon  what  is  still  known  as  Castle 
Hill  neck,  and  a  village  about  Bear  swamp,  of  which  they 
remained  in  possession  as  late  as  1689.  Their  ruling  sachem, 
in  1640,  was  Ponus,  whose  jurisdiction  was  over  tracts  called 
Rippowams  and  Toquams,  and  the  place  of  whose  residence 
was  called  Poningoe.  He  left  issue  three  sons,  Omenoke, 
Taphance  and  Onox  j  the  latter  had  a  son  called  Powhag.  In 
1 66 1,  Shanasockerell,  or  Shanorocke,  was  sachem  in  the  same 
district,  and,  in  1680,  Katonah  and  his  son  Paping  appear  as 
such.  Of  another  district  Maramaking,  commonly  known  as 
Lame  Will,  was  sachem  in  1681.  His  successor  was  Patt- 
hunck,  who  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Waptoe  Patthunck. 
The  names  of  several  of  their  chiefs  occur  in  Dutch  history  as 
well  as  in  the  early  deeds.  Among  them  are  Ann-Hoock, 
'alias  Wampage,  already  noticed,  who  was  probably  the  murderer 
of  Ann  Hutchinson,1  and  Mayane,  spoken  of  in  1644  as  "a 
fierce  Indian,  who,  alone,  dared  to  attack,  with  bow  and  arrows, 
three  Christians  armed  with  guns,  one  of  whom  he  shot  dead  ; 
and,  whilst  engaged  with  the  other,  was  killed  by  the  third," 
and  his  head  conveyed  to  Fort  Amsterdam.  The  occurrence 
served  to  convince  the  Dutch  that  in  offending  against  the  chiefs 
in  their  immediate  vicinity,  they  were  also  offending  those  of 
whose  existence  they  had  no  previous  knowledge.2  Shanasock- 
well  is  represented  as  "  an  independent  chieftain  of  the  Siwanoys" 
of  the  island  called  Manussing. 

8th.  The  Sequins.  This  was  a  large  chieftaincy  ;  its  princi 
pal  seat  was  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Connecticut  river  and 
its  jurisdiction  over  all  the  south-western  Connecticut  clans, 
including  those  designated  by  Van  der  Donck  as  the  0$uirepeys, 
the  Weeks ,  the  Makimanes,  and  the  Conittekooks,  and  classified 
by  De  Forest 3  as  the  Mahackenos,  Unkowas,  Paugussetts,  Wepa- 
waugs,  ^umnipiacs^  Monteweses,  Sicaoggs,  Tunxis,  etc.  Their 
lands  on  the  Connecticut  were  included  in  a  purchase  made  by 
the  West  India  Company,  June  8,  1633,  and  on  them  was 
erected  the  Dutch  trading  post  and  fort  known  as  "  Good  Hope." 

1  Nothing   was  more  common  among          2  Documentary  History,  iv,  14. 
the  Indians  than  to  give  to  a  warrior  the          3  De  Forests  History  Indians  of  Connec- 
name  of  his  victim.  ticut. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


83 


The  tract  is  said  to  have  been  sixty  miles  in  extent.1  Subse 
quently  (1643),  Sequin,  from  whom  the  chieftaincy  took  its 
name,  covered  his  deed  to  the  Dutch  by  one  to  the  English,  in 
which  he  included  "the  whole  country  to  the  Mohawks 
country."2  By  the  fortunes  of  war,  the  Pequots  compelled  the 
Sequins,  the  Siwanoys,  and  a  portion  of  the  Montauks,  to  pay 
them  tribute,3  but  this  condition  was  only  temporary.  In  the 
subsequent  war  between  the  English  and  their  allies  and  the 
Pequots,  the  national  existence  of  the  latter  was  destroyed. 
There  are  many  reasons  for  presuming  that  the  Sequins  were  an 
enlarged  family  of  Wappingers,  perhaps  the  original  head  of  the 
tribe  from  whence  its  conquests  were  pushed  over  the  southern 
part  of  the  peninsula.4 

9th.  The  Wappingers.  North  of  the  Highlands  was  the 
chieftaincy  historically  known  as  the  Wappingersf  and  acknow 
ledged  as  the  head  of  the  chieftaincies  of  the  tribal  organization 
of  that  name  occupying  the  territory  from  Roeloff  Jansen's  kill 


*The  deed  recites  the  agreement  be 
tween  Van  Curler,  on  the  part  of  the 
company,  "  and  the  sachem  named  Wapy- 
quart  or  Tatteopan,  chief  of  Sickenames 
river,  and  owner  of  the  Fresh  river  of 
New  Netherland,  called  in  their  tongue 
Connetticuck,"  for  the  purchase  and  sale 
of  the  lands  named,  "  on  condition  that 
all  tribes  might  freely,  and  without  fear 
or  danger,"  resort  thither  for  purposes  of 
trade. — 0"Callaghan,i,  150.  The  Sicke 
names,  from  whom  the  title  was  obtained, 
are  described  as  "  living  between  the 
Brownists  (the  Puritans)  and  the  Hol 
landers,"  and  that  "  all  the  tribes  on  the 
northern  coast  were  tributary  to  them." 
Sequin  denied  the  validity  of  their  deed 
and  sold  to  the  English.  The  Dutch 
quarreled  with  the  Sickenames  (Pequots), 
and  the  latter  invited  the  English  to  settle 
at  New  Haven  ;  subsequently  quarreled 
with  them  also,  and  were  destroyed. — 
O'Callaghan,  i,  157;  De  Forest's  Indians 
of  Connecticut. 

a  Farmington  Town  Records,  De  Forest. 

*  The  tradition  is  recited  by  O'Callaghan 
that  the  Sequins  had  original  jurisdiction, 
but  lost  it  after  three  pitched  battles  with 
the  Pequots.  There  is  a  strange  mixing 
up  of  tribes  in  the  story,  and  especially  in 
that  of  the  original  sale,  in  which  the 

11 


transaction  is  made  to  appear  "  with  the 
knowledge  of  Magaritiune,"  the  Wappi- 
noo  chief  of  Sloop's  bay. —  O'Callaghan, 
i,  149,  150,  157.  "  After  the  overthrow 
of  Sequin,  the  Pequots  advanced  along 
the  coast  and  obliged  several  tribes  to  pay 
tribute,  and  sailed  across  the  sound  and 
extorted  tribute  from  the  eastern  inhabit 
ants  of  Sewan-Hackey. —  De  Forests 
History  Indians  of  Connecticut,  61. 

4  Ante,  p.   41. 

6  Ante,  p.  41.  The  chieftaincy  must 
have  borne  some  other  name,  but  what 
is  not  known.  Among  the  Moravians 
they  were  known  as  the  Wequehachkes, 
or  the  people  of  the  hill  country. 
Governor  Lovelace,  in  a  letter  to  Go 
vernor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  Dec. 
29,  1869  (New  Tork  Assize  Record], 
writes  :  u  I  believe  I  can  resolve  your 
doubt  concerning  what  is  meant  by  the 
Highland  Indians  amongst  us.  The 
Wappingers  and  TVickeskeck,  etc.,  have 
always  been  reckoned  so."  It  is  entirely 
possible  that  the  tribal  name  was  Weque- 
hachke,  or  Wickeskeck,  or  PPeckquaesgeek, 
and  tkat  Wappingcrs  is  local.  In  all 
their  official  relations,  however,  and  in 
the  recognition  of  Nimham,  they  were 
known  as  the  Wappingers. 


84  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

on  the  north  to  Manhattan  island  on  the  south.  What  their 
family  clans  were  on  the  north  is  not  known,  nor  where  their 
capital.  On  Van  der  Donck's  map  three  of  their  villages  or 
castles  are  located  on  the  south  side  of  the  Mawenawasigh,  01 
Great  Wappinger's  kill,  which  now  bears  their  name.  North 
of  that  stream  they  appear  to  have  been  known  as  the  Indians 
of  the  Long  Reach,  and  on  the  south  as  the  Highland  In 
dians.  Among  their  chiefs  Goethals  and  Tseessaghgaw  are 
named,  while  of  their  sachems  the  names  of  Megriesken  and 
Nimham1  alone  survive.  Of  their  possessions  on  the  Hudson 
there  is  but  one  perfect  transfer  title  on  record,  that  being  for 
the  lands  which  were  included  in  the  Rombout  patent,  in  which 
u  Sackeraghkigh,  for  himself  and  in  the  name  of  Megriesken, 
sachem  of  the  Wappinger  Indians,"  and  other  Indians  therein 
named  as  grantors,  conveyed  the  tract  beginning  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Matteawan  creek  and  running  along  the  Hudson 
north  to  a  point  five  hundred  rods  beyond  "  the  Great  Wapping's 
kill,  called  by  the  Indians  Mawenawasigh,"  thence  east,  keeping 
five  hundred  rods  north  of  said  creek,  "  four  hours'  going  into 
the  woods,"  thence  south  to  the  south  side  of  Matteawan  creek, 
and  thence  west  "  four  hours'  going  "  to  the  place  of  beginning  — 
a  district  now  embraced  in  the  towns  of  Fishkill,  East  Fishkill, 
etc.,  in  Dutchess  county. 

Although  it  is  so  stated  on  Van  der  Donck's  map  of  New 
Netherland,  and  assumed  by  Gallatin  as  a  fact,  there  is  no  evi 
dence  that  the  Wappingers  extended  west  of  the  Hudson,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  the  conclusion  is  certain  that  they  did  not. 
The  record  of  the  Esopus  wars  and  the  sales  of  lands  show 
what  and  who  the  latter  were.  The  error  of  Van  der  Donck's 
informants  was  in  confusing  totemic  emblems,  and  similarity  of 
dialect,  with  tribal  jurisdiction.  The  totem  of  the  Wappingers 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Esopus  clans,  was  the  Wolf,  as  already 
stated,  while  below  the  Highlands  came  the  Turkey  of  the 

1 "  Daniel   Nimham,   a  native  Indian  have  always  had  a  sachem  or  king  whom 

and  acknowledged  sachem  or  king  of  a  they  have  acknowledged  to  be  the  head 

certain  tribe  of  Indians  known  and  called  of  the  tribe,  and  that,  by  a  regular  line  of 

by  the  name  of  Wappingtrs,  represents  succession   the  government   of  the   tribe 

that  the  tribe  formerly  were  numerous,  descended  to  the  said  present  sachem." — 

at  present  consists  of  about  two  hundred  New  York  Land  Papers,  xvm,  127. 
and    twenty-seven    persons j    that     they 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  85 

Lenapes,  constituting  a  clear  distinction  from  their  neighbors  on 
the  opposite  shore.  Gallatin  strengthens  the  error  by  introduc 
ing  the  fact  that  the  Wappingers  were  a  party  to  the  treaty  of 
Easton,  but  was  evidently  without  knowledge  that  they  were 
recent  emigrants  from  New  York.1 

III.  The  MAHICANS. 

The  territory  of  the  Mablcans  joined  the  Wappingers  and 
Sequins  on  the  south,  and  stretched  thence  north,  embracing  the 
head  waters  of  the  Hudson,  the  Housatonic  and  the  Connecti 
cut,  and  the  water-shed  of  lakes  George  and  Champlain.  The 
chieftaincies  of  the  tribe  have  a  very  imperfect  preservation,  but  its 
general  divisions  are  indicated  by  the  terms  :  I.  The  Mahicans, 
as  applied  to  that  portion  occupying  the  valley  of  the  Hudson  and 
the  Housatonic  ;  2.  The  Soquatucks,  as  applied  to  those  east  of 
the  Green  Mountains  ;  3.  The  Pennacooks,  as  applied  to  those 
occupying  the  territory  u  from  Haverhill  to  the  sources  of  the 
Connecticut  ; "  4.  The  Horikans,  who  occupied  the  Lake 
George  district,  and  5.  The  Nawaas  immediately  north  of  the 
Sequins  on  the  Connecticut.  The  first  of  these  general  divisions 
was  again  divided  into  at  least  five  parts,  as  known  to  the  au 
thorities  of  New  York,  viz  :  I.  The  Mahicans,  occupying  the 
country  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany  ;  2.  The  Wiekagjwks,  described 
by  Wassenaar  as  "next  below  the  Maikens ;"  3.  The  Mech- 
kentowoons  lying  above  Katskill  and  on  Beeren  or  Mahican 
Island  ;  4.  The  Wawyachtonocks*  who  apparently  resided  in  the 
western  parts  of  Dutchess  and  Columbia  counties,  and  5.  The 
Westenhucks,  who  held  the  capital  of  the  confederacy.  At  the 
time  of  the  discovery  those  embraced  in  the  first  subdivision 
had  a  castle  on  what  is  now  known  as  Haver  island,  called  by 
them  Cohoes,  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  just  below  Cohoes 
falls,  under  the  name  of  Monemius'  castle,  and  another  on  the 
east  bank  and  south  of  the  first,  called  Unuwat's  castle.3  At 

1  Johnson  Manuscript,  iv,  54.  name  of  Wayaughtanock."     In  the  pro- 

2  The  name  is  local,  and  is  applied,  in  ceedings  of  a  convention  held  at  Albany 
a  petition  by  William  Caldwell  and  others  in    1689,    the    name    is    applied    to    the 
in    1702,  to   a   "  tract  of  unappropriated  Indians  who  are  called  the  Wawyachteioks 
lands  in  ye  hands  of  ye  Indians,  lying  or  Wawijachtenocks. 

in  Dutchess  county  to  ye  westward  of  3Mapof Rensselaerswyck,0'CW/<2g-fo»'s 
Westenholks  creek,  and  to  ye  eastward  NCIU  Netherlfind  •  Wassenaar,  Document- 
of  Poghkeepsie,  called  by  ye  Indians  by  ye  ary  History,  in,  43. 


86  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

or  near  Schodac  was  Aepjtn's  castle.1  Nine  miles  east  of 
Claverack  was  one  of  the  castles  of  the  Wiekagjocks,  and  on 
Van  der  Donck's  map  two  of  their  villages,  without  name,  are 
located  inland  north  of  RoelofF  Jansen's  kill.  Potik  and  Beeren 
island  2  were  for  many  years  in  the  possession  of  the  Wechken- 
towoons.  The  villages  of  the  Wawyachtonocks  are  without 
designation,  but  it  is  probable  that  Shekomeko,3  about  two  miles 
south  of  the  village  of  Pine  Plains,  in  Dutchess  county,  was 
classed  as  one  of  them,  as  well  as  that  of  Wechquadnach  or 
Wukhquautenauk,  described  as  "  twenty-eight  miles  below 
Stockbridge."  Kaunaumeek,  where  the  missionary,  Brainerd, 
labored,  and  which  he  describes  as  "  near  twenty  miles  from 
Stockbridge,  and  near  about  twenty  miles  distant  from  Albany 
eastward  ;  " 4  Potatik,  located  by  the  Moravians  on  the  Housa- 
tonic  "  seventy  miles  inland,"  and  Westenhuck  or  Wnahkta- 
kook,  the  capital  of  the  confederacy,  were  villages  of  the  Wes- 
tenbucks,  subsequently  known  as  the  Stockbridges.5  That  their 
villages  and  chieftaincies  were  even  more  numerous  than  those  of 
the  Montauks  and  Wappingers  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose,  but 
causes  the  very  opposite  of  those  which  led  to  the  preservation 
of  the  location  of  the  latter,  permitted  the  former  to  go  down 
with  so  many  unrecorded  facts  relating  to  the  tribe,  as  well  as  to 
their  neighbors,  the  Mohawks,  whose  four  castles  only  appear  on 
record  instead  of  seven  &  affirmed  by  the  Jesuit  missionaries.6 

But  these  subdivisions  are  of  no    practical  importance.     In 
tribal  action  they  were  as  unknown  as  the  merest   hamlet  in 

1  Brodbead,     i,     77  ;    Albany     County  is  marked  by  a  pine  tree  growing  up  from 
Records  ;  Stockbridge  Tradition.  the   centre   of  what   was    once  his  only 

2  Literally  Bear's    island,  so  called  no  room,   and   the   bridge   near  by  is  called 
doubt  from  the  totem  of  its  occupants.  Brainerd's  Bridge.  —  Stockbridgc,  Past  and 

3  "  Shacomico,  a  place  in  the  remotest  Present,  69. 

part  of  that  county  (Dutchess)  inhabited  5  Westenhuck  and  Stockbridge  were 
chiefly  by  Indians,  where  also  live  three  two  distinct  places.  The  former  was 
Moravian  priests  with  their  families  in  a  among  the  hills  south  of  Stockbridge.  — 
blockhouse,  and  sixteen  Indian  wigwams  Sauthier's  Map.  After  the  establishment 
round  about  it." — Documentary  History ,  of  the  reservation  and  mission  at  Stock- 
in,  1014.  bridge  the  Indian  village  was  mainly,  if 

4  "The  place   as   to  its   situation,   was  not  entirely,  deserted.    Many  of  the  tribe 
sufficiently  unpleasant,  being  encompassed  removed    to     Pennsylvania,    and     others 
with  mountains  and  woods."  —  Brainerd's  united  with  the  mission. 

Diary.  The  Indians  removed  from  this  6  Local  research  would,  it  is  believed, 
village  to  Stockbridge,  in*  1744.  The  develop  forty  villages  in  the  territory  of 
site  of  the  hut  which  Brainerd  occupied  the  Mahicans. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  87 

the  voice  of  a  civilized  state  ;  in  other  respects,  as  free  as  the 
most  perfect  democracy.  Had  the  lands  upon  which  they  were 
located  been  sold  in  small  tracts  and  opened  to  settlement  at  an 
early  period,  they  would  not  have  escaped  observation  and  record  -, 
but  the  wilderness  was  a  sealed  book  for  many  years,  and  there 
are  those  who  still  write  that  it  was  without  Indian  habitations. 
Such,  too,  was  the  dream  in  regard  to  the^lands  of  the  Iroquois, 
until  Sullivan's  blazing  torch  lighted  the  hills  and  valleys  with 
the  crackling  flames  of  forty  burning  villages. 

On  the  8th  of  .-ipril,  1680,  the  Mahicans  sold  their  land,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Hudson,  to  Van  Rensselaer,  or  at  least  so 
much  thereof  as  was  "  called  Sanckhagag,"  a  tract  described  as 
extending  from  Beeren  island  up  to  Smack's  island,  and  in 
breadth  two  days'  journey."  The  grantors  were  Paep-Sikene- 
komtas,  Manconttanshal  and  Sickoussen.  On  the  2yth  of 
July,  following,  the  same  gentleman  bought  from  Cattomack, 
Nawanemit,  Abantzene,  Sagisquwa  and  Kanamoack,  the  lands 
lying  south  and  north  of  Fort  Orange,  and  extending  to  within 
a  short  distance  of  Monemius'  castle,  and  from  Nawanemit, 
one  of  the  last  named  chiefs,  his  grounds,  "  called  Samesseeck," 
stretching  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  from  opposite  Castle 
island  to  a  point  facing  Fort  Orange,  and  thence  from  Poetan- 
oek,  the  mill  creek,  north  to  Negagonse.  Seven  years  later 
he  purchased  an  intervening  district  "  called  Papsickenekas," 
lying  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  extending  from  opposite 
Castle  island  south  to  a  point  opposite  Smack's  island,  includ 
ing  the  adjacent  islands,  and  all  the  lands  back  into  the  interior, 
belonging  to  the  Indian  grantors,  and,  with  his  previous  pur 
chases,  became  the  proprietor  of  a  tract  of  country  twenty-four 
miles  long,  and  forty-eight  miles  broad,  containing,  by  estima 
tion,  over  seven  hundred  Thousand  acres,  now  comprising  the 
counties  of  Albany,  Rensselaer,  and  part  of  Columbia.1 

Deeds  of  a  later  period  for  lands  in  the  same  vicinity  are  re 
corded  in  Albany  county  records.  One  is  given  "  in  the  pre 
sence  of  Aepjen  and  Nietamozit,  being  among  the  chiefs  of  the 


1  G1  Callaghan"  s     New    Net  her land,     i,      9165   Map    of    Rensselaersiuyck,     CfCal- 
122,  123,  1245  Map  of  Manor  of  Rens-     lagharfs  New  Netherland,  i,  204. 
sclacrsvuyck,      Documentary     History,     in, 


88  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Mohikanders  ;"  another  defines  the  tract  conveyed,  as  "  the 
fast  bank  where  the  house  of  Machacnotas  stood,"  and  another 
conveys  an  island  called  "  Schotack  or  Aepjen's  island."  Two 
immense  tracts  were  sold  to  Robert  Livingston,  July  I2th, 
1683,  and  August  loth,  1685,  and  subsequently  included  in  a 
patent  to  him  for  the  manor  of  Livingston.  The  grantors  were 
the  following  "  Mahican  Indian  owners  :"  Ottonowaw,  a  crip 
ple  Indian  ;  Tataemshaet,  Oothoot,  Maneetpoo,  and  two  In 
dian  women  named  Tamaranchquae  and  Wawanitsaw,  and 
others  in  the  deed  named.1  The  lands  between  Livingston  and 
Van  Rensselaer  were  taken  up  in  small  parcels,  some  of  them 
without  purchase.  Sales  east  of  the  Taghkanick  mountains,  in  the 
state  of  Connecticut,  are  recorded,  and  among  others  that  of  a 
tract  to  Johannes  Diksman  and  Lawrence  Knickerbacker,  now 
in  the  town  of  Salisbury,  the  grantors  being  Konaguin,  Sakow- 
anahook  and  others  "  all  of  the  nation  of  Mohokandas."  Al 
most  touching  the  shore  of  the  southern  extremity  of  Lake 
Champlain,  "  Mahican  Abraham"  asserted  his  proprietorship, 
indicating  tribal  possession  seventy  miles  north  of  Albany.  In 
view  of  these  records  there  is  no  difficulty  in  determining  the 
value  of  the  assertion  that  the  Mahuans  were  driven  back  to  the 
Housatonic  "  by  their  implacable  enemies,  the  Mohawks."  The 
more  important  proposition  is,  how  came  the  former  west  of 
the  Hudson,  if  the  prowess  of  their  rivals  was  so  supreme  ? 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  capital  or  council-fire 
of  the  nation  as  having  been  at  Westenhuck.  That  the  ori 
ginal  capital  was  at  Schodac  is  affirmed  by  the  Dutch  records  and 
by  the  traditions  of  the  tribe,  and  accords  with  the  interpretation 
of  the  name  itself.  Like  other  tribes,  they  recoiled  before  the 
incoming  civilization,  and  sometime  between  1664  and  1734, 
removed  their  national  seat  to  Westenhuck  where  it  was  known 
to  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts,2  as  well  as  to  the  Moravian 
missionaries.  "In  February,  1744,"  says  Loskiel,3  "some 
Indian  deputies  arrived  at  Shekomeko  from  Westenhuck,  to 
inquire  whether  the  believing  Indians  would  live  in  friendship 

1  Documentary  History,  in,  612,  617.  *  History  of  the  Moravian  Missions. 

2  Stockbridpe  Past  and  Present. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  89 

with  the  new  chief."  In  1751,  he  writes  at  Gnadenhutten, 
in  Pennsylvania  :  "  Two  deputies  were  likewise  sent  to  the  great 
council  of  the  Mahikan  nation  at  Westenhuck,  with  which 
they  appeared  much  pleased,  and  as  a  proof  of  their  satisfac 
tion  made  Abraham,  an  assistant  at  Gnadenhutten,  a  captain."1 
Again :  u  The  unbelieving  Indians  at  Westenhuck,  made 
several  attempts  to  draw  the  Christian  Indians  in  Shekomeko 
into  their  party."  "Brother  David  Bruce,"  it. is  added,  "paid 
visits  to  Westenhuck,  by  invitation  of  the  head  chief  of  the 
Mahican  nation,"  of  whom  it  is  said  :  "  the  above  mentioned 
chief  of  Westenhuck,  who  had  long  been  acquainted  with  the 
brethren,  departed  this  life."  This  chief  was  Konapot,  whose 
name  has  been  preserved  in  the  records  of  the  Stockbridge 
mission,  and  who  is  described  by  Hopkins  as  "  the  principal 
man  among  the  Muhhekaneok  of  Massachusetts."  By  the 
records  of  Massachusetts,  it  appears  that,  in  1736,  the  Wes 
tenhuck  sachem  visited  Boston,  accompanied  by  the  chiefs 
from  Hudson's  river,  as  one  people,  while  the  former,  when 
known  as  the  Stockbridges,  came  to  Albany  in  1756,  and  were 
received  as  the  actual  representatives  of  the  Mahicam,  instead 
of  those  known  as  such  to  the  authorities  of  New  York.  Tl\e 
fact  that  Westenhuck  was  the  point  selected  for  missionary  labor, 
by  the  Societyfor  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts, 
is  additional  proof  of  its  importance,  though  the  extremities  of 
the  nation  withered  under  the  adverse  influences  by  which  they 
were  surrounded,  the  heart  remained  in  vigor  long  after  that  of 
its  rivals  had  been  consumed. 

IV.  The  chieftaincies  of  the  UNAMIS  were  : 

ist.  The  Navisinks  or  Neversincks.  This  chieftaincy  in 
habited  the  Highlands  south  of  Sandy  Hook.  It  was  with  them 
that  Hudson  had  intercourse  after  entering  the  bay  of  New 
York.  He  describes  them  as  civil  in  their  deportment,  and 
disposed  to  exchange  such  products  of  the  country  as  they  had 
for  knives,  beads  and  articles  of  clothing.  It  was  at  their  hands, 
also,  that  John  Coleman,  one  of  Hudson's  crew,  lost  his  life 

1  Abraham,    whose    Indian  name  was  Pennsylvania,  from  whence  he  returned 

Schabash,  was  one  of  the  chiefs  of  She-  as  stated.     He  subsequently  became  the 

komeko.       He    was    converted     by   the  head  of  the  Mahicans  of  Pennsylvania. — 

Moravians  and    removed    with   them  to  Mem.  Morav.  Chnrch. 


90  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

on  the  6th  of  September,  1609.  Passachquon  was  sachem  in 
1663. 

2d.  The  Raritans,  who  occupied  the  valley  and  river  which 
still  bears  their  name.  They  were  first  called  Sanhikans,  or 
Fire-workers.  They  were  divided,  it  is  said,  in  two  sachemdoms 
and  about  twenty  chieftaincies.  From  their  title  deeds  it  would 
appear  that  the  two  sachems  were  Appamanskoch  and  Mat- 
tano  or  Mattenon.1  Their  territory  on  the  Hudson  included 
the  valley  of  the  Raritan,  and  from  thence  to  the  sea.2  The 
Dutch  had  some  difficulties  with  .them  in  1641,  but  soon  after 
that  year  they  removed  to  the  Kittateny  mountains,  and  were 
subsequently  known  in  Dutch  history  only  through  the  deeds 
which  they  gave  to  their  lands.  They  were  not  a  warlike  race, 
but  peaceable  in  disposition,  as  became  the  traditional  totem 
which  they  bore.  Their  treatment  under  the  English  of  New 
Jersey,  was  liberal  and  just.  No  bloodshed  or  violence  was 
permitted,  nor  occupation  of  their  lands  without  purchase. 
Their  possessions  finally  dwindled  down  to  about  three  thousand 
acres  in  the  township  of  Eversham,  Burlington  county,  on 
which  a  church  was  erected.  This  land  they  obtained  permis 
sion  to  sell,  in  1802,  when  the  remnant  of  the  clan  removed 
to  Oneida  lake,  N.  Y.,  and  from  thence,  in  1824,  to  a  tract 
on  Lake  Michigan,  where  they  united  with  the  Brothertons. 

3d.  The  Hackinsacks.  The  territory  occupied  by  this  chief 
taincy  was  called  Ack-kin-kas-hacky,  and  embraced  the  valley 
of  the  Hackinsack  and  Passaic  rivers.  Their  number,  in  1643, 
is  stated  at  a  thousand  souls,  of  whom  about  three  hundred  were 
warriors.  Their  council-fire  was  kindled  at  Gamoenapa,  the 
aboriginal  for  Communipau.  They  took  prominent  part  in 

1  Deed    for    Raritan  meadows,    1651;  Southern   Indians,  they   migrated  further 

Deed  to  Denton  and  others,  1664.  inland  5  the  second,  because  this  country 

3  "  The  district  inhabited  by  a  nation  was  flooded  every  spring."  —  Documentary 

called   Raritangs,  is  situated   on   a  fresh  History,  iv,   29.     Some  of  our  historians, 

water  river,  that  flows  through  the  cen-  with  characteristic  zeal  for  the  Mohawks, 

tre  of  the  low   lands  which  the   Indians  ascribe   the   removal   of  the  Raritans  to 

cultivate.       This     vacant    territory    lies  the  incursions  of  the   former.     It  is   not 

between  two  high  mountains,  far  distant  possible  to  determine  who  the  "  Southern 

the   one  from   the   other.     This   district  Indians"  named  in  the   text  were,   but  it 

was   abandoned    by   the   natives   for  two  is  not  an  improbable  supposition  that  they 

reasons  ;  the  first  and   principal  is,  that  were  Shawanoes. 
finding  themselves  unable    to  resist  the 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RWER.  91 

events  of  1643-44,  but  subsequently  appear  only  as  mediators 
in  the  person  of  their  sachem  Oritany,1  who  enjoyed  to  a  rare 
old  age  the  confidence  of  his  people  and  of  the  surrounding 
chieftaincies,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Europeans.  He  is  spoken 
of  in  1687,  as  very  aged,  and  as  delegating  his  authority  in  a 
measure  to  Perro.  The  lands  of  the  chieftaincy  embraced 
Jersey  City,  Hoboken,  a  part  of  Staten  island,2  Wehawken, 
Newark,  Passaic,  etc. 

4th.  The  Aquackanonks.  Their  sachem,  in  1676,  was  Cap- 
tahem  or  Captamin.  Their  territory,  or  at  least  a  portion  of  it, 
was  called  Haquequenunck  or  Acquackanonk,  and  included  the 
site  of  the  present  city  of  Paterson.3  They  are  also  described 
as  occupying  a  considerable  portion  of  the  centre  of  New  Jersey. 

5th.  The  Tappans.  The  relations  existing  between  this 
chieftaincy  and  the  Hackinsacks  were  very  intimate,  so  much  so 
as  to  lead  some  to  suppose  that  they  were  a  part  of  Oritany's 
sachemdom.  Their  separate  authority  and  jurisdiction,  how 
ever,  is  clearly  established.  Their  territory  extended  from  the 
vicinity  of  Hackinsack  river  to  the  Highlands.4  De  Vries  pur 
chased  lands  from  them  in  1640,  which  he  describes  as  "a 
beautiful  valley  under  the  mountains,  of  about  five  hundred 
acres,  within  an  hour's  walk  of  Gamoenapa,"  the  principal 
village  of  the  Hackinsacks.  On  some  of  the  early  maps  their 
village  is  located  some  miles  back  from  the  river,  but  in  the 
attempt,  on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  governor,  to  collect  tribute 
from  them,  in  1640,  it  appears  that  access  could  be  had 
to  them  by  sending  up  a  sloop,  indicating  that  in  the  summer  at 
least  they  had  a  representative  position  on  the  Hudson.  In  the 
treaty  of  1745,  Sessekemick  represented  them  and  appears  to 
have  acted  under  the  counsel  of  Oritany.  In  the  sale  of  Staten 
island,  Taghkospemo  appeared  as  their  sachem,  and  there  is 

1 '*  I,   Oratum,  am  sagamore,  and  sole  der  Cappellen,  1659. 

proprietor  of  Hackingsack,  lying  and  be-          3  Deed  to  Hans  Diderick  and  others, 

ing  on  the  main   land   over  against  the  March    25,    1676.      Oritany,   who    was 

Isle  of  Manhattans." — Deed  to  Edward  then  living,  had  no  part  in  this  deed. 
Cove,  Oct.  5,  1664.  4"  Within  the  first  reach,  on  the  west- 

2  Staten  island,   by  the  Indians  called  ern  bank  of  the  river,  where  the  land  is 

Eghquaous,  appears  to  have  been  owned  low,    there    dwells  a  nation  of  savages, 

in  partnership  by  the  Raritans,  the  Hack-  named    Tappans." — De   Laety  Nc<w  York 

insacks  and  the   Tappans. — Deed  to  Van  Hist.  Soc.  Co//.,  idseries,!,  298. 

12 


92  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

evidence  that  his  sachemship  had  much  earlier  date.  Their 
name  survives  in  Tappan  bay,  which  probably  bounded  their 
possessions  on  the  Hudson. 

6th.  The  Haverstraw s.  North  of  the  Tappans  and  inhabiting 
a  territory,  the  westward  boundaries  of  which  are  not  clearly 
defined,  were  the  Haverstraws,  so  called  by  the  Dutch,1  but 
whose  aboriginal  name  appears  to  have  been  lost.2  They 
took  some  part  in  the  early  wars,  but  would  seem  to  have  been 
absorbed  by  the  Tappans  after  the  supremacy  of  the  English. 
Stony  point  was  the  northern  limit  of  their  territory,  as  indi 
cated  by  the  deed  to  Governor  Dongan  subsequently  embraced 
in  the  Evans  patent.  In  a  deed  to  Balthazar  De  Hart,  July 
31,  1666,  confirmed  to  him  by  letters  patent  from  Cateret,  and 
Council  of  New  Jersey,  April  10,  1671,  and  subsequently  by 
patent  from  the  Governor  of  New  York,  the  tract  conveyed  is 
described  as  "  all  the  land  lying  on  the  west  side  of  Hudson's 
river,  called  Haverstraw,  on  the  north  side  of  the  hills  called 
Verdrietinge  hook,  on  the  south  side  of  the  highlands,  on  the 
east  of  the  mountains,  so  that  the  same  is  bounded  by  Hudson's 
river  and  round  about  by  the  high  mountains."3  This  descrip 
tion  embraces  precisely  the  western  boundary  of  Haverstraw 
bay.  The  deed  was  executed  by  Sackewaghgyn,  Roansameck, 
Kewegham,  and  Kackeros.  By  deed  to  Stephen  Van  Cort- 
landt  in  1683,  it  would  appear  that  they  had  either  moved  fur 
ther  north  or  had  more  northern  territory,  the  tract  conveyed 
being  described  as  lying  opposite  Anthony's  nose,  from  the 
u  south  side  of  a  creek  called  Senkapogh,  west  to  the  head 
thereof,  then  northerly  along  the  high  hills  as  the  river  runneth 
to  another  creek  called  Assinapink,  thence  along  the  same  to 
Hudson's  river."  The  deed  was  executed  by  "  Sackagkemeck, 
sachem  of  Haverstraw,  Werekepes,  and  Kaghtsikoos."  Don- 

1  Named  by  our  people  Haverstroo." —          3This  purchase  covered  what  were  sub- 
De  Laet.  sequently  called  "  the  Christian  Patented 

2  O'Callaghan  gives  the  name  of  "  Ses-  lands  of  Haverstraw,"   and  by  that   title 
segehout,  chief  of  Reiucghnomc,  of  Hav-  formed   the    boundary  in   part  of  several 
erstroo,"  but  it  is  not  clear  that  that  was  patents.     The  original  grant  from  Cater- 
the  name  of  the  chieftaincy,  although  the  et  was  predicated   on  the  supposition  that 
presumption    is    strongly    in  its  favor. —  the  tract  was  within  the  limits  of  New  Jer- 
G1  Callaghan  s   New    Net  her  land,  n,  509,  sey. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  93 

gan's  purchase  in  1685  covered  this  tract,  and  had  as  one  of  its 
grantors  Werekepes,  who  was  also  a  grantor  to  Van  Cort- 
landt.  From  Verdrietig  hook  to  Stony  point  may  be  assumed 
as  the  territory  of  the  Haverstraws. 

V.  The  chieftaincies  of  the  MINSIS  were  : 

ist.  The  Waoranecks.  This  chieftaincy  has  been  variously 
located.  Van  der  Donck  places  them  in  the  Highlands  on  the 
east  side  of  the  river  and  south  of  Matteawan  creek,  and 
De  Laet  on  the  west  side  as  occupants  of  the  Esopus  country.1 
Wassenaar  agrees  with  De  Laet  in  locating  them  in  the  Fisher's 
hook.2  The  territory  which  was  inhabited  by  them  on  the  Hudson 
may  be  regarded  as  described  with  sufficient  accuracy  in  what 
is  known  as  Governor  Dongan's  two  purchases  (i684~'85),  the 
first  of  which  extended  from  the  Paltz  tract  to  the  Dans- 
kammer,  and  the  second  from  Dans-kammer  to  Stony  point. 
In  the  first,  the  limits  of  the  Esopus  Indians,  or  Warranawon- 
kongs^  are  defined  as  terminating  at  the  Dans-kammer,  and  in 
,  the  second  the  jurisdiction  of  what  are  therein  called  "  the 
Murderer's  kill  Indians,"  is  admitted  as  from  the  Dans-kammer 
to  Stony  point.  Their  western  boundary  cannot  be  so  satis 
factorily  defined.  From  the  fact  that  the  same  names,  in  £art, 
appear  as  grantors  of  the  Dongan  tract,  of  the  Cheesecock  tract, 
and  of  a  tract  to  Sir  John  Ashhurst,3  the  latter  covering  sixteen 
miles  square,  commencing  at  a  point  eight  miles  from  the 
Hudson  on  the  south  side  of  "the  Murderer's  kill,"  it  may  be 
inferred  that  that  boundary  terminated  with  the  natural  water 
shed  of  the  Hudson.  Were  not  De  Laet's  location  sufficiently 
clear,  there  are  other  reasons  for  assuming  that  the  "  Murderer's 

1 "  This  reach  (the  Fisher's)  extends  and  the  subsequent  signatures  classed  as 
to  another  narrow  pass,  where,  on  the  "  inferior  owners."  Thus  in  the  Haver- 
west  side  of  the  river,  there  is  a  point  of  straw  purchase,  Sa'ckagkemeck  appears 
land  that  juts  out  covered  with  sand,  as  sachem  or  principal,  and  Werepekes 
opposite  a  bend  in  the  river,  on  which  as  an  "  inferior  owner."  In  the  Dongan 
another  nation  of  savages,  the  Waorantch,  purchase,  Werepekes  signed  as  sachem, 
have  their  abode." —  DeLaet.  and  Sackagkemeck  as  an  inferior.  In 

3  At  Fisher's  hook  are  Packany,  Ware-  the  Cheesecock  and  Ashhurst  deeds 

nockcr,  Warraiuannankonckx. —  Documen-  Moringamaghan,  or  Moringamack,  is 

tary  History,  in,  28.  the  principal,  while  in  the  Dongan  deed 

3  The  duplication  of  signatures  indi-  he  appears  in  a  subordinate  position, 

cates  what  may  be  called  overlapping  These  overlapping  boundaries  entered  very 

boundaries.  The  grantors,  who  were  largely  into  consideration  in  fixing  the 

principal  owners,  are  generally  so  stated,  limits  of  the  Dongan  purchase. 


94 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


kill  Indians"  of  1685,  were  the  Waoranecks  of  1625. 
name  by  which  they  were  last  designated  was  that  of  the  creek 
now  called  "  Murderer's ; "  their  first  name  disappears  from 
the  early  records  almost  simultaneously  with  the  appearance 
of  the  latter,1  and  with  the  general  classification  of  "  Eso- 
pus  Indians,"  while  the  territory  assigned  to  them  had  no 
other  known  occupants,  rich  though  it  was  in  all  the  ele 
ments  of  favorite  hunting  grounds.  The  Waoranecks  parti 
cipated  in  the  Esopus  wars,  if  not  in  the  wars  at  Fort  Am 
sterdam,  and  at  the  Dans-kammer  celebrated  those  frightful 

orgies  called  kinte-kay- 
ing,  regarded  by  the 
Dutch  as  devil  worship. 
Their  relations  with 
the  Esopus  Indians 2 
were  such  that  there 
can  be  no  hazard  in 
classing  them  as  one 
of  the  "five  tribes," 
so  called,  of  the  Eso 
pus  country.  Their 
sachem  in  1685,  was 
Werekepes,  or  Were- 
pekes,  and  Moringa- 
maghan3  and  Awesse- 
wa  principal  chiefs. 

2d.  The   WarranawonkongsS     This  was  the  most  numerous 
of  the  Esopus  chieftaincies.     Their  territory  extended  from  the 

house  where  John  McLean  now  (1756), 
dwells,  near  the  said  kill."  He  subse 
quently  removed  to  what  is  called  a 
"  wigwam,"  which  stood  "  on  the  north 
bank  of  Murderer's  creek,  where  Col. 
Matthews  lives."  The  location  is  in 
Hamptonburgh,  on  the  point  of  land 
formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Otter  kill 
and  the  Grey  Court  creek,  by  which 
Murderer's  creek  is  formed,  and  which 
takes  its  name  at  that  point,  as  though 
some  dark  memory  was  associated  with 
the  name  of  its  owner. 

4  "  A  little  beyond,  on   the  west  side, 


Maringoman's  Castle. 


1This  creek  is  first  called  Murderer's 
on  Van  der  Donck's  map,  1656,  and  was 
so  called  doubtless  from  events  occurring 
during  the  first  Esopus  war. 

3  Esopus  is  supposed  to  be  derived  from 
Seepus,  a  river.  Reichel  says  :  "  A  Sopus 
Indian,  or  a  lonvlander" 

8  Maringoman's  "  castle"  and  Maringo 
man's  "  wigwam"  are  spoken  of  in  dif 
ferent  deeds.  The  first  was  on  the  north 
end  of  the  Schunamunck  mountain  on 
the  south  side  of  Murderer's  creek,  in  the 
present  town  of  Bloominggrove,  and  is  par 
ticularly  described  as  being  "  opposite  the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  95 

Dans-kammer  to  the  Katskill  mountains,  or  more  properly 
perhaps  to  the  Saugerties,  and  embraced  the  waters  of  the  Sha- 
waugunk,  the  Wallkill  and  the  Esopus  rivers.  Their  principal 
castle  was  in  the  Shawangunk  country,  although  a  very  consi 
derable  one  was  on  the  Esopus  river,  known  as  Wiltmeet.  The 
"  oldest  and  best  of  their  chiefs,"  Preummaker,  was  killed  in 
the  war  of  1663,  as  was  also  Papequanaehen.  In  their  treaty 
with  Stuyvesant,  in  1664,  they  were  represented  by  Sewacke- 
namo,  sachem,  and  Onackatin  and  Powsawagh,  chiefs.  In 
the  'subsequent  treaty  of  1669,  the  five  sachemdoms  of  the 
Esopus  country  were  represented  in  the  persons  of  Onackatin, 
Napashequiqua,  Sewackenamo,  Shewotin,  and  Calcop.  In 
the  Dongan  purchase  of  1684,  Pemerawaghin  appears  as 
chief  sachem. 

3d.  The  Mamekotings.  The  district  inhabited  by  the  Mame- 
kotings  was  west  of  the  Shawangunk  mountains  and  is  still 
known  as  the  Mamakating  valley.  Their  history  is  so  intimately 
blended  with  that  of  the  Esopus  Indians  that  identification  is 
impossible  further  than  by  title.  They  were  evidently  one  of 
the  "  five  tribes,"  and  may  be  designated  as  the  third. 

4th.  The  W aw  ar  sinks*  The  fourth  of  the  Esopus  chieftain 
cies,  the  TVawarsinks,  inhabited  the  district  of  country  which 
still  bears  their  name.  Separate  from  the  Esopus  Indians  they 
have  no  history. 

5th.  The  Katskills.  The  fifth  and  last  of  the  Esopus  chief 
taincies  J  inhabited  the  territory  north  of  Saugerties,  forming 
the  eastern  water-shed  of  the  Katskill  mountains,2  including  the 
Sager's  creek,  the  Kader's  creek,  and  the  Kats  kill,  from  which 
latter  they  took  their  name.3  They  were  the  "  loving  people  " 
described  by  Hudson  ;  a  neutral  and  not  very  courageous  peo- 

where  there  is  a  creek,  and  the  river  be-  the  Katskill  Indians  ;  the  waters  flowing 

comes  more   shallow,  the    Warrana<won-  west  to  the   Schoharie   creek  being   the 

kongs  reside." —  De  Laet.  property    of    the  Mohawks. —  History    of 

"These  following  Esopus  Indians." —  New  Nether/and,  i,  435. 
Deed  to  Wm.  Lo-veridge.  3  Brodhead  locates  here  some   families 

2  In  giving  the  boundaries  of  the  Coey-  of  Nanticokes,  and  it  is  possible  that  when 

man's  purchase,  O'Callaghan  states  that  that  nation  "  disappeared  without  glory," 

the  line   followed   Coxackie  creek  to    its  some  of  its  members  were  induced  thither 

head ;  then   ran  west  until  it   struck  the  either  as   recruits    of  the   Minsis  or   the 

head  of  the  waters  falling  into  the  Hud-  Mohaiuks,    but    their    more    considerable 

son,  all  the  land  on  which   belonged  to  emigration  was  to  Pennsylvania. 


* 

96  THE  INDUN'TRIBES 

pie,  as  may  be  inferred  from  Kregier's  account  of  them.1  Their 
chief,  in  1663,  was  known  as  Long  Jacob.  Mahak  Niminaw 
sachem  in  i682.2  Above  the  Katskills  came  the  Mechkento- 
woons  of  the  Mahicans,  but  with  boundary  undefined. 

6th.  The  Minnisinks.  West  of  the  Esopus  country,  and  in 
habiting  the  Delaware  and  its  tributaries  were  the  Minsis  proper 
of  whom  a  clan  more  generally  known  as  the  Minnisinks  held 
the  south-western  parts  of  the  present  counties  of  Orange  and 
Ulster,  and  north-western  New  Jersey.  Van  der  Donck  de 
scribes  their  district  as  "  Minnessinck  of  'tLandt  van  Bacham," 
and  gives  them  three  villages  :  Schepinaikonck,  Meochkonck,  and 
Macharienkonck,  the  latter  in  the  bend  of  the  Delaware  oppo 
site  Port  Jervis,  and  preserved  perhaps  in  the  name  Mahacke- 
meck.3  On  Sauthier's  map,  Minnisink,  the  capital  of  the  clan, 
is  located  some  ten  miles  south  of  Mahackemeck,  in  New  Jer 
sey.  Very  little  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  clan  as  distin 
guished  from  the  tribe  of  which  they  were  part,  although  the  au 
thorities  of  New  York  had  communication  with  them,  and  the 
missionary,  Brainerd,  visited  them.  Tradition  gives  to  them 
the  honor  of  holding  the  capital  of  the  tribe  in  years  anterior  to 
the  advent  of  the  Europeans.  Defrauded  and  maltreated,  they 
subsequently  exacted  a  terrible  compensation  for  their  wrongs. 

VI.  The  IROQUOIS. 

ist.  The  Mohawks.  The  territory  occupied  by  the  Mohawks 
has  already  been  sufficiently  described,  as  well  as  that  of  their 
associate  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy.  The  Mohawks 
had  no  villages  immediately  upon  the  Hudson,  although  they 

1 "  Examined  the  Squaw  prisoner  and  graves    covering    an    area    of    six    acres, 

inquired  if  she  were  not  acquainted  with  Skeletons     have    been     unearthed,    and 

some   Esopus   Indians   who   abode   about  found  invariably  in  a  sitting  posture,  sur- 

here  ?     She  answered  that  some  Katskill  rounded     by    tomahawks,    arrow-heads, 

Indians   lay  on  the  other  side  near  the  etc.     In  one  grave  was  found  a  sheet  iron 

Sager's  kill,    but  they    would   not   fight  tobacco    box    containing    a    hankerchief 

against  the  Dutch." —  Documentary  His-  covered  with  devices,  employed  doubtless 

/cry,  jv,  48.  to  preserve  the  record  of  its  owner's   ser- 

2 "  Mahak     Niminaw    shall    have,    as  vices.     Not  far  from  the  grounds  is  the 

being  sachem  of  Katskill,  two   fathoms  Willehoosa,  a  cavern  in  the  rocks  on  the 

of  duffels  and  an  anker  of  rum  when  he  side  of  the   Shawangunk   mountain.     It 

comes  home." —  Deed  to  Wm.  Loveridge.  contains  three  apartments,  each  about  the 

3  On  the  cast  bank  of  the    Neversink  size  of  an   ordinary   room.     Indian   im- 

river,  three  miles  above  Point  Jervis,  on  plements    of    various    kinds    have    been 

the  farm  now  or   late  of  Mr.    Levi  Van  found  there. 
Etten,  exists  an  Indian  burial  ground,  the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  97 

claimed  title  to  the  lands  north  of  the  Mohawk  river.  Their 
principal  villages  or  castles,  in  1677,  were  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Mohawk,  in  the  present  counties  of  Montgomery  and  Her- 
kimer,  and  were  :  I.  Cahaniaga,  or  Gandaougue,  by  the  Dutch 
called  Kaghnewage,  and  more  modernly  known  as  Caghnawaga ; 
2.  Gandagaro,  or  Kanagaro  ;  3.  Canajorha,  or  Canajoharie, 
and  4.  Tionondogue  or  Tionnontoguen.  The  first  contained 
twenty-four  houses  ;  the  second,  sixteen ;  the  third,  sixteen, 
and  the  fourth  thirty.1  Tionondogue  was  the  capital  of  the  tribe. 
It  was  destroyed  by  the  French  in  1667,  and  rebuilt  about  one 
mile  further  west.  It  was  again  destroyed  by  the  French  in 
1693,  but  does  not  appear  to  have  been  rebuilt,  as  soon  after 
that  time  Canajoharie  is  spoken  of  as  the  "  upper  Mohawk 
castle."2  It  was  at  the  latter  that  Hendrick  and  his  brother 
Abraham  resided,  as  well  as  Joseph  Brant.  The  house  occu 
pied  by  the  former,  and  also  by  the  latter,  was  situated  near 
what  is  now  known  as  u  Indian  castle  church,"  in  Danube, 
Herkimer  county.  Caghnawaga  was  the  scene  of  early  conflict 
between  the  Mohawks  and  the  Mahlcans ;  it  was  destroyed  by  the 
French  in  1693,  an^  subsequently  by  the  Americans.  It  was 
long  known  as  the  "  lower  Mohawk  castle,"  and  occupied  the 
site  of  the  present  village  of  Fonda,  Montgomery  county. 
Gandagaro  passed  out  of  existence  with  the  second  French  in 
vasion,  or  at  least  is  lost  to  the  records  after  1693.  In  1690,  a 
new  castle  was  erected  at  the  mouth  of  Schoharie  creek  and 
called  Tiononderoge,  after  the  name  of  the  ancient  capital 
of  the  tribe,  but  was  more  generally  known  as  "  the  castle  of 
the  praying  Maquas."  It  was  situated  on  the  site  of  what  was 
subsequently  known  as  Fort  Hunter.  Its  occupants  were 
called  the  Schoharie  Indians.  It  was  among  them  that  several 
families  of  Esopus  Indians  were  settlers  in  1756.  After  the 
revolution  the  Mohawks  had  neither  castles  nor  villages  in  their 
ancient  territory. 

2d.  The   Qneldfls,  etc.     The    Oneidas   had,    in   1677,    one 
town,  "  the  old  Oneida  castle,"  as  it  was  called,  containing  one 


1  Colonial  History,  in,  250 ;  Brodhead's     seven  Mohawk  villages,  but  they 
New  York,  11,  129.    Pierron,   the  Jesuit     located, 
missionary,   it  is  said,  visited  every  week          2  Colonial  History,  vi,  850. 


are  not 


98  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

hundred  houses ;  the  Onondagas,  a  palisaded  town  of  one  hun 
dred  and  forty  houses,  and  a  village  of  twenty-four  houses  ;  x  the 
Cayugas  three  towns,  and  the  Senecas  four.2 

The  capital  of  the  confederacy  was  the  village  of  Onondaga, 
on  the  lake  of  that  name,  the  principal  settlement  of  the  Onon- 
dagas.  Bishop  Cammerhof,  who  visited  it  in  1751,  says, 
"  Onondaga,  the  chief  town  of  the  six  nations,  situated  in 
a  very  pleasant  and  fruitful  country,  and  consisting  of  five 
small  towns  and  villages,  through  which  the  river  Zinochsaa 
runs."  In  the  Relations  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  it  is  said  : 
"  The  word  Onnota^  which  signifies  in  the  Iroquois  tongue,  a 
mountain,  has  given  the  name  to  the  village  called  Onnontae, 
or  as  others  call  it,  Onnontague,  because  it  is  on  a  mountain ; 
and  the  people  who  inhabit  it  consequently  style  themselves 
Onnontae-ronnons,  or  Onnontague-ronnons." 

1  The  great  villages  of  the   Onnonta-  the  number  then  known.     It  is  subse- 
gues    consists  of  one  hundred  cabins. —  quently  stated  that  forty  towns  existed  in 
Colonial  History,  ix,  375.  the  three  western  cantons. —  Journal  of 

2  Colonial  History,  in,  250.     This  was  Sullivan  s  Expedition. 


Indian  Fort. 

ONONDAGA,  THE  CAPITAL  OF  THE  FIVE 
NATIONS  —  1609. 


O.F  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  99 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE    INDIANS    UNDER    THE    DUTCH  —  THE    MANHATTAN 
WARS  —  FROM  THE  DISCOVERY  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  1645. 

• 

ROM  the  first  hour  of  Hudson's  appearance  in  the 
waters  of  the  Mahicanituk,  to  the  last  of  the  domina 
tion  of  Holland,  there  was  an  antagonism  between 
the  Dutch  and  the  Indians  with  whom  they  came  in 
contact  in  the  vicinity  of  Manhattan  island,  and  a  conflict  which 
was  apparently  irrepressible.  While  in  the  territory  of  the  Ma- 
hicans  proper  Hudson  met  "  loving  men,"  'in  that  of  the  Wap- 
pingers  and  the  Minsis,  he  dyed  the  waters  of  the  river  which 
he  had  discovered  with  the  blood  of  those  who  were  encouraged 
by  his  overtures  to  a  violation  of  laws  to  which  they  were 
strangers,  and  his  exit  was  amid  the  terrifying  war-cries  of  a 
people  enraged  by  the  slaughter  of  kindred,  and  clouds  darkened 
by  their  quivering  arrows.1 

Subsequent  events  in  no  degree  mitigated  the  hostility  which 
was  then  awakened.  When  the  traders  followed  Hudson  they 
paused  not  until  they  had  reached  the  jurisdiction  of  those  with 
whom  his  intercourse  had  been  friendly.  There  they  main 
tained  kindly  relations  with  the  Indians,  and  around  their  trading 
posts,  Fort  Nassau,  and  subsequently  Fort  Orange,2  hed  neu 
tral  ground  between  the  contending  Mahicans  and  Mohawks* 
But  this  alliance  of  friendship  did  not  relieve  the  Dutch  from 
apprehended  attacks  on  the  part  of  those  whom  Hudson  had 

1  Hudson's  Journal;  ante,  p.  n.  unfortunate,  in  consequence  of  the  ex- 

*  The  first,  or  Fort  Nassau,  was  erected  posure  to  the  spring  freshets,  and  in  1618 

on   what  was   called   Castle  island,    now  it    was    removed    to  the    banks  of    the 

known    as    Boyd's    island,    a    short    dis-  Tawalsontha  creek,  now  called  the  Nor- 

tance    below  the  Albany  ferry.     It  was  man's  kill,  from  whence  it  was  soon  after 

a    building    twenty-six     feet    wide     and  removed  further  north  and  located  in  the 

thirty-six  feet  long,  enclosed  by  a  stock-  vicinity  of  what   is   now   South    Broad- 

ade  fifty-eight  feet  square,  and  the  whole  way,  Albany,  and  called    Fort    Orange, 

surrounded  by  a  moat  eighteen  feet  wide,  by  which  name,  and  that  of  Beaverwyck, 

Its  armament  consisted  of  two  large  guns  the    small     settlement    which    gathered 

and   eleven   swivels,   and  the  garrison  of  around  it,  it  was  known  until  1664. 
ten  or  twelve  men.      The  location  proved          3  Ante^  p.  54. 

13 


100  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

offended,  and  it  was  deemed  prudent  to  erect  a  fort  on  what 
was  then  known  as  Prince's  island,  and  to  garrison  it  with  six 
teen  men  for  the  defense  of  the  river  below."1 

Contemporaneous  circumstances  contributed  to  keep  alive 
this  feeling.  One  Jacob  Eelkins,2  who  had  been  in  superintend 
ence  of  the  trade  at  Fort  Nassau,  in  the  summer  of  1622 
ascended  the  Connecticut  to  traffic,  and  while  there  treacher 
ously  imprisoned  the  chief  of  the  Sequins  on  board  his  yacht, 
and  would  not  release  him  until  a  ransom  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  fathoms  of  wampum  had  been  exacted.  The  offense  was 
resented  by  all  the  tribes,  and  by  none  more  so  than  by  the 
Mai? icons.  To  appease  them,  Eelkins  was  discharged,  and 
apparently  in  further  overture  to  them,  Krieckbeck,  the  Dutch 
commander  at  Fort  Orange,  in  1626,  joined  them,  with  six  men, 
on  a  hostile  expedition  against  the  Mohawks.* 

Other  causes  of  grievance  were  not  wanting.  The  sale  of 
fire-arms  to  the  Mahlcans  and  Mohawks  at  Fort  Orange  and 
the  refusal  to  sell  to  the  chieftaincies  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Am 
sterdam  4  was  a  constant  irritation,  to  allay  which  the  Dutch 
traders  treated  the  Indians  at  the  latter  place  with  great  fami 
liarity,  invited  them  to  their  houses,  admitted  them  to  their 
tables,  and  gave  them  wine,  until  they  came  to  regard  such 
civilities  as  their  due  and  to  resent  their  absence.  Then  the 
cattle  of  the  Dutch  roamed  at  large,  "  without  a  herdsman," 
and  "  frequently  came  into  the  corn  of  the  Indians,  which  was 
unfenced  on  all  sides,  committing  great  damage  there.  This 
led  to  complaints  on  their  part  and  finally  to  revenge  on  the 

1  Wassenaar,  Documentary  History ,  in,  observe  strict  neutrality  in  the  future. 
35.     The  location  of  this  fort  has  never  4  Precisely  to  what  extent  the  Indians 
been  positively  ascertained.  in  the  vicinity  o*f  Fort   Amsterdam  were 

2  Wassenaar,  Documentary  History  t  m,  supplied   with   arms   in    1643,   does    not 
45  j   Brodhead,  i,  146,  1 68.  appear.     It   is   said    by   the  Eight   Men, 

3  Brodhcad,   i,    168.       The    expedition  in  October  of  that  year  :   "  These  Indians 
was    not   successful.       Krieckbeck     and  are,  on  the  contrary,  strong  and  mighty  ; 
three  of  his    men   were   killed,  and   the  have,  one  with  the  other,  made  alliances 
Mahicans  put   to  flight.     The  Mohawks  with  seven  different  tribes,  well  supplied 
did  not  resent   the  alliance   further   than  with  guns,  powder  and   ball."     (Colonial 
to  roast  and  eat  one  of  the  Dutch  soldiers,  History ,  i,  190)  ;  yet  there  is  not  a  single 
a  man  named  Tyman  Bouwensen  ;   but  case  of  the  use  of  fire  arms  by  the   In- 
Minuit    deemed   it   prudent,   during    the  dians    recorded.       Even    in    their    most 
continuance  of  hostilities,  to  remove  the  desperate  defenses   bows   and   arrows  are 
Dutch  families  to  Fort   Amsterdam,  and  alone  spoken  of  as  their  weapons. 

to  direct   the  garrison  at   Fort  Orange  to 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  101 

cattle,  without  sparing  even  the  horses."  In  1626,  a  Weck- 
quaesgeek  Indian,  accompanied  by  his  nephew,  who  was  a 
"  small  boy,"  and  another  savage,  while  on  their  way  to  the 
fort  to  trade,  were  met  and  robbed  by  men  in  the  employ  of 
Minuit,  the  Dutch  director,  and  in  the  melee  the  Weckquaes- 
geek  was  killed.  The  act  was  unknown  to  the  Dutch  at  the 
time,  but  the  boy  treasured  a  revenge  which  he  forgot  not  to 
exact  in  manhood. 

As  the  Dutch  settlers  took  up  lands  on  Long  Island  and  the 
New  Jersey  shore,  they  made  frequent  complaints  that  their 
cattle  were  stolen  by  the  Indians.  Regarding  the  latter  as  the 
aggressors  in  all  cases,  Director  Kieft,  who  had  in  the  mean 
time  succeeded  Minuit,  determined,  in  1639,  to  demand  from 
them  tribute,  not  only  as  compensation,  but  to  aid  in  establishing 
his  government  over  them,  and  for  that  purpose  sent  an  armed 
sloop  to  the  Tappans  to  exact  contributions  of  corn  and  wam 
pum.  The  Indians  expressed  their  astonishment  at  this  pro 
ceeding,  and  denounced  "  the  sakema  of  the  fort "  for  daring 
to  attempt  such  exactions.  Sneers  and  reproaches  followed. 
"  The  sakema,"  they  said,  "  must  be  a  mean  fellow ;  he  had 
not  invited  them  to  come  and  live  here,  that  he  should  now 
take  away  their  corn."  A  formal  conference  was  held  with 
the  Indians,  but  the  latter  refused  to  yield  the  contributions 
asked. 

An  open  rupture  soon  followed.  Some  pigs  were  stolen  from 
De  Vries's  plantation  on  Staten  island,  as  it  subsequently  appeared 
"  by  the  servants  of  the  company,  then  (1640)  going  to  the 
South  river  to  trade,  and  who  landed  on  the  island  to  take  in 
wood  and  water ; "  but,  as  Kieft  professed  to  believe,  by  the 
Indians.  He  accused  the  Raritans  of  the  offense,  and,  on  the 
sixteenth  of  July,  commissioned  Secretary  Van  Tienhoven  to 
proceed,  with  one  hundred  men,  to  their  territory  and  demand 
satisfaction.  The  Raritans  denied  the  commission  of  the  offense, 
and  satisfied  the  secretary  ;  but  the  troops  under  him  were  bent 
on  mischief,  and  scarcely  had  he  left  them  when  they  made  an 
attack,  killed  several  of  the  Indians,  took  one  of  their  chiefs 

1  De  Fries,  New  York  Historial  Society  Racdt,  Documentary  History  y  iv,  101,  102. 
Collections,  ad  series,  i,  263  j  Breeden 


102  7HE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

captive,  and  mangled  the  body  of  another.  The  Raritans 
retaliated  by  attacking  De  Vries's  plantation,  killed  four  of  his 
planters  and  burned  his  dwelling  and  tobacco  house.  Kieft 
followed  with  a  proclamation  announcing  the  policy  of  exter 
mination,  and  offering  a  bounty  of  ten  fathoms  of  wampum  for 
the  head  of  every  Raritan  which  should  be  brought  to  him. 
Holding  their  own  grievances  in  abeyance,  some  of  the  Long 
Island  warriors  took  up  the  hatchet  against  the  Raritans,  and 
brought  in  at  least  one  head  for  the  director's  gratification,  but 
the  great  body  of  the  Indians  refused  the  tempting  offer. 

Meanwhile  the  Weckquaesgeek  boy  had  grown  to  manhood, 
and  determined  to  exact  his  long  meditated  atonement  for 
the  death  of  his  uncle.  Taking  with  him  some  beaver  skins  to 
barter,  he  stopped  at  the  house  of  one  Claes  Smit,  "  a  harm 
less  Dutchman,"  and  while  he  was  stooping  over  a  chest  in 
which  he  kept  his  goods,  the  savage  seized  an  axe  and  killed 
him  by  a  blow  on  the  neck ;  then  quickly  plundering  his 
abode,  escaped  to  the  woods.  Kieft  demanded  satisfaction,  but 
the  Weckquaesgeeks  refused  to  deliver  up  the  murderer.  He 
then  summoned  all  the  heads  of  families  of  Manhattan  to  a 
meeting  and.  laid  the  matter  before  them,  especially  -asking  if  it 
was  not  just  that  the  murder  should  be  avenged,  and  if  in  case  the 
Weckquaesgeeks  would  not  surrender  the  murderer,  it  would  not 
be  "just  to  destroy  the  whole  village"  to  which  he  belonged  ; 
and  if  so,  in  what  manner,  when,  and  by  whom  such  chastise 
ment  should  be  inflicted.  The  meeting  referred  the  pro 
position  to  "  twelve  select  men,"  who,  with  greater  discernment 
of  the  consequences  of  an  open  rupture  with  the  Indians  than 
the  director,  reported  that  while  the  murder  should  be  avenged 
they  thought  "  God  and  the  opportunity  should  be  taken  into 
consideration,"  and  that  in  the  meantime  the  director  should 
make  suitable  arrangements  for  sustaining  an  attempt  at  inflicting 
punishment.  In  case  hostilities  should  be  inaugurated,  they 
thought  the  director  should  "  lead  the  van,"  while  the  commu 
nity  should  "  follow  his  steps  and  obey  his  commands."  They 
advised,  however,  as  an  offset  to  this  quiet  bit  of  sarcasm,  that 
before  anything  else  was  done  the  director  should  send  up  a  shallop 
to  the  Weckquaesgeeks  to  demand  of  them  "  once,  twic  e,  yea  for 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  103 

a  third  time,"  the  surrender  of  the  murderer  in  a  "  friendly 
manner." 

Offended  and  bent  on  war,  Kieft  "  would  not  listen."  Re 
maining  inactive  until  November,  he  consulted  each  of  the 
"  twelve"  separately  on  the  question  of  immediate  hostilities  ;  but 
the  latter  remained  firmly  opposed.  In  the  winter  he  repeated 
this  consultation,  and  urged  that  the  Indians  were  absent  from 
their  village  on  hunting  expeditions,  and  that  arrangements 
should  be  made  at  once  to  destroy  them.  The  "twelve"  con 
sented,  unwillingly,  and  on  assurances  that  an  attack  should 
only  be  made  after  repeated  solicitations  had  failed  to  secure 
the  surrender  of  the  murderer.  Kieft  did  not  long  delay  an 
attempt  to  execute  his  atrocious  design.  In  March  (1642), 
he  dispatched  a  company  of  eighty  men,  under  command  of 
Ensign  Hendrick  Van  Dyck,  with  instructions  to  fall  upon  the 
Weckaquaesgeeks,  "  who  lay  in  their  village  suspecting  nothing," 
and  punish  them  with  fire  and  sword.  Fortunately  the  guide 
missed  his  way,  and  the  expedition  was  compelled  to'  return  to 
Fort  Amsterdam  "  in  all  the  mortification  of  failure."  The  re 
sult,  however,  was  that  the  Indians,  on  discovering  the  trail 
of  Kieft's  men,  and  detecting  his  intention,  became  alarmed 
and  asked  that  peace  might  be  maintained.  Kieft  consented 
on  condition  that  the  murderer  of  Smit  was  delivered  up,  and 
on  this  basis  a  treaty,  as  it  was  called,  was  concluded  with  them. 
But  it  was  not  fulfilled  by  either  of  the  contracting  parties  ;  the 
arrest  of  an  Indian,  whose  action  had  been  in  strict  accordance 
with  the  laws  and  customs  of  his  tribe,  was  a  process  of  very 
difficult  accomplishment. 

Soon  after  this  occurrence  the  Dutch  were  terribly  frightened. 
Miantonomo,  the  "  principal  sachem  "  of  the  Narragansetts^ 
having  a  controversy  pending  with  Uncas,  visited  the  Manhat 
tans  with  an  hundred  men,  and  passed  through  all  the  Mablcan 
villages  to  secure  their  alliance  for'the  destruction  of  his  rival. 
The  Dutch,  however,  gave  to  him  a  different  mission.  From  a 
whispered  suspicion  it  grew  to  public  clamor,  that  the  embassy 
had  no  less  an  object  than  to  secure  the  union  of  all  the  Indians 
in  a  "  general  war  against  both  the  English  and  the  Dutch." 
The  story  spread  to  New  England,  where  its  falsity  was  demon- 


104  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

strated  ;  x  but  in  the  meanwhile  the  inhabitants  at  New  Amster 
dam  saw  the  hand  of  hostile  Indians  in  every  thing  ;  believed 
that  they  had  attempted  to  destroy  the  settlement  by  setting  fire 
to  its  powder-magazine,  and  the  director  by  poisoning  him  "  or 
enchanting  him  by  their  deviltry."  2 

The  storm  passed  over  only  to  be  succeeded  by  another.  The 
Hackinsacks  and  Tappans  had  hitherto  escaped  special  irritating 
collisions  with  the  Dutch.  True,  the  Tappans  had  resisted  the 
attempt  to  place  them  under  tribute,  but  this  attempt  appears  to 
have  been  abandoned.  De  Vries  3  had  settled  among  the  latter, 
after  the  disaster  which  befel  him  on  Staten  island,  and  by 
kindly  treatment  had  won  their  confidence.  Circumstances, 
however,  forced  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet.  Contrary  to  the 
advice  of  the  director,  and  in  .opposition  to  the  wishes  of  a  ma 
jority  of  the  Hackinsacks^  one  Myndert  Van  der  Horst 4  pur 
chased  a  tract  near  Communipaw  and  made  settlement  thereon. 
While  visiting  this  settlement  a  Hackinsack  warrior  became  in 
toxicated,  and  was  robbed  of  his  beaver-skin  coat.  When  the 
stupor  passed  off  and  he  became  conscious  of  the  imposition 
which  had  been  practiced  upon  him,  he  vowed  he  would  go 
home  for  his  bow  and  arrows  and  shoot  the  "  roguish  Swanne- 
kin  "  (as  the  Dutch  were  called),  who  had  taken  his  things,  and 
faithfully  did  he  keep  his  vow.  Watching  his  opportunity,  he 
shot  one  of  the  colonists,  Garret  Jansen  Van  Voorst,  as  he  was 
thatching  the  roof  of  one  of  Van  der  Horst's  houses.  The 
chiefs  of  his  tribe,  anxious  to  keep  unbroken  friendly  relations 
with  the  Dutch,  hastened  to  De  Vries  to  secure  his  counsel  and 
intercession.  They  dared  not  go  to  Fort  Amsterdam  for  fear 
Kieft  would  keep  them  prisoners,  but  they  were  willing  to  make 
the  "  blood  atonement  of  money  "  customary  among  the  tribes, 
and  offered  two  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum*  to  the  family  of 

1  HubbarcTs  Indian  JVars^  44.          •  4  Myndert  Myndertsen  Van  der  Horst 

2  The  superstitious  fears  of  the  Dutch  purchased  and  located  on  a  tract  "  within 
and    the    English     were     alike    strongly  an    hour's    walk    of  Vricsendael."     His 
worked  upon  by  the  skill  of  the  Indians  plantation    extended     from    Archer    Cul 
in  jugglery.  bay  north  towards  Tappan,  and  included 

3De  Vries  purchased  from  the  Tappans  the  valley  of  the  Hackinsack  river.     The 

a  tract  of  about  five   hundred   acres  in  head    quarters    of  the    settlement    were 

April,    1 640 ;  made   settlement    thereon  about  five  or  six  hundred  paces  from  the 

the  subsequent  year,   and   gave  to  it   the  principal  village  of  the  Hackinsacks. 
name  of  Vriesendael. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  105 

the  murdered  man  as  the  price  of  peace.  Persuaded  by  De 
Vries,  who  became  answerable  for  their  safe  return,  the  chiefs 
visited  the  fort  with  him,  and  there  repeated  their  offer. 
Kieft  refused  to  accept  the  wampum,  and  demanded  the  mur 
derer.  The  chiefs  could  not  comply  ;  the  murderer  had  sought 
refuge  among  the  Tankitekes,  and  besides  he  was  the  son  of  a 
chief  and  could  not  be  surrendered.  They  then  renewed  their 
expiatory  offer,  but  it  was  again  refused,  and  they  returned  to 
their  homes  hopeless  of  effecting  reconciliation. 

These  collisions  and  causes  of  grievance  culminated  in  the 
winter  of  1643,  when  Director  Kieft  threw  off  all  disguise  and 
disgraced  even  savage  modes  of  warfare  by  a  blackening  hypo 
crisy  and  a  massacre  more  terrible  than  any  of  which  their 
annals  bear  record.  In  February  of  that  year  a  party  of  eighty 
Mahicans,  "  each  with  a  musket  on  his  shoulder,"  made  a  descent 
on  some  of  the  old  Manhattan  chieftaincies,  for  the  purpose  of 
collecting  tribute  which  had  been  withheld.1  Surprised,  and 
wholly  unable  from  inferiority  in  arms  to  cope  with  their  adver 
saries,  the  assailed  Indians  fled  to  Fort  Amsterdam  for  protec 
tion,  leaving  seventeen  of  their  number  dead  and  a  considerable 
portion  of  their  women  and  children  prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
their  enemies.  The  Dutch  kindly  cared  for  the  fugitives  and 
supported  them  for  fourteen  days  ;  but,  again  alarmed  for  their 
safety,  they  scattered  themselves  among  the  Hackinsacks  and 
Tappans,  while  others  fled  to  Vriesendael  to  beg  assistance  and 
protection.  De  Vries  promised  to  do  all  in  his  power  for  them, 
and  accordingly  went,  in  a  canoe,  through  the  floating  ice,  to 
Fort  Amsterdam,  to  ask  Kieft  to  assist  him  with  some  soldiers. 
The  director,  however,  claimed  that  he  had  none  to  spare  ; 
and  the  next  day  the  Indians  left  Vriesendael,  some  going  to 

1  Brodhead  and  others  assert  that  this  sis  that  the  Mahicans  would  not  attack 
foray  was  by  Mohawks.  The  document-  those  regarded  as  their  own  people,  and 
ary  proof,  however,  is  that  it  was  made  .that  the  Mohawks  alone  were  armed, 
by  the  Mahicans.  "  The  Mahican  In-  The  fact  distinctly  appears,  however,  that 
dians,  who,  surprising,  slew  full  seventy  not  only  were  the  Mahicans  armed,  but 
of  them" — Colonial  History,  i,  151.  that  the  "  old  Manhattans  "  had  neglected 
*'  The  Mahicanders  dwelling  below  Fort  to  pay  them  the  tribute  due  from  con- 
Orange,  who  slew,"  etc. —  Ibld.^  184.  quered  tribes.  That  no  other  chieftaincies 
"  The  Indians,  the  Mayekandcrs,  who  than  those  of  the  Weckquaesgeek  district 
came  from  Fort  Orange " —  De  Vries.  were  visited,  is  additional  proof  that  it 
The  conclusion  that  it  was  by  the  Mo-  was  by  the  Mahicans. 
ha*wks  is  apparently  based  on  the  hypothe- 


106  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Pavonia  J  among  the  Hacklnsacks,  who  were  "  full  a  thousand 
strong,"  and  others  to  Rechtauck  (now  Corlear's  hook)  where 
they  occupied  some  cabins  which  had  been  erected  by  the 
Reckawancks. 

Made  acquainted  with  these  facts,  the  people  of  New  Amster 
dam  were  divided  in  opinion  as"  to  the  proper  policy  to  be  pur 
sued.  The  majority,  under  the  lead  of  De  Vries,  counseled 
patience,  humanity  and  kindness,  such  as  had  been  extended 
to  the  fugitives  when  they  first  fled  thither  for  protection. 
Another  party,  headed  by  Van  Tienhoven,  provincial  secretary, 
masking  their  action  under  professions  of  indignation  at  the 
shedding  of  innocent  Christian  blood,  clamored  for  the  extermi 
nation  of  the  Indians.  A  petition  was  circulated  by  the  latter, 
and  obtained  some  signatures,  reminding  the  director  that  God 
had  now  supplied  the  "  opportunity  "  which  the  "  twelve " 
had  suggested  should  be  awaited,  and  asking  permission  to 
"  attack  and  destroy  the  enemy  which  had  been  delivered  into" 
their  hands,  and  "  that  one  party,  composed  of  freemen,  and 
another  of  soldiers,  be  dispatched  to  different  places  against 
them." 2  The  petition  was  resisted  by  De  Vries  and  others, 
who  warned  the  director  against  so  gross  a  breach  of  Indian 
and  civilized  laws  of  hospitality;  but  Keift,  who  had  long 
before  taken  his  position  on  the  subject,  readily  complied  with 
the  request  of  the  petitioners,  and  issued  an  order  that  the 
Indians  should  be  attacked  by  two  divisions,  one  at  Pavonia  and 
the  other  at  Corlear's  hook,  the  former  to  be  by  the  soldiers 
under  the  command  of  Sergeant  Rodolf,  and  the  latter  by  the 
burghers  headed  by  Maryn  Andriaensen.3 

1  Michael  Pauw    purchased    from    the  and  the  time  and  opportunity  shall  permit. 

Indians  the  tract  now  included  in  Hobo-  Sergeant  Rodolf  is  commanded  and  au- 

ken  and  Jersey  City,  and  established  there  thorized  to  take  under  his  command  a 

a  colony  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  troop  of  soldiers  and  lead  them  to  Pa- 

Pavonia. — Brodbcad,  i,  203.  vonia,  and  drive  away  and    destroy  the 

3  Colonial History,  in,  1465  0' Callaghan,  savages  being  behind   Jan  Evertsen's,  but 

i,  266 ;   Brodbead,  i,  349.     The  Narra-  to  spare,  as  much  as  possible,  their  wives 

tive  is  principally  by  De  Vries.  and  children,  and    to    take  the   savages 

"  3  We,     therefore,   hereby    authorize  prisoners.*         *     The  exploit  to  be  exe- 

Maryn  Adriansen,  at    his  request,  with  cuted  at  night,  with  the  greatest  caution 

his    associates,    to  attack   a  party  of  sa-  and  prudence.     Our  God   may  bless  the 

vages  skulking  behind  Corlear's  hook,  or  expedition.     Done  Feb.  24th,  1643."  — 

plantation,  and  act  with  them  in  every  O'Callaghan,  i,  267,   268. 
such  manner  as  they  shall  deem  proper 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  107 

The  plan  was  executed  on  the  night  of  the  25th  of  February. 
The  Indians  had  gathered  behind  Pauw's  settlement  at  Pavonia, 
unsuspicious  of  attack  from  those  to  whose  shelter  they  had  fled, 
and  were  sleeping  in  conscious  security  when  the  work  of  death 
commenced.  Loud  shrieks  first  announced  to  DeVries,  who 
was  watching  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  that  the  slaughter  had  begun, 
but  these  shrieks  were  succeeded  by  the  stolid  indifference  with 
which  the  red  man  always  met  his  fate,  and  nothing  was  heard 
but  the  report  of  fire-arms.  Neither  age  nor  sex  were  spared. 
Warrior  and  squaw,  sachem  and  chief,  mother  and  babe,  were 
alike  massacred.  DeVries  describes  the  terrible  tragedy  in 
pointed  language.  Children  were  taken  from  the  arms  of  their 
mothers  and  butchered  in  the  presence  of  their  parents,  and 
their  mangled  limbs  thrown  into  the  fire  or  the  water.  "  Other 
sucklings  had  been  fastened  to  little  boards,  and  in  this  position 
they  were  cut  to  pieces.  Some  were  thrown  in  the  river,  and 
when  the  parents  rushed  in  to  save  them,  the  soldiers  prevented 
their  landing  and  let  parents  and  children  drown."  The  next 
morning  some  of  the  Indians,  who  had  escaped  the  midnight 
slaughter,  came  to  the  fort  begging  for  shelter,  but  instead  of 
receiving  it,  were  killed  in  cold  blood  or  thrown  into  the  river.1 
Continues  DeVries,  "  some  came  running  to  us  from  the  coun 
try,  having  their  hands  cut  off;  some  lost  both  arms  and  legs  ; 
some  were  supporting  their  entrails  with  their  hands,  while  others 
were  mangled  in  other  horrid  ways,  to.o  horrid  to  be  conceived. 
And  these  miserable  wretches,  as  well  as  many  of  the  Dutch, 
were  all  the  time  under  the  impression  that  the  attack  had  pro 
ceeded  from  their  Indian  enemies  " —  were  unwilling  to  believe 
that  men  professing  the  Christian  name  could  be  guilty  of  so 
gross  a  violation  of  Christian  principles. 

With  an  aching  heart,  DeVries  returned  to  his  home,  and 
had  scarcely  arrived  when  some  of  the  fugitives  gathered  around 
him.  "  The  Fort  Orange  Indians  have  fallen  upon  us,"  said 
they,  "  and  we  have  come  to  hide  ourselves  in  your  fort."  u  It 
is  no  time  to  hide  yourselves  in  the  fort;  no  Indians  have  done 

1 "  I  am  told  for  a  fact  that  a  certain  lyn,    towards    morning    the    poor    child, 

skipper,  Isaac  Abrahamsen,  having  saved  overcome   with   cold  and   hunger,  made 

a  boy,  and  hidden  him  under  the  sails,  in  some  noise,  and  was  heard  by  the  soldiers, 

order  to  give  him  to  one  Cornelius  Me-  eighteen  Dutch  tigers  dragged  (him)  from 

14 


108  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

this  deed ;  it  is  the  work  of  the  Swannekens,"  answered  De 
Vries,  and  he  led  the  fugitives  to  the  gate,  "  where  stood  no 
sentinel,"  and  bade  them  seek  shelter  in  the  forest  depths. 
Meanwhile  the  victorious  expeditions  returned  to  Fort  Amster 
dam  and  reported,  as  the  result  of  their  work,  that  eighty  Indians 
had  been  slaughtered  at  Pavonia  and  thirty  at  Corlear's  hook, 
while  with  them  were  thirty  prisoners.  Kieft  received  his  free 
booters  and  soldiers  with  thanks,  rewards  and  congratulations  j 
while  Van  Tienhoven's  mother,  forgetful  of  the  finer  feelings 
which  do  honor  to  her  sex,  amused  herself,  it  is  stated,  by 
kicking  about  the  heads  of  the  dead  men  which  had  been  brought 
in  as  trophies  of  the  midnight  slaughter.1 

The  first  notes  of  triumph  had  barely  faded  from  the  air, 
however,  ere  the  hand  of  revenge  was  made  red  with  the  blood 
of  the  Dutch.  Kieft,  in  the  exultation  of  the  moment,  sent  out 
foraging  expeditions  to  collect  corn.  One  of  these  expeditions 
seized  two  wagon  loads  from  the  Long  Island  Indians,  who  lost 
three  of  their  number  in  endeavoring  to  save  their  property. 
In  retaliation,  the  Montauk  and  the  Hackimack  and  Tappan 
chieftaincies  made  common  cause  with  the  Weckquaesgeeks* 
who  had  suffered  i-n  the  February  attack,  and  who  had  learned 
fully  that  the  Dutch,  and  not  the  Mahicans,  had  been  the 
principals  in  the  massacre  of  their  kindred,  and  the  toma 
hawk,  the  scalping  knife  and  the  firebrand  executed  the  work  of 
vengeance.  "  From  swamps  and  thickets  the  mysterious  enemy 
made  his  sudden  onset.  The  farmer  was  murdered  in  the  open 
field  ;  women  and  children,  granted  their  lives,  were  swept  off 
into  long  captivity  ;  houses  and  bouweries,  hay-stacks  and  grain, 
cattle  and  crops,  were  all  destroyed."  3  Even  Vriesendael  did 

under  the  sails,  in  spite  of  the  endeavors  only  three  remained   on   the   Manhattes, 

of   the    skipper,   cut   (him)  in  two   and  and  two  on  Staten  island,  and  the  greater 

threw  (him)  overboard." — Breeden  Raedt.  part  of  the  cattle  were  destroyed.      What- 

1  0  Callaghan,  i,  269.     "  It  is  a  scandal  ever  remained  of  these  had  to  be  kept  in 
for  our  nation,"  says  the  author  of  Brtc-  a  very  small  enclosure,  except  in  Rensse- 
den    Raedt,  "  and  if  silence  would  have  laer's  colonie,  lying    on   the  North  river, 
remedied  it,  I  should  never  have  men-  in    the    neighborhood    of  Fort    Orange, 
tioned  it."  which  experienced  no  trouble  and  enjoyed 

2  The    narrative    speaks  of  the   Week-  peace,  because  they  continued  to  sell  fire- 
quaesgeeks,  the  Sint-Sings,  and  the  Klckta-  arms    and    powder    to  the   Indians  even 
•wanes  in  different  places.  during    the    war   against  our  people." — 

3BrodAead,i,  354.      "Almost  all  the     Report,  etc.,  Colon  ial  History,  i,  151. 
bouweries    were    also   destroyed,  so  that 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RIVER.     .  109 

not  escape  the  general  calamity.  The  outhouses,  and  crops 
and  cattle  were  destroyed.  DeVries  and  his  colonists,  however, 
escaped  into  the  manor  house  or  fort,  which  had  been  constructed 
with  loop-holes  for  musketry,  and  were  standing  on  their  defense, 
when  an  Indian  whom  DeVries  had"  sheltered  on  the  morning 
of  the  massacre  came  up  to  the  besiegers,  related  the  occurrence 
and  told  them  DeVries  was  "a  good  chief."  The  Indians  at 
once  raised  the  siege,  and  expressed  their  regret  that  they  had 
destroyed  the  cattle ;  they  would  let  the  little  brewery  of  their 
Dutch  friends  stand,  although  they  longed  for  the  copper  kettle 
to  make  barbs  for  their  arrows.1 

The  Dutch  were  thrown  into  great  consternation  and  fled  to 
Fort  Amsterdam  for  protection,  with  bitter  upbraidings  on  their 
lips  against  the  director.  He  met  them  defiantly  at  first,  and 
professed  to  have  been  controlled  by  the  wishes  of  Andriaensen  ; 
but  the  latter  denied  the  assertion,  and  carried  his  determination 
to  escape  the  popular  condemnation  into  an  attempt  upon  the  life 
of  the  director.2  But  the  accumulating  evidences  of  desolation 
brought  ruler  and  people  to  repentance.  For  that  mercy  which 
he  had  refused  to  extend  to  the  helpless  Indians,  Kieft  besought 
the  people  to  ask  of  the  Most  High,  and  to  that  end  appointed 
a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  in  his  proclamation  confessing  that 
the  calamities  which  had  overtaken  them  was  doubtless  owing 
to  the  sins  which  he  and  his  people  had  committed.  While 
the  latter  humbled  themselves  before  God,  they  had  little  charity 
in  their  hearts  for  the  direct  author  of  their  calamities,  and  asked 
one  another,  u  Did  ever  the  Huke  of  Alba  do  more  evil  in  the 
Netherlands  ?  " 

Matters  assumed  a  more  favorable  aspect  in  the  spring.  The 
Long  Island  Indians,  although  previously  rejecting  the  overtures 
made  by  the  director  for  peace,  and  denouncing  him  as  a  "  corn 
thief,"  became  more  tractable  when  the  planting  season  came 
on,  and  sent  from  the  wigwams  of  Penhawitz,  "  their  great 
chief,"  three  delegates  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  desiring  that  nego 
tiations  might  be  opened.  De  Vries  and  Alferton  were  at  once 

1  De  Fries,  269  ;   New  York  Historical  ing  of  me  ?  but  by  the  promptness  of  the 
Society     Collection,     ad    series,    i,    269 ;  bystanders  the  shot  was  prevented,  and 
Brodhead,  i,  255.  he    was    arrested." — Colonial  History,    i, 

2  "  What  devilish  lies  art  thou  report-  184. 


110  .     THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

appointed  to  accompany  them,  and  setting  out  on  the  4th  of 
March,  came  to  Rechquaakie  or  Rockaway,  where  they  found 
Penhawitz,  surrounded  by  nearly  three  hundred  warriors  and 
a  village  of  thirty  wigwams.  The  next  day  they  were 
conducted  into  the  woods  about  four  hundred  yards  off,  where 
they  found  sixteen  chiefs  of  the  Montauks,  with  whom  the  con 
ference  was  conducted  in  the  Indian  form.1"  De  Vries  invited 
the  chiefs  to  accompany  him  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  under  the 
assurance  of  presents  and  peace.  The  latter  embraced  the 
offer,  and,  to  the  number  of  eighteen,  embarked  in  a  large  canoe 
and  reached  the  fort  in  the  evening.  After  some  days  spent 
in  negotiation  a  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  25th,  and  the  chiefs 
dismissed  with  presents  and  solicited  to  bring  to  the  fort  the 
chiefs  of  the  river  families  "  who  had  lost  so  many  "  of  their 
number.  The  Long  Island  sachem  accordingly  went  to  Hack- 
insack  and  Tappan,  but  weeks  elapsed  before  negotiations  were 
concluded.  Oritany,  sachem  of  the  Hackinsacks,  after  consulta 
tion  with  his  allies,  finally  appeared  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  clothed 
with  authority  to  conclude  a  peace  both  for  his  own  and  the 
neighboring  chieftaincies.  The  opportunity  was  embraced  by 
the  director  and  the  following  treaty  agreed  to : 

"  This  day,  the  twenty-second  of  April,  1643,  between  Wil 
liam  Kieft,  director  general  and  the  council  of  New  Netherland, 
on  the  one  side,  and  Oratatum,  sachem  of  the  savages  residing 
at  Ack-kinkashacky,  who  declared  that  he  was  delegated  by 
and  for  those  of  Tappaen,  Reckawawanc,  Kitchawanc,  and  Sint- 
Sinck^  on  the  other  side,  is  a  peace  concluded  in  the  following 


1  "  We  were  awakened  and  led  by  one  one  point  of  accusation.     The  men  whom 

of  the   Indians  in  the  woods  upwards  of  in  your  first  trips  you  left  here  to  barter 

400    paces  from    the  house,    where    we  your  goods  till  your  return,    these   men 

found   sixteen   chiefs   from  Long  Island,  have  been  treated  by  us  as  we  would  have 

who  placed  themselves  in  a  circle  around  done  by  our   eye-balls.     We   gave  them 

us.      One  of  them  had  a  bundle  of  small  our  daughters  for  wives,  by  whom  they 

sticks.     He   was   the  best    speaker,    and  had    children.     There    are    now    several 

commenced  his  speech.      He  related  that  Indians,  who  came  from  the  blood  of  the 

when  we  first  arrived  on  their  shores,  we  Swannekins  and  that   of  Indians ;    and 

were  sometimes  in  want  of  food ;  they  these  their  own  blood  were  now  murdered 

gave  us  their  beans  and  corn,  and  let  us  in  such  villainous  manner.     He  laid  down 

eat  oysters  and  fish  ;  and  now  for  recom-  another   stick." — De    Vries,   New    York 

pense    we    murdered    their    people.      He  Historical  Society  Collections,  ad  series,  i, 

here  laid  down  one  little  stick  j  this  was  271. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER. '  HI 

"  All  injustices  committed  by  the  said  natives  against  the 
Netherlander,  or  by  the  Netherlanders  against  said  natives, 
shall  be  forgiven  and  forgotten  forever,  reciprocally  promising, 
one  the  other,  to  cause  no  trouble,  the  one  to  the  other ;  but 
whenever  the  savages  understand  that  any  nation  not  mentioned 
in  this  treaty,  may  be  plotting  mischief  against  the  Christians, 
then  they  will  give  to  them  a  timely  warning,  and  not  admit 
such  a  nation  within  their  own  limits."1 

This  peace  was  one  of  necessity  on  the  part  of  the  Indians. 
The  Hackinsack  sachem  received  his  presents,  but  complained 
of  their  insufficiency,  saying  that  his  young  men  would  only 
regard  them  as  a  trifling  atonement  ;  and  such  they  not  onjy 
were,  but  they  were  received  as  the  sachem  had  indicated.  At 
midsummer  the  sachem  visited  Vriesendael  and  stated  that  the 
young  men  of  his  people  were  urging  war  ;  that  some  had  lost 
fathers  and  mothers  in  the  February  massacre,  and  all  were 
mourning  over  the  memory  of  friends  ;  that  the  presents  which 
had  been  given  to  them  were  not  worth  the  touch,  and  that 
they  could  be  no  longer  pacified.  At  the  request  of  De  Vries, 
the  sachem  accompanied  him  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  where,  on 
repeating  his  complaint,  Kieft  replied  that  he  should  cause  his 
young  Indians  who  wanted  war,  to  be  shot.  Kieft  then  offered 
him  two  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum,  but  the  sachem  spurned 
the  bribe,  and,  after  promising  to  do  his  best  to  pacify  his  people, 
went  his  way. 

With  the  renewal  of  difficulties  in  New  England,  in  Septem 
ber  (1643),  war  again  broke  out  at  New  Amsterdam.  "  Pachem, 
a  crafty  man,  ran  through  all  the  villages,  urging  the  Indians  to 
a  general  massacre."  The  first  aggressive  act  was  by  the 
Wappingersf  who  seized  a  boat  coming  from  Fort  Orange, 
killed  two  men  and  took  four  hundred  beaver  skins.  Others 
followed  this  example,  "  so  that  they  seized  two  boats  more," 
but  were  driven  off,  with  the  loss  of  six  of  their  number,  in 

1  O'Callaghan  i,  277.     De   Pries,   Col-  surprised  at  the  attack  by  the  W  af fingers, 
lections    New  York  Historical  Society,  «ad  and  protested  that  they  had  never  had  any 
series,  I,  270.     It  will  be  observed  that  trouble   with   them.     In   this   they  were 
neither  the  Ffeckquaesgeeks  or  Manhattans  mistaken,   as  the   testimony   shows   that 
are  mentioned  in  the  treaty,  a  fact  which  nearly  all  their  troubles   were   with  that 
indicates  the  local  character  of  both  titles,  tribe. 

2  Doc.  Hist.,  iv,  i  z.     The  Dutch  were 


112  '    THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

attacking  the  fourth  boat.  "  Nine  Christians,  including  two 
women,"  were  killed  in  these  captured  boats,  one  woman  and 
two  children  remaining  prisoners.  "  The  other  Indians,"  con 
tinues  the  narrative,  "  so  soon  as  their  maize  was  ripe,  followed 
this  example,  and  through  semblance  of  selling  beavers,  killed 
an  old  man  and  woman,  leaving  another  man  with  five  wounds , 
who,  however,  fled  in  a  boat  with  a  little  child  on  his  arm,  who, 
in  the  first  outbreak  had  lost  father  and  mother,  and  now  grand 
father  and  grandmother,  being  thus  twice  rescued  from  the 
hands  of  the  Indians,  first  when  he  was  two  years  old."  Nor 
was  this  all.  Under  the  pretense  of  warning  from  approaching 
danger,  the  Indians  visited  dwellings  and  killed  the  inmates, 
and  applied  the  brand  to  factories  and  outbuildings.  The  few 
families  who  had  settled  in  the  Esopus  country  abandoned  their 
farms  in  alarm,  and  universal  fear  pervaded  the  province. 

Kieft  now  called  his  people  together  again,  and  a  committee 
of  "eight  men  "was  appointed  to  consult  with  him  for  the 
defense  of  the  colony.  Before  any  arrangement  had  been  made, 
however,  the  Weckquaesgeeks  attacked  the  plantation  of  Ann 
Hutchinson,1  killed  that  extraordinary  woman  and  her  married 
daughter  and  son-in-law,  and  carried  off  captive  her  youngest 
daughter.2 

Throgmorton's  settlement 3  was  next  attacked  and  the  build 
ings  burned,  the  inhabitants  escaping  in  their  boats.  Eighteen 
victims,  however,  were  added  to  the  revenges  of  the  Indians. 
Pavonia  was  attacked  and  four  bouweries  burned  under  the 
very  guns  of  "  two  ships  of  war  and  a  privateer."  From  the 

1  The   history  of  Ann  Hutchinson  is  rest  that   belonged    unto  her,  but  I  am 

pretty  generally   known.      With   Roger  not  able  to  affirm  by  what  kind  of  death 

Williams,  she  was  banished  from  Massa-  they  slew  her." —  Wild's  Rise,  Reign  and 

chusetts,  as  "unfit  for    the  society"  of  Ruin  of  the  Antinomiani.     "The  daugh- 

her   fellow-citizens.     She  followed  Wil-  ter  of  Ann  Hutchinson  remained  a  pri- 

liams  to  Rhode  Island,  but  fearing  the  soner  four  years,  when  she  was   delivered 

power  of  Massachusetts  would  reach  her  to  the  Dutch  governor  at  Fort  Amsterdam, 

there,  removed,  in   1642,  to  Manhattan  who    restored    her    to  her  friends.     She 

and  settled    on  a    point  now  known  as  had  forgotten  her'native  tongue,  and  was 

Pelham's  neck.  unwilling    to    be    taken    from    the    In- 

3  "The    Indians    set    upon  them  and  dians." — O^Callaghan. 
slew  her  and  all  her  children,  save  one         3  Throgmorton    was    another     refugee 

that  escaped   (her  own  husband  having  from  Massachusetts.     His  settlement  was 

died    before),    a    dreadful    blow !     Some  a    few    miles    west    from    that  of  Ann 

write  that  the  Indians  did  burn  her  to  Hutchinson,  and  included  the  point  now 

death  with  fire,    her  home  and  all  the  known  as  Throg's  neck. 


O^  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  113 

highlands  of  the  Hudson  to  the  highlands  of  the  sea,  the  war- 
whoop  was  reechoed,  and  at  a  single  blow  "  from  the  Never- 
sincks  to  the  valley  of  the  Tappans,  the  whole  of  New  Jersey 
was  once  more  in  the  possession  of  its  aboriginal  lords."1 
Fort  Amsterdam  afforded  the  only  place  of  shelter,  and  thither 
the  colonists  fled.  "  There  women  and  children  lay  concealed 
in  straw  huts,  while  their  husbands  and  fathers  mounted  guard 
on  the  ramparts  above."  The  whole  force  of  the  Dutch  was 
scarce  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  while  the  Indians  were  repre 
sented  by  fifteen  hundred  of  their  most  expert  warriors,  includ 
ing  the  Wappingers  of  the  Connecticut  river,  under  the  lead  of 
Mayane,  with  whom  the  Dutch  claimed  they  had  never  had  any 
difficulty,  but  who  then  learned  "  for  the  first  time  that  he  and  his 
Indians  had  done"  them  "  much  injury."2  The  position  of  the 
Dutch  was  perilous  in  the  extreme.  The  Indians  literally  hung 
upon  their  necks  with  "  fire  and  sword."3  Had  they  known  their 
own  strength,  the  last  refuge  of  the  colonists  would  have  fallen 
before  them,  but  judging  from  their  own  modes  of  warfare, 
they  feared  to  attack  the  fort  and  contented  themselves  with 
sweeping  off  the  exposed  plantations  and  with  the  terror  which 
their  presence  inspired.4 

Director  Kieft  now  solicited  aid  from  New  England,  offering 
"  twenty-five  thousand  guilders  "  for  one  hundred  and  fifty.men, 
and  as  a  further  consideration  that  New  Netherland  should  be 
mortgaged  to  the  English  for  the  payment  of  the  sum  offered. 
Relief  was  also  solicited  from  Holland  ;  but  these  applications 
were  attended  with  only  partial  success,  and  the  Dutch  were 
thrown  on  their  own  resources,  aided  by  a  few  English  volun 
teers  under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Underbill.5  Two 

1  The  prowess  of  the  Iroquois  is  affirmed  without  a  strong   escort. —  Col.    Hist.,i, 

in  that  they  once  placed  Quebec  in  siege,  206,  211. 

yet    Fort    Amsterdam,    more  formidable  6  This  Underhill  wa$  a  terrible  scourge 
than  Quebec,  was  twice  laid  waste  by  the  to  the  Indians.     Engaged  in  New  Eng- 
Indians  in  its  vicinity.  land  wars,  he  spared  neither  the  aged  nor 
*  Documentary  History,  iv,  14.  the   young.      "  He   could  justify   putting 
3  Colonial  History,  i,  182.  the  weak   and  defenceless  to  death,   for 
4 "  They    rove    in    parties    continually  says  he,  '  the  Scripture  declareth  women 
around   day  and   night  on   the  island  of  and   children  must   perish  with  their  pa- 
Manhattans,  slaying  our  folks  not  a  thou-  rents ' —  '  we  had  sufficient  light  from  the 
sand   paces   from   the  fort,  and   'tis   now  word  of  God    for    our  proceedings.'" — 
arrived  at  such  a   pass,  that   no   one  dare  Trumbull. 
move  a  foot  to  fetch  a  stick  of  fire  wood 


114  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

companies  were  soon  organized,  one  of  sixty-five  and  one  of 
seventy-five  men,  and  the  work  of  retaliation  commenced. 
The  second  company  was  composed  of  forty  burghers  under 
Captain  Pietersen,  and  thirty-five  Englishmen  under  Lieutenant 
Baxter  j  Councillor  La  Montagne  acting  as  general.  This 
company  passed  over  to  Staten  island ;  but  found  that  the  Indians, 
who  had  fallen  back  from  the  vicinity  of  the  fort  some  time 
previously,  had  also  abandoned  their  houses.  Five  or  six 
hundred  skepels  of  corn  rewarded  the  invaders,  but  nothing  was 
accomplished  beyond  its  removal.  Returning  to  the  fort,  the 
company  was  increased  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  men  and 
sent  to  the  Weckquaesgeek  country.  Landing  at  Greenwich 
in  the  evening,  from  three  yachts,  they  marched  the  entire  night, 
but  found  nothing.  Retreating  through  Stamford,  they  were 
told  by  the  English  that  there  were  Indians  in  that  vicinity. 
Scouts  were  sent  out  who  returned  with  the  location  of  an  In 
dian  village.  Twenty-five  men  were  at  once  dispatched  thither, 
and  succeeded  in  killing  a  number  and  in  capturing  an  old  man, 
two  women  and  some  children.  One  of  the  captives  offered 
to  lead  the  expedition  to  the  castles  of  the  Weckquaesgeeks. 
Sixty-five  men  were  sent  with  him  and  three  castles  found,  but 
they  had  no  tenants.  Two  of  them  were  burned,  and,  after 
marching  some  thirty  miles,  the  expedition  returned,  "  having 
killed  only  one  or  two  Indians,  taken  some  women  and  children 
prisoners,  and  burnt  some  corn." 

Meanwhile  Underbill,1  with  a  company  of  Dutch  and  English, 
had  passed  over  to  Long  Island  to  attack  the  Canarsees  under 
Penhawitz.  After  landing,  the  force  was  divided;  Underhill 
and  fourteen  Englishmen  were  to  attack  a  small  village  at 
Hempstead,  and  Captain  Pieter  Cock,  and  General  La  Mon 
tagne,  with  eighty  men,  were  to  reduce  the  more  considerable 
village  of  Me%path.  Both  were  successful;  one  hundred  and 
twenty  Indians  were  reported  as  having  been  killed,  with  a  loss 
to  the  attacking  forces  of  one  man  killed  and  three  wounded.2 
Seven  prisoners  were  turned  over  to  Underhill  by  the  English 
minister,  Fordam,  at  Hempstead.  They  had  been  arrested  for 
stealing  pigs  and  had  been  confined  in  Fordam's  cellar.  Under- 

*He  held  the  rank  of  sergeant-major.  3  Documentary  History,  iv,  16. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  115 

hill  killed  three  of  the  seven  in  the  cellar ;  two  were  towed  in 
the  water  until  they  were  drowned,  and  two  were  taken  to  Fort 
Amsterdam,  where,  after  a  short  time,  they  were  turned  over 
to  the  soldiers  "  to  do  as  they  pleased  with,"  and  by  whom  they 
were  dispatched  in  the  most  brutal  manner.1 

The  third  and  last  expedition  was  now  organized.  Underbill 
having  visited  Stamford  and  learned  that  a  large  number  of  In 
dians  had  assembled  in  one  of  their  villages  in  that  vicinity,  a 
force  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  men  was  dispatched  under  his 
command  to  destroy  them.  Passing  up  the  sound  in  .three 
yachts,  he  landed  at  Greenwich,  where  he  was  compelled  to 
remain  over  night,  in  consequence  of  a  severe  snow  storm. 
Piloted  by  an  Indian,  he  marched  in  the  morning  to  the  north 
west  "  up  over  stony  hills  over  which  some  must  creep,"  and 
arrived  in  the  evening  about  three  miles  from  the  village^  Halt 
ing  until  ten  o'clock,  the  march  was  resumed,  and  the  village 
reached  about  midnight.  Says  the  narrator  :  "  The  order  was 
given  as  to  the  mode  to  be  observed  in  attacking  the  Indians  ; 
they  then  marched  forward  towards  the  houses,  being  three 
rows  set  up  street  fashion,  each  eighty  paces  long,  in  a  low 
recess  of  the  mountain,  affording  complete  shelter  from  the 
north-west  wind.  The  moon  was  then  at  the  full,  and  threw 
a  strong  light  against  the  mountain  so  that  many  winter  days 
were  not  brighter  than  it  then  was.  On  arriving  there  the  In 
dians  were  wide  awake,  and  on  their  guard  ;  so  that  ours  deter 
mined  to  charge  and  surround  the  houses  sword  in  hand.  They 
demeaned  themselves  as  soldiers  and  deployed  in  small  bands, 

1 "  The  first  of  these  savages  having  the  fort,  and  the  soldiers  bringing  him  to 
received  a  frightful  wound,  desired  them  the  beaver's  path  (he  dancing  the  kinte- 
to  permit  him  to  dance  what  is  called  kaye  all  the  time),  threw  him  down,  cut 
the  kinte-kaye,  a  religious  use  observed  off  his  partes  genitales,  thrust  them  into 
among  them  before  death  j  he  received,  his  mouth  while  still  alive,  and  at  last, 
however,  so  many  wounds,  that  he  placing  him  on  a  millstone,  cut  off  his 
dropped  down  dead.  The  soldiers  then  cut  head.  *  *  There  stood  at  the 
strips  from  the  other's  body,  beginning  at  same  time  some  twenty-four  or  twenty- 
the  calves,  up  the  back,  over  the  shoul-  five  female  savages,  who  had  been  taken 
ders  and  down  to  the  knees.  While  this  prisoners,  and  when  they  saw  this  bloody 
was  going  forward  Director  Kieft  and  spectacle,  they  held  up  their  arms,  struck 
his  councillor,  Jan  De  la  Montagne,  a  their  mouths,  and  in  their  language  ex- 
Frenchman,  stood  laughing  heartily  at  claimed  :  *  For  shame  !  For  shame  ! 
the  fun,  and  rubbing  his  right  arm,  so  such  unheard  of  cruelty  was  never  known 
much  delight  he  took  in  such  scenes,  among  us.' "  —  Documentary  History  t  iv, 
He  then  ordered  him  to  be  taken  out  of  105. 

15 


116  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

so  that  we  got  in  a  short  time  twelve  dead  and  one  wounded. 
They  were  so  hard  pressed  that  it  was  impossible  for  one  to 
escape.  In  a  brief  space  of  time  there  were  counted  one  hun 
dred  and  eighty  dead  outside  the  houses.  Presently  none  durst 
come  forth,  keeping  within  the  houses,  discharging  arrows 
through  the  holes.  The  general  (Montagne)  remarked  that 
nothing  else  was  to  be  done,  and  resolved,  with  Sergeant  Major 
Underbill,  to  set  the  huts  on  fire,  whereupon  the  Indians  tried 
every  means  to  escape,  not  succeeding  in  which  they  returned 
back  to  the  flames,  preferring  to  perish  by  the  fire  than  to  die  by 


Massacre  of  the  Weckquaesgeeks. 

our  hands.  What  was  most  wonderful  is,  that  among  this  vast 
collection  of  men,  women  and  children,  not  one  was  heard  to 
cry  or  to  scream.  According  to  the  report  of  the  Indians  them 
selves  the  number  then  destroyed  exceeded  five  hundred  j  some 
say  full  seven  hundred,  among  whom  there  were  also  twenty- 
five  IVappingers,  our  God  having  collected  together  the're  the 
greater  part  of  our  enemies  to  celebrate  one  of  their  festivals,1 
from  which  escaped  no  more  than  eight  men  in  all,  of  whom 
even  those  were  severely  wounded."  The  work  of  sword  and 

JThe  Indians  had  doubtless  assembled     following  that  at  the  end  of  February. — 
for  their  annual  festival  of  the  first  moon     Antct  p.  27. 


O^  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  117 

of  fire  having  been  completed  in  a  manner  so  satisfactory  to  the 
humane  and  Christian  Underhill  and  the  equally  pious  Mon- 
tagne,  the  expedition  returned  to  Stamford  bearing  with  them 
fifteen  wounded.  Two  days  after,  the  force  reached  Fort 
Amsterdam,  where  joy  bells  rang  their  welcome.1 

The  Indians  now  solicited  peace,  and  a  treaty  was  brought 
about  through  the  intervention  of  Underhill.  Mamaranack, 
chief  of  the  Sint-Sings^  Mongockonone  of  the  Weckquaesgeeks, 
Pappenoharrow  from  the  Nochpeems,  and  the  Wappingers  from 
Stamford,  presented  themselves  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  in  the  early 
part  of  April,  1644,  and  having  pledged  themselves  that  they 
would  not  henceforth  commit  any  injury  whatever  on  the  in 
habitants  of  New  Netherland,  their  cattle  and  houses,  nor  show 
themselves,  except  in  a  canoe,  before  Fort  Amsterdam,  should 
the  Dutch  be  at  war  with  any  other  chieftaincies  ;  and  having 
further  promised  to  deliver  up  Pacham,  the  chief  of  the  Tanki- 
tekes,  peace  was  concluded,  the  Dutch  promising,  on  their  part, 
not  to  molest  the  Indians  in  any  way. 

The  Long  Island  chieftaincies  were  not  included  in  this  aN 
rangement,  and  the  Dutch  determined  to  employ  some  of  the 
friendly  Indians  there  against  those  who  were  hostile.  White- 
neymen,  sachem  of  the  Matinecocks,  with  forty-seven  of  his 
warriors,  was  secured  and  dispatched  with  a  commission  to  do 
all  in  his  power  "  to  beat  and  destroy  the  hostile  tribes."  The 
sachem's  diplomacy,  however,  was  better  than  his  commission, 
and  he  returned  to  Fort  Amsterdam  in  a  few  days  empowered 
by  the  Long  Island  chiefs  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace,  which 
was  at  once  concluded  and  pledges  exchanged  of  eternal  amity. 
Gonwarrowe,  a  chief  of  the  Matinecocks,  who  was  present, 
became  surety  for  the  Hackinsacks  and  Tappans,  for  whom  he 
solicited  peace,2  which  was  granted,  on  the  condition  that  neither 
canton  should  harm  the  Dutch,  and  that  they  should  not  afford 
shelter  to  hostile  Indians. 

Director  Kieft  then  visited  Fort  Orange  and  solicited  the 
negotiation  and  mediation  of  the  Mohawhand  Mabicans  to  secure 

a<<  A  thanksgiving  was  proclaimed  on  to  be  patched  up  last  spring,  by  a  foreigner 

their  arrival." — Neiv  York  Documentary  with  one  or  two  tribes  of  savages  to  the 

History,  iv,  17.  north. —  Col.  Hist,  i,  ziOj  0 '  Callaghari 's 

2  A  semblance  of  peace  was  attempted  New  Netbcrland,  i,  302. 


118  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

peace  with  the  remaining  insurgents,  and  on  their  advice  the 
latter  agreed  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  which  the  record  is  in  these 
words : 

"  Aug.  30,  1645.  This  day,  being  the  3Oth  August,  appeared 
at  Fort  Amsterdam  before  the  director  and  council  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  commonalty,  the  sachems  in  their  own 
behalf,  and  for  sachems  in  their  own  neighborhood,  viz :  Ora- 
tany,  chief  of  Ackkinkeshacky,  Sesekennick  and  Willem,  chiefs  of 
Tappaans  and  Reckgawawank,  Pokam  and  Pennekeck,  who 
were  here  yesterday,  and  did  give  their  power  of  attorney  to  the 
former,  and  took  upon  them  the  responsibility  for  those  of 
Ouany  and  its  vicinity,  viz :  those  of  Majauwetumemln,  those  of 
Marecbhourtck,  Nyeck  and  their  neighbors,  and  Aepjen,  who 
personally  appeared,  speaking  in  behalf  of  the  Wappinex, 
Wiquaeshex,  Sint-Slngs  and  Kitcbtawangbs. 

"  i.  They  conclude  with  us  a  solid  and  durable  peace, 
which  they  promise  to  keep  sincerely,  as  we  oblige  ourselves 
to  do  in  the  same  manner. 

*c  2.  And  if  (which  God  in  his  mercy  avert),  there  should 
arise  any  difficulty  between  us  and  them,  war  shall  not  be  re 
newed,  but  they  shall  complain  to  our  governor,  and  we  to 
their  sachems  ;  and  if  any  person  should  be  murdered  or  killed, 
justice  shall  be  directly  administered  on  the  murderer,  and 
henceforth  we  shall  live  together  in  amity  and  peace. 

"3.  They  may  not  come  on  the  island  Manhattan  with  their 
arms  in  the  neighborhood  of  Christian  dwellings  ;  neither  will 
we  approach  their  villages  with  our  guns,  except  we  are  con 
ducted  thither  by  a  savage  to  give  them  warning. 

"4.  And  whereas  there  is  yet  among  them  an  English  girl,1 
whom  they  promise  to  conduct  to  the  English  at  Stamfort, 
which  they  yet  engage  to  do  ;  and  if  she  is  not  conducted  there, 
she  shall  be  guided  here  in  safety,  while  we  promise  to  pay 
them  the  ransom  which  has  been  promised  by  the  English. 

"  All  which  we  promise  to  keep  religiously  throughout  all 
New  Netherlands.  Done  in  Fort  Amsterdam,  in  the  open  air, 
by  the  director  and  council  in  New  Netherlands,  and  the  whole 
commonalty,  called  together  for  this  purpose  ;  in  the  presence 

1  Supposed  to  have  been  the  daughter  of  Ann  Hutchinson. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  119 

* 
of  the  Maquas  ambassadors,  who  were  solicited  to  assist  in  this 

negotiation,  as  arbitrators,  and  Cornelius  Anthonisson,  their  in 
terpreter  and  arbitrator  with  them  in  this  solemn  affair.  Done 
as  above." 

The  original  was  signed  with  the  mark  of  Sisindogo,  the  mark 
of  Claes  Norman,  the  mark  of  Oratany,  the  mark  of  Auronge, 
the  mark  of  Sesechemis,  the  mark  of  Willem  of  Tappan,  the 
mark  of  Aepjen,  sachem  of  the  Mahicans,  and  William  Kieft, 
La  Montagne,  and  other  Dutch  officials  and  witnesses.1 

Thus  terminated  a  war  which  had  been  waged  for  over  five  years. 
Both  parties  had  suffered  severely.  Sixteen  hundred  Indians,  it 
is  said,  perished,  while  the  Dutch  pointed  to  "  piles  of  ashes  from 
the  burnt  houses,  barns,  barracks  and  other  buildings,  and  the 
bones  of  the  cattle,"  and  exclaimed:  "  Our  fields  lie  fallow  and 
waste  ;  our  dwellings  and  other  buildings  are  burnt ;  not  a 
handful  can  be  planted  or  sown  this  fall  on  all  the  abandoned 
places.  All  this  through  a  foolish  hankering  after  war  ;  for  it 
is  known  to  all  right  thinking  men  here,  that  these  Indians 
have  lived  as  lambs  among  us  until  a  few  years  ago,  injuring  no 
one,  and  affording  every  assistance  to  our  nation."  2 

1  Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical         2  Colonial  History  y  i,  210. 
Society,  ad  series,  I,  275 .     Col.  Hist,  i,  21  o. 


The  mark    *mm^g**r  of  Aepjen 
sachem  of  the  Mahicans. 


120  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  ESOPUS  WARS. —  FROM  THE  PEACE  OF  1645  TO  THE 
PEACE  OF  1664. 

|CARCELY  had  the  peace  of  1645  been  concluded 
before  the  Dutch  resumed  their  former  intercourse 
with  the  Indians,  as  well  as  their  former  modes  of 
promoting  trade.  The  town  of  New  Amsterdam 
was  largely  given  up  to  the  sale  of  brandy,  tobacco  and  beer, 
and  Indians  were  daily  seen  u  running  about  drunk,"  through 
the  streets.  Every  advantage  was  taken  by  the  Dutch.  The 
Indians  were  employed  as  servants,  and  defrauded  of  their  wages ; 
they  were  induced  to  drink,  and  while  intoxicated  were  robbed 
of  their  furs  or  of  the  goods  which  they  had  purchased  ;  they 
had  standing  complaint  in  regard  to  the  sale  of  arms  at  Beaver- 
wyck,  and  found  cause  of  grievance  in  the  value  which  the 
Dutch  attached  to  the  lands  which  they  had  sold,  which  led 
them  to  believe  that  they  had  not  been  paid  a  sufficient  price 
for  them.  The  Minsis  were  especially  aggrieved,  and  when 
the  Swedes  made  their  appearance  on  the  South  river  and  offered 
them  arms  and  ammunition  in  exchange  for  their  furs,  their  con 
tempt  for  the  Dutch  was  openly  expressed. 

The  Dutch,  on  the  other  hand,  protested  their  innocence  of 
the  causes  of  complaint  charged  against  them,  and  made  up 
quite  a  formidable  bill  of  grievances  in  their  own  justification. 
The  Indians  "  without  any  cause,"  so  far  as  they  knew,  had 
"  not  only  slain  and  killed  many  animals,  such  as  cows,  horses 
and  hogs,"  to  the  immigrants  belonging,  but  had  "  cruelly  mur 
dered  ten  persons,"  one  in  the  second  year  after  the  peace  had 
been  concluded,  one  in  the  year  1651,  four  in  the  year  1652, 
three  in  the  year  1653,  and  one  in  the  year  1654.  The  mur 
derers  had  been  demanded  under  the  treaty  of  1645,  but  the 
Indians  had  refused  to  give  them  up,  and  the  government,  "  for 
the  sake  of  peace  and  out  of  consideration  for  the  good  and  ad- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  121 

vantage  of  the  country  and  its  people,"  had  not  attempted  to 
enforce  redress.1  Granting  that  the  offenses  recited  had  been 
committed,  they  only  prove  that  they  were  in  retaliation  for 
outrages  inflicted  on  the  Indians,  for  the  testimony  in  all  simi 
lar  cases  is  that  the  latter  were  not  wanton  murderers.2  The 
wrongs  which  they  suffered  found  no  fitting  record  at  the 
hands  of  the  Dutch,  but  their  acts  of  retaliation  were  detailed 
with  horror,  and  were  exceeded,  when  opportunity  offered,  in 
the  cold-blooded  vengeance  which  was  inflicted  upon  them. 

Hostilities  were  not  long  delayed.  A  squaw,  detected  in 
stealing  peaches  from  the  garden  of  Hendrick  Van  Dyck,  at 
New  Amsterdam,  had  been  killed  by  him,  and  her  family  deter 
mined  to  avenge  her  death.  Availing  themselves  of  the  or 
ganization  of  a  war  party  of  Wappingers,  then  about  to  make 
descent  upon  some  neighboring  tribe,  they  prevailed  upon  them 
to  storf  at  New  Amsterdam,  and  aid  them  in  enforcing  the 
"blood  atonement,"  which  their  laws  demanded.  On  the 
morning  of  the  fifteenth  of  September,  1655,  "  sixty-four  canoes 
full  of  Indians,"  were  beached  on  the  shore,  and,  "  before 
scarcely  any  one  had  yet  risen,"  their  occupants,  "  five  hundred 
men,  all  armed,"  3  scattered  themselves  throughout  the  town, 
and,  "under  the  pretense  of  looking  for  northern  Indians," 
entered  dwellings  by  force  and  "  searched  the  premises"  with 
more  than  the  zeal  of  modern  officers  in  quest  of  fugitives. 
They  offered  no  personal  violence,  however,  and  their  sachems 
readily  attended  a  conference,  called  by  the  authorities,  and 
promised  to  take  their  departure  in  the  evening.  But  they 
failed  to  do  so.  The  object  for  which  they  came  was  not  ac 
complished.  In  the  evening  they  were  joined  "  by  two  hun- 

1  Petition  of    October,    1655,     Dutch  would    complain    directly    to    him.     He 
Manuscripts^  vol.  iv,  office   of  secretary  accepted  their  gifts  and  made  them  pre- 
of  state,    Albany,    as  translated   by    Dr.  sents  in  return,  and  they  departed  "  very 
O'Callaghan  in  Indian  War  of  1655.  much  satisfied." 

2  The  Indians  promptly  confessed  their  3  Brodhead  says  the  Indians  were  sup- 
wrong  in  the  first  of  the  cases    recited,  posed  to  number  nineteen  hundred  men, 
and  sent  a  deputation   to   the  director  to  of  whom  from  five  to  eight  hundred  were 
solicit  forgiveness  and   renew   their  cove-  armed.     The   text  of  the  Dutch   manu- 
nant  of  peace.     They  wished  to  live  in  script,  however,   is  "  five  hundred,"  and 
friendship,  but  were   sorely  provoked  by  even  that  number  was  a  large  comple- 
their    Dutch    neighbors.       The    director  ment  for  sixty-four  canoes.      Councillor 
promised    that    he    would  surely    punish  La   Montagne,   upon   whose  "  opinion," 
offenders    against    them    if    the    Indians  Brodhead   evidently  bases  his  statement, 


122  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

dred  armed  Indians,"  and  with  them  renewed  the  search. 
About  eight  o'clock,  they  detected  Van  Dyck,  and  an  arrow 
was  almost  instantly  winged  to  his  breast.  One  Leendertsen, 
in  attempting  to  protect  him,  was  "  threatened  with  an  axe."  x 
The  cry  of  murder  was  raised  by  the  Dutch,  and  the  burgher 
guard  rushed  from  the  fort,  "  without  any  orders,  some  through 
the  gate,  others  over  the  walls,  so  that  they  came  into  conflict 
with  the  Indians."  The  latter  were  "lying  about  the  shore," 
evidently  preparing  to  take  their  departure  as  they  had  promised. 
In  the  attack  upon  them  two  of  the  guard  were  killed  and  three 
wounded,  while  of  their  own  number  three  were  left  dead.2 
Meanwhile  they  had  embarked  in  their  canoes,  and,  "  taking 
their  course  across  the  river,  landed  on  the  western  side  ;  and 
commenced  the  work  of  retaliation  for  the  attack  which  had 
been  made  upon  them  and  for  the  loss  which  they  had  suffered. 
A  house  at  Hoboken  was  soon  in  flames,  and  those  at<lPavonia 
speedily  followed.  Every  family,  with  the  exception  of  one, 
was  destroyed  ;  every  man  killed,  "  together  with  all  his  cattle," 
and  a  large  number  of  women  and  children  taken  into  captivity. 
Staten  island  was  next  visited,  and  its  ninety  colonists  and 
flourishing  bouweries  shared  the  fate  of  those  at  Pavonia.  For 
three  days  the  carnage  continued,  and  at  its  close  "  full  fifty" 
of  the  Dutch  had  been  "  murdered  and  put  to  death  ;  over  one 
hundred,  mostly  women  and  children,"  were  in  captivity  ; 
"  twenty  bouweries  and  a  number  of  plantations"  had  been 
burned  with  "  full  twelve  to  fifteen  hundred  "skepels  of  grain," 
and  five  or  six  hundred  head  of  cattle  either  killed  or  driven  ofF. 
In  addition  to  those  killed  and  captured,  three  hundred  colonists 
were  ruined  in  estate,  and  the  aggregated  damages  were  com 
puted  at  two  hundred  thousand  guilders  or  eighty  thousand 
dollars. 

At  the  time  of  this  occurrence,  Director  Stuyvesant,  who 
had  succeeded  Kieft,  was  absent  with  his  soldiers  on  an  expedi 
tion  to  South  river,  and  a  messenger  was  immediately  sent  for 
his  return.  Meanwhile,  as  the  tidings  of  the  disaster  spread,  the 

disagrees  with  all  of  his   contemporaries,  1  Neither   Van   Dyck  nor  Leendertsen 

and   was  apparently  determined  to    give  appear  to  have  been  killed, 

good  reason  for  the  great  fright  which  he  2  Opinion   of  Fiscal    Van    Tienhoven, 

suffered.  (fCallaghans  Indian  War  of  1655,  40. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  123 

inhabitants  fled  in  terror  to  the  fort  as  to  a  city  of  refuge.  The 
English  villages  on  Long  Island  sent  word  that  the  Indians  had 
threatened  to  kill  the  Dutch  who  resided  there,  and  that  the 
English  themselves  would  share  the  same  fate  if  they  offered 
any  assistance  to  the  Manhattans,  even  to  the  extent  of  sending 
them  food.  Lady  Moody's  house  at  Gravesend  was  again  at 
tacked.  The  settlers  at  Esopus  abandoned  their  farms,  lest  they 
should  be  cut  off.  Even  New  Amsterdam  was  not  secure ; 
bands  of  Indians  wandered  over  the  island,  destroying  all  who 
came  in  their  way.  Ten  Frenchmen  were  enrolled  to  guard 
the  house  and  family  of  the  absent  director,  while  the  Dutch 
themselves  kept  within  the  fort. 

In  the  midst  of  the  terror  which  prevailed,  Stuyvesant  and  his 
soldiers  returned,  and  the  confidence  of  the  colonists  was  soon 
restored.  Soldiers  were  sent  to  the  out  settlements,  an  embargo 
was  laid  on  vessels  about  to  sail,  and  passengers  able  to  bear 
arms  were  ordered  not  to  depart  "  until  it  should  please  God  to 
change  the  aspect  of  affairs."  A  plank  curtain  was  thrown  up, 
to  prevent  the  Indians  scaling  the  city  walls,  and  no  persons,  on 
any  account,  were  to  go  into  the  country  without  permission, 
nor  unless  in  numbers  sufficient  to  ensure  their  safety. 

The  fury  of  the  Indians,  however,  had  spent  its  force  and 
they  retreated,  after  dividing  their  prisoners,  a  portion  of  whom 
were  taken  to  the  highlands,  and  the  remainder  retained  with  the 
Hackinsacks.  The  latter,  finding  them  an  incumbrance,  sent 
Captain  Pos,  who  had  been  taken  at  Staten  island,  with  propo 
sals  for  their  ransom.  Not  returning  as  soon  as  was  expected, 
the  Indians  sent  another  messenger  with  word  that  all  the  pri 
soners  should  be  brought  to  Paulus  hook  in  two  days.  Pos 
returned,  and  in  a  few  days  brought  from  the  chief  of  the  Hack 
insacks  fourteen  prisoners,  u  men,  women  and  children,"  as  a 
token  of  his  good  will,  "  in  return  for  which  he  requested  some 
powder  and  ball.  Stuyvesant  sent  him  a  Wappinger  and  an 
Esopus  Indian  in  exchange,  and  also  some  ammunition,  of  which 
he  promised  a  further  supply  when  other  prisoners  should  be 
brought  in.  Pos,  accompanied  by  two  influential  citizens,  con 
veyed  this  message,  and  soon  returned  with  twenty-eight  of  the 
captives  and  another  message  that  from  twenty  to  twenty-four 
16 


124  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

others  would  be  restored  on  the  receipt  of  a  proper  quantity  of 
friezes,  guns,  wampum  and  ammunition,  but  they  would  not 
exchange  the  prisoners  for  Indians,  ransom  was  the  order  of 
their  laws.  Stuyvesant  then  asked  the  ransom  price  "  for  all 
the  prisoners  en  masse,  or  for  each  individually,"  and  received 
the  answer,  "  seventy-eight  pounds  of  powder  and  forty  staves 
of  lead,  for  twenty-eight  persons."  This  offer  was  accepted, 
and  thirty-five  pounds  of  powder  and  ten  staves  of  lead  addi 
tional  sent,  but  no  more  prisoners  were  returned,  the  highland 
chieftaincies  having  determined  to  retain  them  as  hostages.  No 
measures  were  taken  to  punish  the  Indians.  The  Dutch  were 
clearly  at  fault,  in  the  opinion  of  Stuyvesant,1  and  he  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  those  who  clamored  for  war,  and  who  in  return 
charged  him  with  winking  "  at  this  infraction  of  the  peace." 
The  settlers  gradually  returned  to  their  avocations,  but  under 
restraints  which  were  more  conducive  to  personal  safety,  and 
comparative  quiet  prevailed. 

The  Long  Island  tribes  under  Tackapousha,  who  had  been 
assigned  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutch  under  the  treaty  with 
the  English  at  Hartford  in  1650,  came  forward  and  repudiated 
all  connection  with  the  outbreak  which  had  occurred.  Not 
only  were  they  innocent  of  participation  in  it,  but  since  they 
had  withheld  tribute  from  the  Wappingers,  they  had  been  repeat 
edly  attacked  by  them.  Said  their  speaker  :  "  Our  chief  has 
been  twelve  years  at  war  with  those  who  have  injured  you,  and 
though  you  may  consider  him  no  bigger  than  your  fist,  he  would 

fyet  prove  himself  strong  enough.  He  has  hitherto  sat,  his  head 
drooping  on  his  breast,  yet  he  still  hoped  he  should  be  able  to 
show  what  he  could  achieve."  Henceforth  the  western  Montauk 
chieftaincies  were  the  friends  of  the  Dutch,  and  soon  after 
renewed  with  them  their  treaty  of  alliance.2 

lu  We  concur    in  the    general  opinion  their  purpose]  and  been  the  cause  of  the 

that  the  Indians  had,  on  their  first  arrival,  dreadful     consequences      and     enormous 

no    other    intention    than    to   wage   war  losses."  —  O'Callagbans  Indian  War   of 

against  the  savages   on  the    east  end    of  1655. 

Long     Island.     We    have    come  to    this  2  The  following  is  the  treaty  referred  to  : 

conclusion  from  various  reasons   too  long  "  Articles  of  agreement    betwixt    the 

to    be   detailed  here  j   and    that  a  culpa-  governor  of  New  Netherland,  and  Tacka- 

ble  want  of  vigilance,  and  a    too    hasty  pausha,  March  ye  12,  1656  : 

rashness  on  the  part  of  a  few  hot-headed  "  i.   That  all  injuries  formerly  passed 

spirits,  had  diverted  the    Indians    [from  in  the  time  of  the  governor's  predecessors, 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


125 


But  there  was  no  general  peace.  The  conflict  was  remem 
bered,  and  the  Indians,  as  well  as  the  Dutch,  stood  on  guard. 
The  scene  of  combat,  however,  was  changed.  The  settlers  at 
Esopus,1  who  had  returned  after  the  panic  of  1655,  continued 
for  some  time  unmolested  ;  but,  as  in  other  places,  they  soon 
devoted  the  largest  portion  of  their  time  and  means  to  the  pur 
poses  of  trade.  The  examples  of  th^traders  at  New  Amster 
dam  were  readily  copied.  Familiarity,  brandy  and  other  liquors, 
were  called  to  their  aid,  and  with  results  similar  to  those  which 
had  already  disgraced  the  Dutch  character.  The  Indians  suf 
fered  wrongfully,  and  in  retaliation  (1657)  "one  of  the  settlers 
was  killed,  the  house  and  out  buildings  of  another  were  burned, 
and  the  settlers  were  forced,  by  threats  of  arson  and  murder,  to 
plow  up  the  patches  of  land  where  the  savages  planted  their 
maize."  2  The  white  population  consisted,  at  that  time,  of 
between  sixty  and  seventy  persons,  who  were  in  no  condition 
for  defense.  They  wrote  at  once  to  Stuyvesant,  imploring  him 
to  send  "  forty  or  fifty  soldiers  to  save  the  Esopus."  The 


shall  be  forgiven  and  forgotten,  since  ye 
sd  year  1645. 

"  z.^That  Tackapausha  being  chosen 
ye  chief  sachem  by  all  the  Indian  sachems 
from  Mersapege,  Maskahnong,  Secatong, 
Meracock,  Rockaway  and  Canorise,  with 
ye  rest,  both  sachems  and  natives,  doth 
take  ye  governor  of  ye  New  Netherland 
to  be  his  and  his  people's  protector,  and 
in  consideration  of  that  to  put  under  ye 
sd  protection,  on  thiere  lands  and  terri- 
toryes  upon  Long  Island,  so  far  as  ye 
Dutch  line  doth  runn,  according  to  the 
agreement  made  att  Hartforde. 

"  3.  The  governor  doth  promise  to 
make  noe  peace  with  the  Indians  that 
did  the  spoile  at  ye  Manhattans  the  I5th 
September  last,  likewise  to  include  the 
sachem  in  ic. 

"  4.  That  Tackapausha  shall  make  no 
peace  wh  ye  sd  Indians,  without  ye  con 
sent  and  knowledge  of  the  governor,  and 
sd  sachem  doth  promise  for  himself  and  his 
people  to  give  no  dwelling  place,  enter 
tainment  nor  lodging  to  any  of  ye  govern 
or's,  or  thiere  owne  enemies. 

"5.  The  governor  doth  promise,  be 
tween  this  date  and  six  months,  to  build 
a  house  or  forte  upon  such  place  as  they 
shall  show  upon  the  north  side,  and  the 


house  or  forte  to  be  furnished  with  Indian 
trade  and  commodities. 

"  6.  The  inhabitants  of  Hempsteede 
according  to  their  patent,  shall  enjoy  their 
purchase  without  molestation  from  ye 
sachem  or  his  people,  either  of  person  or 
estate  j  and  the  sachem  will  live  in  peace 
with  all  ye  English  and  Dutch  within 
this  jurisdiction.  And  the  governor  doth 
promise  for  himself  and  all  his  people  to 
live  in  peace  with  the  sd  sachem  and  all 
his  people. 

"  7.  That  in  case  an  Indian  doe  wrong 
to  a  Christian  in  his  person  or  estate,  and 
complaint  be  made  to  the  sachem,  hee 
shall  make  full  satisfaction  ;  likewise  if 
a  Dutchman  or  Englishman  shall  wrong 
an  Indian  the  governor  shall  make  satis 
faction  according  to  Equity." 

1  The  precise  time  at  which  settlement 
was  made  at  Atkarkarton,  now  Kingston, 
is  not  known,  although  it  is  assumed  that 
a  fort  or  trading  post  was  erected  there  as 
early  as  1614.  The  reference  in  the  text 
is  to  the  first  known  European  settlers 
who  removed  thither,  in  company  with 
Capt.  Thomas  Chambers,  from  Panhoosic, 
now  Troy,  in  1652. 
'  2  Documentary  History,  iv. 


126  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

governor  responded  by  immediately  visiting  the  scene  of  dis 
turbance  with  a  company  of  soldiers,  where  he  arrived  on  the 
3Oth  of  May.  The  following  day,  being  Ascension  Thursday, 
the  settlers  assembled  at  the  house  of  Jacob  Jansen  Stol  for 
religious  service.  The  governor  met  them  there  and-  explained 
to  them  the  difficulties  under  which  they  were  placed,  by  their 
isolated  positions,  and  recommended  that  they  should  unite  at 
once  in  a  village,  which  could  be  easily  defended  from  the 
attacks  of  the  Indians.  To  this  they  objected  on  the  ground 
of  want  of  time  to  give  care  to  their  crops  and  to  remove  their 
dwellings  and  erect  palisades  ;  and  asked  that  the  soldiers  be 
permitted  to  remain  until  after  harvest.  This  request  Stuyve- 
sant  refused  ;  but  promised  that  if  they  would  agree  to  palisade 
at  once  the  ground  to  be  selected  for  a  village,  he  would  remain 
with  them  until  the  work  was  completed. 

While  these  proceedings  were  being  held,  some  twelve  or 
fifteen  Indians,  accompanied  by  two  of  their  chiefs,  arrived  at 
the  house  of  Stol,  where  the  director  was  staying,  with  word 
that  other  sachems  were  deterred  from  coming  to  the  conference 
which  he  had  invited  through  fear  of  the  soldiers.  Stuyvesant 
gave  his  assurance  that  no  harm  should  befall  them,  when  about 
fifty  additional  Indians,  with  a  few  women  and  children,  made 
their  appearance,  and  seated  themselves  beneath  an  aged  tree 
which  stood  without  the  fence,  "  about  a  stone's  throw  from 
the  house."  Accompanied  only  by  an  interpreter  and  two  of 
his  followers,  Stuyvesant  went  out  and  seated  himself  in  the 
midst  of  the  Indians,  when  one  of, the  chiefs  arose,  "  and  made 
a  long  harangue,"  detailing  the  events  of  the  war  waged  in 
Kieft's  time  (1645),  and  how  many  of  their  tribe  the  Dutch 
had  then  slain,  adding,  however,  that  they  had  obliterated  all 
these  things  from  their  hearts  and  forgotten  them.1 

Stuyvesant  replied  to  this  address,  that  those  things  had  oc 
curred  before  his  time,  and  that  the  recollection  of  them  had 
been  u  all  thrown  away"  by  the  subsequent  peace.  He  asked 
them,  however,  if  any  injury  had  been  done  them,  in  person  or 
property,  since  he  had  come  into  the  country.  The  Indians 
remained  silent.  Stuyvesant  then  proceeded  to  enumerate  the 

1  G 'Callagbari 's  New  Ncthtrland,  n,  358. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  127 

various  offenses  which  the  Indians  had  committed  on  the  Dutch. 
"  Your  overbearing  insolence  at  Esopus,"  said  he,  "  is  known. 
I  come  to  investigate  this  matter,  and  not  to  make  war,  pro 
vided  the  murderer  be  surrendered  and  all  damage  repaid.  The 
Dutch  never  solicited  your  sachems  for  leave  to  come  here. 
Your  sachems  have  requested  us,  over  and  over  again,  to  make 
a  settlement  among  you.  We  have  not  had  a  foot  of  your  land 
without  paying  you  for  it,  nor  do  we  desire  to  have  any  more 
without  making  full  compensation  therefor.  Why  then  have 
you  committed  this  murder  ?  Why  have  you  burned  our  houses, 
killed  our  cattle,  and  continue  to  threaten  our  people  ?" 

To  this  harangue  the  sachems  made  no  reply,  but  "  looked  on 
the  ground."  At  length  one  of  them  arose  and  responded  : 
"  You  Swannekins  have  sold  our  children  the  botsson"  It  is 
you  who  have  given  them  brandy  and  made  them  cachens^ 
intoxicated  and  mad,  and  caused  them  to  commit  all  this  mis 
chief.  The  sachems  cannot  then  control  the  young  Indians  nor 
prevent  them  fighting.  This  murder  has  not  been  committed 
by  any  of  our  tribe,  but  by  a  Minnisink,  who  now  skulks  among 
the  Haverstraws.  It  was  he  who  fired  the  two  houses  and  then 
fled.  For  ourselves  we  can  truly  say,  we  did  not  commit  the 
act.  We  know  no  malice,  neither  are  we  inclined  to  fight,  but 
we  cannot  control  our  young  men." 

Stuyvesant  immediately  arose,  and  hurled  defiance  at  the 
young  braves.  "  If  any  of  your  young  people  desire  to  fight,  let 
them  now  step  forth.  I  will  place  man  against  man.  Nay,  I 
will  place  twenty  against  thirty  or  forty  of  your  hot  heads. 
Now,  then,  is  your  time.  But  it  is  not  manly  to  threaten  far 
mers,  and  women  and  children  who  are  not  warriors.  If  this 
be  not  stopped,  I  shall  be  compelled  to  retaliate  on  old  and 
young,  on  women  and  children.  This  I  can  now  do  by  killing 
you  all,  taking  your  wives  and  little  ones  captive  and  destroying 
your  maize  lands  ;  but  I  will  not  do  it.  I  expect  you  will  repair 
all  damages,  seize  the  murderer  if  he  come  among  you,  and  do 
no  further  mischief."  u  The  Dutch,"  he  continued,  "  are  now 
going  to  live  together  in  one  spot.  It  is  desirable  that  you 
should  sell  us  the  whole  of  the  Esopus  land,  as  you  have  often 
proposed,  and  remove  farther  into  the  interior ;  for  it  is  not 


128  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

good  for  you  to  reside  so  near  the  Swannekins,  whose  cattle 
might  eat  your  maize  and  thus  cause  fresh  disturbances." 

The  sachems  promised  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration, 
and  departed  with  their  followers.  While  they  were  absent  the 
settlers  agreed  that  it  would  be  for  the  best  to  adopt  the  counsel 
of  the  director,  arid  left  the  selection  of  the  site  of  the  village 
to  him.  He  "  accordingly  chose  a  spot  at  the  bend  of  the  kill, 
where  a  water  front  might  be  had  on  three  sides  ;  and  a  part 
of  the  plain,  about  two  hundred  and  ten  yards  in  circumfer 
ence,  was  staked  out."  *  The  erection  of  a  stockade  was 
immediately  commenced,  the  Dutch,  in  this  particular,  adopt 
ing  the  mode  of  the  Indians  and  drawing  from  them  lessons  in 
defensive  warfare. 

On  the  ist  of  June,  the  sachems  returned  and  solicited  peace, 
expressing  sorrow  for  what  had  passed.  They  felt  deeply  the 
shame  that  Stuyvesant  had  challenged  their  young  men,  and  they 
had  not  dared  to  accept  the  wager,  and  hoped  trie  fact  would 
not  be  spread  abroad.  Presents  were  distributed  to  them  in 
exchange  for  the  wampum  with  which  they  had  accompanied 
their  proposals  for  peace  ;  but  they  were  told  a  second  time  that 
they  must  surrender  the  murderer,  and  make  good  the  damages 
they  had  committed.  To  these  requirements  they  demurred  ; 
and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  they  should  make  compensation 
for  damages,  and  sell  the  land  for  the  projected  village.  They 
then  retired,  but  returned  again  on  the  4th  with  a  final  reply, 
which  was  that  they  would  give  the  director  the  land  he  asked, 
u  to  grease  his  feet  with,  as  he  had  taken  so  long  a  journey  to 
visit  them."  They  then  renewed  the  assurance  that  they  had 
thrown  away  all  malice,  and  that  hereafter  none  among  them 
would  injure  a  Dutchman.  The  director  responded  with  like 
assurances  ;  and  the  Indians  departed.  The  work  at  the  village 
now  went  forward  rapidly.  After  three  weeks'  labor,  the  lines 
of  palisades  were  completed ;  all  the  buildings  removed ;  a 
guard-house,  sixteen  feet  by  twenty-three,  built  in  the  north-east 
corner  ;  a  bridge  thrown  over  the  kill,  and  barracks  erected  for 

1  Brodhcad,    i,    6495    0 'Callaghan ,    u,  ton,  at  a  bend  in  the  Esopus  creek  near 

361.     The  village  located   by  Stuyvesant  the   residence  now,  or  late,  of  Benjamin 

was  about  three  miles  north-west  from  Smith.     The  Indians  were  probably  resi- 

the  centre  of  the  present  village  of  Kings-  dents  of  the  castle  of  Wiltmeet! 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  129 

the  soldiers,  of  whom  Stuyvesant  detailed  twenty-four  to  guard 
the  infant  settlement,  and  then  returned  to  Fort  Amsterdam. 

Stuyvesant  visited  Esopus  again  in  the  fall  of  1658,  in  order 
to  obtain  from  the  Indians  a  transfer  of  the  remainder  of  their 
lands.  Calling  the  chiefs  together,  he  thus  addressed  them  : 
"  A  year  and  a  half  ago  you  killed  two  horses  belonging  to 
Madame  de  Hulter,  and  attacked  Jacob  Adriaensen  in  his  own 
house  with  an  axe,  knocked  out  his  eye,  mortally  wounded  his 
infant  child,  and  not  satisfied  with  this,  burnt  his  house  last 
spring.  You,  moreover,  robbed  him  of  his  property,  and  killed 
a  Dutchman  in  one  of  his  sloops.  You  compelled  our  farmers 
to  plow  your  land  ;  threatened,  at  the  same  time,  to  fire  their 
Bouses,  and  repeatedly  extorted  money  from  the  settlers,  who 
have  already  paid  you  for  their  farms.  You  have  added  threats 
and  insults,  and  finally  forced  the  colonists,  at  much  expense, 
to  break  up  their  establishments  and  concentrate  their  dwellings. 
Various  other  injuries  you  have  committed  since  that  time,  not 
withstanding  your  promises.  For  all  this  we  demand  compen 
sation  ;  to  enforce  which,  efficient  measures  will  be  taken,  unless 
the  terms  we  now  propose  be  acceded  to." 

The  demand  was  a  bold  attempt  at  extortion  ;  the  terms  of 
peace  not  less  so.  The  Indians  were  required  to  make  a  free 
surrender  of  all  the  Esopus  lands  so  far  as  they  had  been  ex 
plored  by  the  Dutch,  as  indemnity  for  the  expenses  which  the 
settlers  had  incurred  in  removing  their  dwellings  and  fortifying 
their  village ;  the  relinquishment  of  all  claims  held  by  the  In 
dians  against  the  settlers  for  labor  or  furs,  and  the  payment  to 
the  latter  of  several  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum  for  damages. 
The  Indians  regarded  the  terms  as  hard,  and  stated  that  they 
had  already  been  deprived  of  many  of  their  maize  fields  without 
compensation.  Such  a  demand  was  unexpected,  and  as  many 
of  their  sachems  were  absent,  they  asked  time  for  consultation. 
Stuyvesant  generously  agreed  to  allow  them  one  night  to  con 
sider  what  course  they  would  pursue. 

The  next  day  (Oct.  16),  the  council  again  assembled,  and 
the  sachems  expressed  a  willingness  to  make  reasonable  com 
pensation  for  injuries.  They  would  relinquish  part  of  their 
claims  against  the  settlers,  and  give  some  lands  to  those  who  had 


130  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

been  injured  ;  but  they  were  poor  and  had  no  wampum.  Then 
throwing  down  a  beaver  skin,  the  principal  sachem  reminded 
the  director  that  he  could  well  afford  to  be  generous  from  the 
prospect  of  largely  increased  trade  with  the  Senecas.  Offering 
a  wampum  belt,  he  concluded :  "  A  horse  belonging  to  Jacob 
Jansen  Stol  broke  into  our  corn-fields  and  destroyed  two  of 
our  plantations.  One  of  our  boys  shot  it,  for  which  we  gave 
Stol  seventy  guilders  in  wampum.  But  this  belt  we  now  pre 
sent,  so  that  the  soldiers  may  let  us  go  in  peace,  and  not  beat 
us  when  we  visit  this  place." 

Stuyvesant's  proposition  in  relation  to  land  was  left  untouched 
by  the  sachem,  and  the  director  asked  :  "  What  do  you  intend 
to  propose  about  the  land  ?  "  The  sachem  replied,  that  "  it 
belonged  to  the  chiefs  who  were  not  here  to-day,  and  we  can 
not,  therefore,  come  to  any  conclusion  on  it."  He 'promised, 
however,  that  they  would  return  the  next  day  and  give  their 
answer.  The  morrow  came,  but  the  chiefs  did  not  return. 
Stuyvesant  dispatched  messengers  to  their  wigwams  to  inquire 
their  intentions,  who  returned  with  the  answer  that  "  the  chiefs 
had  made  fools  of  them."  Stuyvesant  had  overreached  him 
self  by  his  extravagant  demand,  and,  chagrined  and  disappointed, 
departed  for  Fort  Amsterdam,  leaving  Ensign  Dirck  Smith  with 
fifty  soldiers  under  instructions  to  guard  the  village  properly, 
and  not  allow  any  Indians  within  the  palisades  ;  to  act  purely 
on  the  defensive,  and  to  detail,  from  day  to  day,  a  proper  guard 
to  protect  the  husbandmen.  A  ronduit,  or  small  fort,  was  also 
projected  at  the  mouth  of  the  Walkill,  and  the  work  of  its  con 
struction  commenced.  Several  chiefs  came  in,  shortly  after 
Stuyvesant's  departure,  and  made  a  present  to  Stol  as  further 
indemnity  for  the  injuries  he  had  sustained.  The  offering  was 
accompanied  by  a  renewal  of  their  request  for  the  removal  of 
the  soldiers,  and  an  exchange  of  presents.  The  former  was 
declined,  and  in  response  to  the  latter  the  settlers  had  "  nothing 
to  grease  the  Indian's  breasts.  So  the  meeting  was  a  dry  one." 

Notwithstanding  the  threatening  aspect  of  Indian  affairs,  the 
settlement  continued  prosperous,  and  its  occupants,  increased 
in  numbers  and  enjoying  the  protection  of  an  armed  force, 
became  more  and  more  disregardful  of  the  rights  of  the  red  men. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  131 

During  the  summer  of  1659,  mutual  distrust  and  suspicion  pre 
vailed.  The  settlers  were  disturbed  by  reports  that  the  Indians 
intended  a  general  massacre  when  the  work  of  harvest  should 
begin  ;  while  the  Indians  regarded  the  presence  of  the  soldiers 
as  a  menace,  doubted  the  director's  desire  for  peace,  and  feared 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  attack  and  destroy  them,  as  he  had 
not  yet  sent  the  presents  he  had  promised  them.  A  conference 
was  held  with  the  chiefs  Aug.  17,  but  they  denied  that  they 
had  any  hostile  intentions.  "  We  patiently  submit,"  said  they, 
"  to  the  blows  which  have  been  inflicted  on  us  ;  yet  the  Dutch 
still  plunder  our  corn."  Laying  down  seventeen  small  sticks, 
the  sachem  added  :  "  so  many  times  have  the  Swannekins  struck 
and  assaulted  us  in  divers  places.  We  are  willing  to  live  in 
peace,  but  we  expect  your  chief  sachem  will  make  us  some  pre- 
.sents.  Otherwise  he  cannot  be  sincere."  The  conference  was 
broken  up  without  removing  the  feeling  which  existed  between 
the  parties ;  and  fresh  rumors  disturbed  the  settlers  that  the 
Indians  were  preparing  bows  and  arrows  and  concentrating 
their  strength  for  an  attack.  Familiar  as  the  Dutch  were  with 
the  customs  of  the  Indians  and  the  periods  of  their  annual  return 
from  their  hunting  expeditions,  and  their  almost  constant  pre 
paration  of  the  implements  of  the  chase,  they  nevertheless  now 
saw  in  them  nothing  but  impending  destruction. 

Nor  were  the  general  relations  existing  between  the  Indians 
and  the  Dutch  more  favorable.  Two  soldiers,  who  had  de 
serted  from  Fort  Orange,  were  murdered  by  the  Mahicam,  and 
some  of  the  Rarltans  had  destroyed  a  family  of  four  persons, 
at  Mespath  kil,  in  order  to  obtain  possession  of  a  small  roll  of 
wampum  which,  in  an  unguarded  moment,  had  been  exhibited 
to  them,  and  excited  their  cupidity.  The  Mohawks,  suffering 
under  the  blows  of  the  French,  had  complaint  against  the  Dutch, 
and  sent  a  delegation  to  Fort  Orange,  where,  on  the  sixth  of 
September,  1659,  the  second  official  conference  was  held  with 
them.  The  Mohawk  speaker  charged  that  the  Dutch  called 
his  people  brothers,  and  asserted  that  they  were  bound  to  them 
by  a  chain,  but  that  this  continued  only  so  long  as  they  had 
beavers,  after  which  they  were  no  longer  thought  of.  They 
had  favors  to  ask,  however,  and  were  not  disposed  to  quarrel. 
17 


132  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

They  were  engaged  in  war  with  the  French,  and,  finding  them 
selves  crippled  by  the  liquor  which  the  Dutch  sold  to  their  war 
riors,  asked  that  the  sale  be  stopped,  the  liquor  kegs  plugged 
up 'find  the  dealers  punished.  The  gunsmiths  refused  to  repair 
their  arms  when  they  had  no  wampum  ;  this  was  not  generous, 
nor  was  it  generous  to  deny  to  them  powder  and  lead.  The 
French  treated  their  Indians  more  liberally,  and  their  example 
should  be  considered.  Their  principal  request,  however,  was 
for  thirty  men  with  horses,  to  cut  and  draw  timber  for  the  forts 
which  they  were  building. 

The  commandant  at  Fort  Orange  could  give  no  reply,  but 
would  submit  the  requests  which  had  been  made  to  the  director, 
whose  arrival  was  daily  expected.  But  Stuyvesant  did  not  ar 
rive,  and,  after  waiting  several  days,  the  authorities  at  Fort 
Orange,  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  resolved  to  send  embassadors 
to  the  Mohawks  to  reply  to  their  requests.  At  Caughnawaga, 
on  the  twenty-fourth,  was  held  the  first  formal  council  with  the 
Iroquois  in  their  own  country.  The  professions  of  friendship 
on  the  part  of  the  Dutch  were  warm,  and  no  doubt  sincere,  in 
view  of  their  relations  with  other  tribes.  They  would  remain 
the  brothers  of  the  Mohawks  for  all  time,  and  would  neither 
fight  against  them  nor  leave  them  in  distress  when  they  could 
help  them  ;  but  they  could  not  force  their  smiths  to  repair 
their  "  brothers'  fire  arms  without  pay,  for  they  must  earn  food 
for  their  wives  and  little  ones."  The  sale  of  brandy  could  not 
be  stopped  so  long  as  the  Indians  would  buy  it.*  The  director 
was  angry  that  such  sale  was  made,  and  had  forbidden  it  ;  let 
the  chiefs  also  forbid  their  people.  u  Will  ye,"  they  asked,  "  that 
we  take  from  your  people  their  brandy  and  their  kegs  ?  Say  so 
before  all  those  here  present."  Aid  to  build  the  Mohawk  forts 
could  not  be  given  ;  the  Dutch  were  all  sick,  and  the  hills  were 
so  steep  their  horses  could  not  draw  the  timber.  But  to  aid 
them  in  their  work  they  gave  them  fifteen  new  axes  ;  and  to 
assist  them  in  their  wars,  seventy  pounds  of  powder  and  a  hun 
dred  weight  of  lead  were  added  to  their  stores.1 

JIt  was  at  this  conference  that  the  has  already  been  made  to  this  treaty.  It 
Dutch  speaker  asserted  that  it  was  "  now  will  also  be  observed  that  the  Minsis  were 
sixteen  years"  since  an  alliance  had  been  not  subjugated  at  that  time  but  were  in  con 
formed  with  the  Mohawks.  Reference  dition  to  ask  the  alliance  of  the  Mohawks. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  133 

The  ambassadors  made  no  efforts  to  control  the  Mohawks  in 
their  wars,  nor  cared  with  whom  they  fought  so  long  as  the 
Dutch  escaped  ;  while  the  Mohawks  cared  as  little  for  their 
white  neighbors,  their  sole  object  being  to  obtain  the  munitions 
of  war  to  continue  their  conflict  with  the  French  and  their 
Indians.  The  request  of  the  embassadors  for  the  release  of  the 
French  prisoners,  the  Mohawks  would  not  grant ;  but  they  would 
refer  the  matter  to  their  castles.  They  had  little  faith  in  the 
French,  however,  for  they  made  treaties  and  did  not  observe 
them  ;  and  when  hunting  parties  of  the  Mohawks  were  abroad, 
they  were  attacked  by  the  French  Indians,  among  whom  a 
number  of  Frenchmen  were  always  skulking  to  knock  them  on 
the  head.  In  their  request  that  the  Mohawks  would  not  aid 
the  Esopus  clans  in  an  attack  upon  the  Dutch,  the  embassadors 
were  more  successful,  the  chiefs  promising  that  they  would  re 
fuse  their  belts  and  have  nothing  to  do  with  them.1 

In  the  meantime  hostilities  had  broken  out  in  the  Esopus 
country.  Chambers2  had  employed  a  number  of  Indians  to  husk 
corn,  and,  on  the  night  of  the  termination  of  their  labor,  they 
had  asked  for  and  obtained  some  brandy.  A  carouse  followed, 
in  the  course  of  which  another  bottle  of  brandy  was  procured. 
When  the  debauch  was  at  its  height,  one  of  them  discharged 
his  gun,  loaded  only  with  powder,  which  had  the  effect  to  alarm 
the  village.  One  of  them,  more  wise  than  his  associates,  de 
plored  the  act  of  his  companion,  and  proposed  that  they  should 

1  (yCallaghan,  n,  389,  etc.  courts  and  to  appoint  a  steward  to  try 
*  Thomas  Chambers  was  of  English  causes  arising  between  the  vassals.  Not 
birth.  He  settled  at  Panhoosic,  now  satisfied  with  these  honors,  he  determined 
Troy,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Rensselaers-  to  perpetuate  his  name  in  another  form, 
wyck,  in  1651,  and  from  thence  re-  and  accordingly  passed  his  estate  to  his 
moved  to  the  Esopus  country  in  1652,  heirs  by  the  most  intricate  entail.  The 
where  he  took  part  in  the  early  Indian  manor  and  title  was  to  be  held  only  by 
wars,  became  a  captain  in  the  Dutch  heirs  bearing  the  name  of  Chambers.  To 
service,  and  was  elected  delegate  to  the  this  end,  his  first  wife  having  died  with- 
provincial  assembly  in  1664.  His  re-  out  issue,  he  married  a  widow  Van  Gaas- 
sidence  was  near  the  confluence  of  the  beck  and  adopted  her  children.  He  died 
Walkill  with  the  Hudson,  and  was  built  in  1698,  and  was  buried  in  his  vault  on 
for  the  double  purpose  of  a  house  and  a  the  site  of  the  residence  now  or  late  of 
fort,  being  square  and  loop-holed  for  Jansen  Hasbrouck,  at  Rondout.  His  re- 
musketry.  By  commercial  and  other  mains,  with  those  of  the  Van  Gaasbeck 
speculations,  he  acquired  a  considerable  family,  were  removed  in  1854.  The 
tract  of  land,  which  was  erected,  by  Gov.  name  of  the  manor  and  its  owner  only 
Lovelace,  in  1672,  into  the  manor  of  live  in  history. 
Foxhall,  with  power  to  hold  certain 


134  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

at  once  leave  the  place,  urging  that  u  he  felt  a  sensation  in  his 
body  that  they  would  all  be  killed."  His  companions,  however, 
laughed  at  his  alarm.  They  had  never  harmed  the  Dutch  — 
"  Why  should  they  kill  us  ?"  But  the  speaker  still  cherished 
his  fears,  and  replied :  u  My  heart  feels  heavy  within  me  ;"  and 
again  he  entreated  his  companions  to  depart,  but  they  refused, 
and,  in  conscious  security,  lay  down  upon  their  blankets  to  sleep. 

Meanwhile  Ensign  Smith  had  yielded  to  the  request  of  the 
villagers  by  dispatching  Sergeant  Stol  to  reconnoitre  and  report  the 
cause  of  the  disturbance.  Stol,  on  his  return,  stated  the  facts, 
when  Smith  gave  orders  that  the  Indians  should  not  be  molested. 
Notwithstanding  this  order,  Stol  went  among  the  villagers  and 
invited  them  to  unite  in  a  sortie  against  the  Indian  encamp 
ment.  Enlisting  some  ten  or  eleven  persons  T  in  the  enterprise, 
he  left  the  village  and  stealthily  appro'ached  the  sleeping  Indians, 
who  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers  by  a  volley  fired  among 
them.  Jumping  up  to  escape,  one  was  knocked  on  the  head  with 
an  axe,  a  second  was  taken  prisoner,  a  third  fled,  and  a  fourth, 
too  deeply  intoxicated  to  awake,  "  was  hewn  on  the  head  with 
a  cutlass,"  which  roused  him  to  consciousness  and  he  made  ofF. 
Stol  and  his  valorous  associates  then  returned  to  the  village 
and  recounted  their  deeds  of  noble  daring,  justifying  their  pro 
ceedings  by  the  assertion  that  the  Indians  first  attacked  them, 
an  assertion  subsequently  proved  to  be  without  foundation. 

Ensign  Smith,  finding  his  orders  disobeyed,  and  hostilities 
actually  commenced  by  a  people  whose  movements  he  could 
not  control,  determined  to  leave  the  settlers  to  their  fate  by 
returning  with  his  command  to  Fort  Amsterdam.  Learning 
his  intention,  the  settlers  frustrated  his  design  by  chartering,  on 
their  own  account,  all  the  sailing  vessels  that  lay  at  the  shore  in 
which  he  and  his  men  intended  to  embark.  The  only  alterna 
tive  that  remained  to  him  was  to  send  an  express  to  the  director, 
detailing  the  state  of  affairs  and  requesting  his  presence.  With 
this  purpose  in  view  he  sent  an  armed  party,  eighteen  or  nine- 

1  His  associates  were  Jacob  Jansen  Van  gban,  n,  396. 

Stoutenberg,   Thomas   Higgins,    Gysbert  a  A  full  investigation  into  this  affair  by 

Phillipsen  Van   Velthuysen,  Evert  Pels,  the  proper  authorities  attached  the  blame 

Jan  Arentsen,BarentHarmaensen,  Martin  entirely  upon  the    men    engaged  in  the 

Hoffman,  Gilles  de  Wecker,  Abel  Dirck-  foray, 
sen,    and  James  the    mason. —  O'Calla- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  135 

teen  in  number,  to  the  shore  to  forward  dispatches.  In  the 
meantime,  the  Indians  had  gathered  in  considerable  numbers, 
determined  to  avenge  the  attack  which  had  t>een  made  upon 
their  kindred.  Observing  the  party  which  had  been  sent  out 
by  Smith,  an  ambuscade  was  formed,  into  which,  on  their  re 
turn,  the  company  fell  and  were  immediately  surrounded  by  the 
Indians,  to  whom  thirteen  of  the  party,  including  the  officer  in 
command  and  six  soldiers,  surrendered  without  any  resistance, 
and  were  borne  off  -into  captivity. 

Open  war  was  now  declared.  The  Indians,  justly  incensed 
against  their  Dutch  neighbors,  burned  all  the  houses,  barns,  and 
harvests  within  their  reach,  and  killed  all  the  horses  and  cattle 
that  fell  in  their  way.  Four  or  five  hundred  Indians  invested 
the  village,  and,  after  vainly  attempting  to  set  it  on  fire,  avenged 
themselves  by  burning  at  the  stake  eight  or  ten  of  the  prisoners 
in  their  hands,  among  whom  was  Stoutenberg  who  had  taken 
part  in  the  attack  on  the  sleeping  Indians.  It  was  a  horrid  cere 
mony.  The  victims  were  fastened  naked  to  stakes,  placed  at 
some  distance  from  each  other  encircling  a  large  fire ;  their 
heads  ornamented;  their  bodies  painted.  The  dance  of  death 
was  then  held,  and  the  work  of  torture  commenced.  The  nails 
of  the  victims  were  pulled  out,  their  fingers  bitten  off  or 
crushed  between  stones,  their  skin  scorched  with  fire-brands 
or  torches,  pieces  of  flesh  cut  from  their  bodies,  and  every 
kind  of  slow  torture  that  savage  ingenuity  could  suggest,  in 
flicted  ;  and,  as  one  by  one  they  were  released  by  death,  their 
bodies  were  cast  into  the  blazing  fire  and  consumed.  Terror 
folded  her  wings  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  who  beheld  the 
spectacle  which  they  could  not  prevent  j  fathers  gathered  upon 
the  ramparts,  and  mothers  pressed  their  children  to  their  arms, 
not  knowing  how  soon  the  frail  palisades  might  yield,  and  them- 
se  Ives  be  exposed  to  the  pitiless  mercy  of  the  frenzied  children 
of  the  forest. 

For  three  weeks  the  village  was  held  in  siege,  the  little  stock 
ade  fort  on  the  brow  of  the  hill  resisting  the  skill  of  Indian  war 
fare.  Relief  at  length  came.  The  express  to  Stuy  vesant  reached 
Fort  Amsterdam  on  the  23d  of  September  ;  but  everything  there 
was  in  the  greatest  consternation.  The  settlements  on  Long 


136  7HE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

island  were  being  ravaged,  and  another  general  Indian  war  was 
feared.  Considerable  time  was  lost  in  enlisting  a  company  to 
proceed  to  the  assistance  of  the  Esopus  settlers,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  loth  of  October,  that  Stuyvesant  set  sail.  He  arrived 
at  Esopus  on  the  nth,  with  a  force  of  nearly  two  hundred  men. 
Indian  runners  had  preceded  him  and  apprised  their  friends  of 
his  approach,  and,  a  few  hours  previous  to  his  arrival,  the  siege 
was  raised  and  the  beleaguering  forces  melted  into  the  forests. 
Thither  they  could  not  be  pursued,  heavy  rains  having  swollen 
the  streams  and  made  the  trails  impassible,  and,  having  no  em 
ployment  for  his  force,  Stuyvesant  directed  their  return  to  Fort 
Amsterdam. 

The  authorities  at  Fort  Orange  now  interested  themselves 
in  the  matter,  and  obtained  the  cooperation  of  some  Mohawk 
and  Mahlcan  chiefs,  who  visited  the  settlement,  and  succeeded 
in  securing  an  armistice  and  the  surrender  of  two  prisoners  held 
by  the  Indians.  On  the  28th  of  November,  Stuyvesant  came 
up,  with  the  hope  of  making  a  permanent  treaty,  but  the  sa 
chems  refused  to  meet  him.  A  conference  was  finally  held  on 
the  1 8th  of  December,  and  the  Indians  persuaded  to  bring  in 
some  supplies  in  exchange  for  powder  ;  but  they  refused  to  make 
peace,  denounced  the  truce  which  had  been  made  as  without 
binding  authority,  and  retained  their  young  prisoners,  having 
killed  all  the  others. 

In  the  spring  of  1660,  peace  having  been  concluded  with  the 
Wappingers,  Stuyvesant  determined  upon  active  hostilities 
against  the  Esopus  cantons ;  but  the  latter,  shorn  to  a  large 
extent  of  their  allies,  were  not  disposed  to  continue  the  contest, 
and  accordingly  secured  the  intercession  of  Goethals,  the  chief 
sachem  of  the  Wappingers,  that  they  might  be  included  in  the 
treaty  which  had  been  made .  with  that  tribe.  Stuyvesant 
doubted  their  sincerity,  and  Goethals  replied  :  "  The  Indians 
say  the  same  of  the  Dutch."  He  assured  Stuyvesant  that 
Kaelcop,  Pemmyraweck,  and  other  Esopus  sachems  were  anx 
ious  for  peace,  and  that  it  was  only  the  kalebackers  x  who  were 
not  inclined  to  treat,  but  that  the  chiefs  would  make  them 

1  Indians  who  possessed  guns  were  most  idle  and  vicious  of  the  Indian  peo- 
called  kalebackersy  and  were  generally  the  pie. —  De  Lact. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  137 

come  in.  "  What  security  can  there  be  for  peace,  if  the  kale- 
backers  desire  war  ?"  asked  the  director,  but  Goethals  could  not 
reply.  Stuyvesant  then  told  him  that  the  Esopus  chiefs  must 
visit  him  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  if  they  desired  peace.  "  They 
are  too  much  frightened  and  dare  not  come,"  was  the  reply. 
Believing  this  to  be  true,  Stuyvesant  consented  to  visit  Esopus 
and  hold  a  conference  with  the  Indians. 

While  these  negotiations  were  in  progress,  Ensign  Smith  was 
engaged  in  active  service  against  the  offending  Indians.  On 
the  i  yth  of  March  he  advanced,  with  forty  men,  nine  miles 
into  the  interior,  and  attacked  the  Indian  fort  Wiltmeet,  which 
was  defended  by  some  sixty  Indians  who  fled  at  the  first  fire, 
leaving  four  of  their  number  dead  and  twelve  others  prisoners. 
A  large  quantity  of  maize,  peas,  and  bearskins,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Dutch,  and  the  fort  was  destroyed. 

Stuyvesant  arrived  at  Esopus  on  the  i8th,  but  soon  saw  that 
all  hope  of  negotiating  a  peace  was  at  an  end.  He  therefore 
sent  the  prisoners  and  plunder  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  directed 
a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  by  a  formal  declaration  (March 
25th)  against  the  Esopus  Indians  "  and  all  their  adherents." 
Smith  now  followed  up  the  advantage  he  had  gained  by  posting 
(April  4th)  forty-three  men  in  ambuscade,  "  over  the  creek 
among  the  rocks,"  but  the  Indians  discovered  the  snare,  and  a 
general  fight  ensued  in  which  three  Indians  were  killed,  two 
severely  wounded,  and  one  taken  prisoner.  This  disaster  pro 
duced  a  material  change  in  the  deportment  of  the  Indians,  who 
now  most  earnestly  entreated  for  peace,  and  again  obtained  the 
intercession  of  neighboring  chiefs  in  their  behalf.  On  the  24th 
of  May,  three  Mabican  chiefs  visited  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  de 
clared  that  the  Esopus  Indians  were  willing  to  leave  that  country 
and  transfer  their  land  to  the  Dutch,  in  indemnity  for  the  mur 
der  of  the  settlers,  on  condition  that  their  friends  in  captivity 
should  be  surrendered  and  peace  concluded.  Security  was  de 
manded  that  the  kalebackers  also  united  in  the  request.  Laying 
down  four  belts  of  wampum,  "  these,"  said  Aepjin,  the  Mahlcan 
chief  sachem,  u  are  a  guaranty  that  the  kalebackers  desire  peace, 
and  that  we  are  authorized  to  treat  in  their  behalf."  Stuyvesant 
accepted  the  belts,  but  told  the  chiefs  that  peace  would  be  con- 


138  THE  INDIAN^TRIBEB 

eluded  only  when  the  Esopus  chiefs  would  present  themselves 
at  Fort  Amsterdam  for  that  purpose.  The  director  was  then 
requested  to  liberate  the  captive  Indians  ;  but  he  declined,  and 
in  reply  to  the  question  :  "  What  are  your  intentions  as  regards 
these  men  ?  "  answered,  "  What  have  been  done  with  the  Christ 
ian  prisoners  ? "  Aepjin  then  requested  that  if  the  war  was  con 
tinued  it  might  be  confined  to  the  Esopus  country,  and  the  director 
assured  him  that  so  long  as  his  people  observed  peace,  the  Dutch 
would  treat  them  as  friends.  The  conference  was  concluded 
by  the  presentation  of  a  blanket,  a  piece  of  frieze,  an  axe,  a 
knife,  a  pair  of  stockings,  and  two  small  kettles,  to  each  of  the 
chiefs,  who  departed  content.  The  next  day,  Stuyvesant  issued 
an  order  banishing  the  Esopus  prisoners  to  Curacoa  "  to  be  em 
ployed  there,  or  at  Buenaire,  with  the  negroes  in  the  company's 
service."  Two  or  three  of  the  prisoners  only  were  retained  at 
Fort  Amsterdam,  to  be  punished  "  as  it  should  be  thought 
proper."  i 

Meanwhile  Ensign  Smith  pushed  hostilities  with  vigor.  On 
the  30th  of  May,  guided  by  one  of  his  prisoners,  a  force  under 
his  command  discovered,  "  at  the  second  fall  of  Kit  Davit's 
kil,"  x  about  twelve  miles  west  from  the  Hudson,  a  few  Indians 
planting  corn  on  the  opposite' bank.  The  stream  being  swollen, 
it  was  found  impossible  to  cross,  so  he  returned  to  the  village, 
where  he  learned  that  the  Indians  had  concentrated  their  force 
at  an  almost  inaccessible  spot  about  twenty-seven  miles  "  up  the 
river,  beyond  the  above-mentioned  fall,  where  it  was  pretty  easy 
to  ford  "  the  kil.  Thither  Smith  directed  his  force,  but  the 
Indians  received  notice  of  his  approach  by  the  barking  of  their 
dogs,  and  fled,  leaving  behind  them  Preummaker,  "  the  oldest 
and  best  of  their  chiefs."2  The  aged  sachem  met  his  foes 
with  the  haughty  demand,  u  What  do  ye  here,  ye  dogs  ?  "  aiming 
an  arrow  at  them  as  he  spoke.  He  was  easily  disarmed,  and  a 
^consultation  held  as  to  how  he  should  be  disposed  of.  u  As  it 

1  Sager's   kil,   now   called   the    Esopus          2  O'Callaghan^     n,     411.       "  Preum- 

creek.     "  The  second  fall  "  was  the  small  maker's   land,"   lying   upon  Esopus   kil, 

stream  entering  the  Esopus    creek   from  within  the  limits  of  Hurley,  was  laid  out 

the  west,  south  of  the  old  village.      "Kit  for  Venike  Rosen,    April    15,    1685. — 

Davit's  farm   was  about  nine  miles  from  Land  Papers,  n,  169. 
Hudson's  river." — O'Callaghan,  n,  44. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  139 

was  considerable  distance  to  carry  him,"  writes  the  ensign,  "  we 
struck  him  down  with  his  own  axe." 

While  Smith  was  thus  carrying  war  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  several  of  the  sachems  were  seeking  the  media 
tion  of  the  neighboring  chiefs  to  secure  a  permanent  peace. 
Sewackenamo  called  his  warriors  together  to  know  their  wishes. 
"  We  will  fight  no  more,"  was  the  brief  reply.  The  chief 
next  assembled  the  squaws,  and  inquired  "  what  seemed  to  them 
best?"  These  answered,  "  That  we  plant  our  fields  in  peace 
and  live  in  quiet."  He  then  assembled  the  young  men,  who 
urged  him  to  make  peace  with  the  Dutch,  and  declared  that 
"  they  would  not  kill  either  hog  or  fowl  any  more."  The 
sachem  then  proceeded  to  Gamoenapa  to  secure  the  assistance 
of  the  sachems  of  the  Hackinsacks  and  Tappans  in  procuring  a 
cessation  of  hostilities.  While  there  a  runner  brought  to  him 
the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Preummaker,  which  so  unmanned 
him  that  cc  he  knew  not  what  to  do."  Leaving  his  Hackinsack 
friends  to  negotiate  for  him,  he  returned  to  his  people  with  a 
heavy  heart. 

Oritarty,  of  the  Hackinsacks,  bore  the  peace  belts  which  were 
committed  to  him  to  Fort  Amsterdam,  and  presented  them  to 
the  director  on  the  2d  of  June.  Stuyvesant  assured  him  tfyat 
the  Dutch  were  disposed  for  friendship.  "  It  is  very  strange, 
then,"  said  the  old  sachem,  whose  notions  of  warfare  differed 
somewhat  from  his  hearers,  "  that  your  people  were  so  recently 
engaged  against  the  Indians,  and  have  slain  their  aged  chief." 
Stuyvesant  replied,  that  it  was  customary  among  white  men  to 
exert  all  their  strength  until  they  had  conquered  a  peace.  Ori- 
tany  then  requested  a  suspension  of  hostilities  while  negotiations 
for  peace  were  in  progress.  To  this  Stuyvesant  consented  with 
the  proviso  that  the  sachem  should  go  at  once  to  Esopus,  ac 
companied  by  a  Dutch  interpreter,  and  learn  for  himself  the 
wishes  of  the  Indians.  Oritany  accepted  the  proposition,  and 
took  his  leave  saying,  "Now  I  shall  see  for  myself  if  the  Esopus 
people  contemplate  any  good."  His  mission  was  entirely  suc 
cessful,  and  he  returned  to  Fort  Amsterdam  with  a  request  to 
the  director  to  visit  Esopus  and  arrange  a  treaty. 
18 


140  WE  IN  DUN  TRIBES 

On  the  yth  of  July,  Stuyvesant  arrived  at  Esopus,  accom 
panied  by  Captain  Martin  Kregier  and  Burgomaster  Van 
Cortland,  and  sent  messengers  to  acquaint  the  sachems  of  his 
arrival.  Three  days  elapsed  and  no  response  came  from  the 
Indians.  Summoning  the  chiefs  of  the  Mohawks,  Makicans, 
JVapplngers,  Minsls  ana  Hackinsacks,  who  had  been  invited  to 
assist  in  the  negotiations,1  he  addressed  them  as  follows  : 

u  Brothers :  Ye  all  know  well  that  we  have  not  caused  this 
war.  After  the  Esopus  savages  burned  three  of  our  houses 
and  murdered  one  of  our  men,  a  year  ago,  we  forgave  them 
and  renewed  the  chain  of  friendship  with  them,  promising  the 
one  to  the  other,  that  we  should  not  thenceforth  again  wage 
war  though  a  man  was  killed,  but  that  the  murderer  should  be 
surrendered  and  punished.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  Esopus 
savages  took  some  of  our  people  prisoners,  now  ten  moons 
since,2  burnt  several  houses ;  besieged  and  stormed  Esopus, 
though  they  pretended,  during  the  siege,  to  be  inclined  to  peace. 
They  then  consented  to  receive  a  ransom  for  the  prisoners, 
but  when  the  ransom  was  brought  out  to  the  gate,  they  carried 
it  away  by  force,  retained  our  prisoners,  and  murdered  eight  or 
nine  of  them  afterwards  in  an  infamous  manner.  Brothers  :  this 
it  was  that  compelled  us  to  take  the  hatchet. 

"  Brothers  :  On  the  earnest  entreaties  of  Indian  friends,  who 
solicited  peace  on  behalf  of  the  Esopus  savages,  and  on  the  in 
tercession  of  the  Maquas,  the  Makicans,  those  of  the  Highlands, 
the  Minsis,  the  Kat skills,  and  other  tribes,  we  concluded  a  truce 
with  our  enemies,  who  seemed  much  rejoiced,  and  solicited  us 
to  come  in  person  and  conclude  a  treaty.  We  came  with  our 
friends,  yet  those  of  Esopus  hang  back.  They  come  not  to  us, 
nor  speak  one  word  of  peace.  Ye  see  clearly  that  it  is  not  our 
fault.  Brothers  :  The  Esopus  savages  play  the  fool  with  you, 
as  well  as  with  us. 

"  Brothers :  Our  station  will  not  permit  us  to  remain  here 
in  uncertainty,  any  longer.  Even  ye  are  tired  with  waiting, 

xThe  chiefs  present  on  this  occasion  Wisachganio ;  Hackinsacks,  Oritany,  Cars- 
were  :  Mohawks,  Adogbegnewalquo,  Re-  tanghj  Staten  island,  Warehan. —  0 'Calla- 
quesecade,  Ogknekeltj  Mahicans,  Aepjin,  ghan,  n,  419. 

Aupamut;  ATfltt^7/,Kefe-weig,Machack-  2  Stuyvesant  carefully  avoided  allusion 

nemenu;  Minsis,  Onderis  Hocque,   Kas-  to  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war,  which 

kongeritschage  5  Wappingcrs,  Isseschahya,  had  already  been  fixed  against  the  Dutch. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  141 

and  are  as  willing  to  depart  as  we.  We  request  you  to  remem 
ber  these  our  words.  Comrminicate  them  to  all  the  other  sa- 
chems^our  brothers,  and  to  all  the  Indians  our  friends,  and  tell 
them,  as  we  have  done  before,  that  they  must  not  meddle  with 
the  Esopus  savages,  nor  suffer  them  to  live  among  them.  And 
now  tell  the  Esopus  savages  we  will  yet  wait  till  evening. 

c<  Brothers  :  When  yonder  sun  goes  down,  we  depart  if  they  be 
not  here." 

The  sachems  received  this  address  with  alarm,  and  imme 
diately  sent  out  messengers  to  the  Esopus  chiefs,  urging  them  to 
attend  the  council.  Towards  evening  Kaelcop,  Sewackenamo, 
Nasbabowan,  and  Pemmyraweck  appeared  before  the  gate  of 
the  village.  Immediately  on  their  arrival,  a  grand  council  of 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Esopus,  both  Christians  and  Indians,  was 
held.  The  Esopus  sachems  and  the  sachems  of  the  tribes  in 
attendance,  and  the  villagers,  being  seated  "  under  the  blue  sky 
of  heaven,"  Stuyvesant  signified  that  he  was  ready  to  hear  the 
Esopus  chiefs.  Whereupon  Onderis  Hocque,  of  the  Minsis, 
arose  and  thus  addressed  the  assembly : 

"  The  Indians  of  Esopus  complained  to  us  that  they  were 
involved  in  a  heavy  war  with  the  Dutch.  We  answered  them, 
c  Why  did  ye  begin  it  ?  It  is  all  your  own  fault,  we  cannot,  there 
fore,  help  you  in  your  necessity  ;  but  we  shall  intercede  in  your 
behalf,  and  do  all  in  our  power  to  obtain  for  you  peace.'  We 
have  now  brought  a  present,  in  return  for  that  with  which  they 
solicited  our  assistance  for  a  peace,  which  we  now  request  in 
their  behalf.  If  they  cannot  obtain  it  now,  those  of  Esopus 
must  return  home  weeping." 

Stuyvesant  replied  :  "  Out  of  respect  for  the  intercession  of 
all  our  friends  here  present,  we  consent  to  a  peace,  if  the  Mo 
hawks  and  Minsis,  and  all  the  other  chiefs  will  be  security  that 
it  shall  be  faithfully  observed." 

The  Mohawk  chief,  Adogbegnewalquo,  then  addressed  the 
Esopus  chiefs :  "  The  whole  country  is  now  convened  in  be 
half  of  you,  who  began  this  quarrel,  to  procure  you  peace.1  If 

1  At  a  later  period  the  Mohawks  con-  us,"  the  Dutch,  and  this  was  also  the  ver- 

sidered  the  causes  of  the  Esopus  war,  and  diet  of  the   Katskill   Indians. —  O'Calla- 

reported   that    "all    their    zaakemaakers  £^20,11,396. 
(sachems)  lay   the  cause  of  the  war   on 


142  «         THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

this  be  once  concluded,  break  it  not  again.  If  ye  do  break  it 
and  treat  us  with  contempt,  we  sljall  never  again  intercede  for 
you."  * 

The  Minsi  sachem,  Onderis  Hocque,  then  addressed  the 
Esopus  sachems  :  "  Ye  must  not  renew  this  quarrel  ;  neither 
kill  horse  nor  cow,  nor  steal  any  property.  Whatever  ye  want, 
ye  must  purchase  or  earn.  Live  with  the  Dutch  as  brothers. 
Ye  cause  us  and  the  Mohawks  great  losses.  This  is  not  your 
land.  It  is  our  land.  Therefore  repeat  not  this,1  but  throw 
down  the  hatchet.  Tread  it  so  deep  into  the  earth  that  it  shall 
never  be  taken  up  again."  He  then  presented  them  with  a 
white  belt,  and,  turning  to  the  Dutch,  he  warned  them  not  to 
renew  this  trouble,  nor  to  beat  the  Esopus  Indians  in  the  face 
and  then  laugh  at  them.  Then  taking  an  axe  from  the  Esopus 
sachem,  he  cast  it  on  the  ground,  and  trampled  it  in  the  earth 
saying,  "  Now  they  will  never  commence  this  quarrel  anew." 

Sewackenamo,  the  Esopus  sachem,  then  arose  and  addressed 
the  assembly  :  "  The  hatchet  have  we  permitted  to  be  taken 
from  our  hands ;  and  to  be  trodden  in  the  ground.  We  will 
never  take  it  up  again." 

At  the  conclusion  of  these  ceremonies,  Stuyvesant  submitted 
the  following  as  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  : 

"  i.  All  hostilities  shall  cease  on  both  sides,  and  all  injuries 
shall  be  mutually  forgiven  and  forgotten. 

u  2.  The  Esopus  Indians,  in  compensation  of  damages, 
promise  to  transfer  to  the  director-general  all  the  lands  of  Esopus, 
and  to  directly  depart  thence  without  being  permitted  to  return 
thither  to  plant 

"3.  Further,  the  director-general  promises  to  pay  for  the 
ransom  of  the  captive  Christians  eight  hundred  schepels  of  maize, 
the  half  next  harvest  when  the  maize  is  ripe,  the  other  half,  or 
its  value,  in  the  harvest  of  the  following  year. 

"4.  The  Esopus  Indians  promise  that  they  will  keep  this 
peace  inviolate,  and  will  not  kill  any  more  of  our  horses,  cattle 
or  hogs.  Should  such  occurrence  happen,  then  the  chiefs  oblige 
themselves  to  pay  for  it,  or  by  refusal,  that  one  of  them  shall 
remain  arrested  until  the  killed  animal  shall  be  paid  for  or  made 

1  Ante,  p.  67. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  143 

good  ;  while  the  director-general,  on  his  side,  promises  that  the 
Dutch  shall  not  do  them  any  harm. 

"  5.  If  the  Dutch  kill  an  Indian,  or  an  Indian  kill  a  Dutch 
man,  war  shall  not  be  commenced  on  that  account.  Complaint 
thereof  shall  first  be  made,  and  he  who  committed  the  murder, 
shall  be  delivered  to  be  punished  as  he  deserves. 

"  6.  The  Esopus  Indians  shall  not  approach  the  Dutch  plant 
ations,  houses,  or  dwellings,  armed  ;  but  may  go  and  trade, 
unarmed  as  before. 

"  7.  Whereas  the  last  war  owes  its  origin  to  drinking,  no 
Indians  shall  be  permitted  to  drink  brandy  or  any  spirituous 
liquors,  in  or  near  any  Dutch  plantations,  houses,  or  concentra 
tions,  but  shall  do  it  in  their  country  or  deep  in  the  woods,  at  a 
great  distance. 

"  8.  In  this  peace  shall  be  included,  not  only  the  aforesaid 
tribes,  but  all  others  who  are  in  friendship  with  the  director- 
general,  and  among  others,  by  the  chiefs  of  Long  island,  Tapan- 
saugh,  with  all,  their  Indians ;  and  if  any  act  of  hostility  be 
committed  against  them,  then  the  director-general  engages  him 
self  to  assist  them.1 

"  9.  The  aforesaid  chiefs  (the  Mohawks,  Minsis  and  others 
already  named)  as  mediators  and  advocates  of  the  Esopus  nation, 
remain  securities,  and  engage  themselves  that  it  shall  be  kept 
inviolate  ;  and  if  any  infraction  be  committed  by  the  Esopus 
Indians,  they  engage  themselves  to  assist  the  Dutch  to  subdue 
them. 

"  Thus  done  and  concluded,  near  the  concentration  of  Eso 
pus,  under  the  blue  sky  of  heaven,  in  the  presence  of  the  Hon. 
Martin  Kregier,  burgomaster  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam  in  New 
Netherland  ;  OlofF  Stevensen  van  Cortland,  old  burgomaster  ; 
Arent  van  Curler,  commissary  of  the  colonie  of  Rensselaers- 
wyck,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  Esopus,  both  Christians  and 
Indians,  on  the  I5th  of  July,  1660." 

The  day  was  far  spent  before  the  negotiations  opened,  and 
the  shades  of  twilight  had  deepened  into  the  night  ere  the  cere 
monies  were  concluded.  The  proposals  submitted  by  Stuyve- 
sant  were  accepted,  the  sachem,  Sewackenamo,  declaring,  in 

1  Ante,  p.  68. 


144  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

the  customary  language  of  his  people,  that  their  friendship  with 
the  Dutch  should  last  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  gave  light ; 
as  long  as  the  stars  should  shine  in  the  firmament,  and  the 
rivers  flow  with  water.  But  before  this  conclusion,  he  had 
asked  the  director  for  the  return  of  his  kindred.  Stuyvesant, 
who  had  already  disposed  of  the  prisoners  in  his  hands,  replied 
that  they  must  be  considered  "  as  dead."  The  answer  deeply 
grieved  the  sachem,  the  memory  of  their  banished  brethren  was 
graven  on  the  hearts  of  his  people.  But  though  sufferers  by  the  war, 
their  losses  were  not  without  some  compensation.  Among  the  pri 
soners  held  by  them  was  the  son  of  Evert  Pels,  one  of  the  men  who 
had  led  the  midnight  foray  upon  them.  Just  as  he  was  being 
bound  to  the.  stake  of  torture,  the  incident  which  gave  to 
American  history  the  name  of  Pocahontas  had  its  counterpart. 
The  daughter  of  a  chief  stepped  forward,  in  accordance  with  the 
customs  of  her  people,  and  adopted  the  trembling  captive  as  her 
own.  In  the  depths  of  the  forest  he  became  her  husband,  and 
when  the  delivery  of  prisoners  came,  she  was  "  unwilling  to  part 
with  him  or  he  with  her."  Adopted  by  the  tribe,  he  returned 
with  them  to  the  wilderness,  content  to  share  their  fortunes  and 
their  freedom. 

Meanwhile  affairs  at  Fort  Orange  wore  a  threatening  aspect. 
In  their  greedy  grasping  for  furs,  a  class  of  what  were  called 
runners  had  sprung  up,  who  penetrated  the  woods  to  meet 
the  Indians  before  they  reached  the  town  and  secure  their  pel 
tries.  Their  remuneration  depended  on  the  amount  of  property 
they  secured  for  their  principals,  and  to  increase  their  gains  they 
often  had  recourse  to  violence,  wresting  from  the  Indians  their 
property  against  their  will,  after  inflicting  on  them,  in  addition, 
personal  injuries.  The  evil  continued,  despite  the  efforts  of  the 
authorities  to  correct  it,  until  the  Mohawks  made  complaint  and 
threatened  to  break  their  treaty  and  leave  altogether,  adding,  that 
unless  the  practice  was  discontinued,  "  perhaps  matters  might 
terminate  as  at  Esopus."  Stuyvesant,  finding  that  no  enforce 
ment  of  law  could  be  secured  at  the  hands  of  the  Beaverwyck 
traders,  sent  La  Montagne  thither  with  an  armed  force  to  pa 
trol  the  woods  and  prosecute  offenders.  On  the  22d  of  July, 
he  went  thither  himself  to  meet  a  delegation  of  Seneca  chiefs. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  145 

The  proceedings  of  the  conference  T  illustrate  the  nature  of 
the  alliance  which  at  that  time  existed  between  the  confederacy 
and  the  Dutch,  as  well  as  the  relations  of  the  former  with  the 
Esopus  clans  and  the  Mabicans.  The  Seneca  speaker  made  a 
long  harangue,  in  which  he  stated  his  complaint  against  the  runners 
and  the  difficulty  experienced  by  the  Indians  in  negotiating  the  sale 
of  their  beavers  without  restraint,  and  demanded  their  ancient 
freedom  of  trade.  They  would  no  longer  submit  to  being  locked 
up  by  the  Dutch,  or  kicked  by  those  who  wished  to  have  their 
beavers,  untij  "we  know  not  where  our  eyes  are."  Several 
years  ago,  they  had  visited  the  Manhattans,  and  though  they  had 
offered  presents,  they  received  no  answer  ;  "  no,  not  even  one 
pipe  of  tobacco ; "  and  they  felt  now  as  if  they  were  about  "  to 
run  against  a  stone."  Still,  they  would  make  a  few  requests. 
They  were  involved  in  a  heavy  war  with  the  French  Indians  and 
the  Minsis,  and  could  not  obtain  either  powder  or  ball  without 
beavers.  u  A  brave  warrior  ought  to  have  these  for  nothing." 

"  You  are,"  continued  the  orator,  "  the  chiefs  of  the  whole 
country.  We  all  look  to  you.  We  ask  a  piece  of  cloth  for  a 
beaver,  and  that  it  may  be  understood  and  henceforward  be  a 
rule,  that  we  shall  receive  thirty  yards  of  black  and  sixty  yards 
of  white  zeawan  for  one  beaver.  Ye  have  been  sleeping  hith 
erto.  With  these  three  beavers  we  now  open  your  eyes.  We 
require  sixty  handsful  of  powder  for  one  beaver.  We  have  a 
vast  deal  of  trouble  collecting  beavers  through  the  enemy's 
country.  We  ask  to  be  furnished  with  powder  and  ball.  If 
our  enemies  conquer  us,  where  will  ye  then  obtain  beavers  ? 

"  Ye  have  included  us  and  the  Mohawks,  and  the  Mabicans  in 
the  peace  of  Esopus.  Set  now  at  liberty  the  Indians  ye  have 
taken  prisoners  there.  We  are  sometimes  obliged  to  pass  by 
that  path.  It  is  good  that  brothers  live  together  in  peace.  The 
French  Indians  meet  the  Mabicans  near  the  Cohoes.  This  we 
regret.  Brothers  :  We  are  united  by  a  chain  ;  ye  too  ought 
to  mourn.  This  our  speech  is  designed  merely  to  rouse  you 
from  your  slumbers.  We  shall  return  next  spring  to  receive 
your  conclusions.  Warn  the  Dutch  not  to  beat  the  Indians  ; 
otherwise  they  will  say,  '  We  know  nothing  of  this.' ' 

1  O* Callaghan^  n,  421,  etc. 


146  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Stuyvesant  replied,  that  when  the  chiefs  were,  "  for  the  first 
time  at  the  Manhattans,  some  two  or  three  years  ago,"  the 
tobacco  was  forgotten,  but  a  roll  would  now  be  given  to  them 
to  make  them  remember  their  agreement  when  they  returned 
to  their  own  country  ;  that  he  had  "  made  peace  with  the  In 
dians  at  Esopus,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Mohawks,  the  Mabi- 
cans,  and  other  friends,"  so  that  they  might  use  in  safety  the 
rivers  and  the  roads  ;  that  as  they  had  thanked  hirn  for  making 
that  peace,  he  solicited  that  they  should  "  make  peace 
with  the  Minsis  and  cultivate  it,"  that  the  Dutch  "  might  use 
the  road  to  them  in  safety  ;"  that  he  would  now  give  them  a 
whole  keg  full  of  powder,  but  that  it  "  ought  not  to  be  used 
against  the  Minsis,"  but  against  the  distant  enemies  from  whom 
they  captured  the  beaver  ;  that  he  had  forbidden  the  Dutch  to 
maltreat  any  of  the  Indians,  and  that  if  the  latter  caught  them 
doing  so,  they  were  at  liberty  "  to  beat  them  on  the  head  until 
it  could  no  longer  be  seen  where  their  eyes  stood."  The  price 
of  cloth,  however,  he  could  not  regulate,  as  it  was  brought  from 
"  beyond  the  great  lake."  With  these  assurances  the  chiefs 
departed  to  renew  their  conflict  with  their  savage  foes. 

Three  years  of  tranquillity  succeeded  the  peace  of  1660, 
during  which  the  settlement  at  Esopus  continued  to  increase  in 
population.  A  new  village  was  organized  on  the  north-eastern 
portion  of  the  "  great  plot,"  and  the  ronduit,1  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Walkill  completed.  The  Indians,  however,  were  far  from 
being  satisfied  with  their  Dutch  neighbors.  The  new  village 
was  on  land  which  they  had  not  given  to  the  Dutch  ;  the  new 
fort  boded  them  no  good,  and  the  sting  inflicted,  by  sending 
their  brethren  to  exile  and  slavery,  rankled  in  their  breasts,  and 
threats  of  vengeance  were  again  heard.  To  quiet  them  Stuy 
vesant  instructed  the  magistrates  to  announce  that  he  would 
soon  visit  Esopus,  give  them  presents  and  renew  the  peace  ; 
but  this  promise  he  failed  to  fulfill  with  that  promptness  that  was 
necessary  to  satisfy  the  Indians  of  his  sincerity.  On  the  5th 
of  June,  the  promise  was  renewed,  but  the  Indians  still  doubted, 
and  replied  that  "  if  peace  was  to  be  renewed  with  them,  the 

1  The  location  of  this  fort  is  supposed     aboriginal  name  of  Ponckokie. 
to  have  been  at  the  place  still  bearing  the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  147 

honorable  herr  director-general  should,  with  some  unarmed 
persons,  sit  with  them  in  the  open  field,  without  the  gate,  as  it 
was  their  custom  to  meet  unarmed  when  renewing  peace  or  con 
ducting  other  negotiations.1 

Without  waiting  for  a  reply  to  this  condition,  the  Indians 
attacked  the  settlement,  on  the  jth  of  June,  and,  with  tomahawk 
and  fire-brand,  executed  the  work  of  death.  On  the  morning 
of  that  day,  the  settlers  went  forth  to  their  fields  as  usual.  About 
noon,  bands  of  Indians  entered  the  gates  of  both  villages,  and 
scattered  themselves  among  the"  houses,  ostensibly  fc>r  the  pur 
poses  of  trade.  Suddenly  they  attacked  the  inhabitants -of  the 
new  village,  and  destroyed  the  .buildings.  "  Some  people  on 
horseback"  escaped  and  reached  the  old  village,  "  crying  out, 
*  The  Indians  have  destroyed  the  new  village  ! '  "  This  was  the 
signal  to  the  Indians  to  attack  the  old  village  ;  the  war  whoop 
rang  out,  and  the  people  were  murdered  "  in  their  houses  with 
axes  and  tomahawks,  and  by  firing  on  them  with  guns  and  pis 
tols."  Women  and  children  were  seized  and  carried  ofF  pri 
soners  ;  houses  were  plundered,  and  men,  rushing  to  the  defense 
of  their  families,  were  shot  down  by  Indians  concealed  in  their  own 
dwellings.  To  aid  in  the  work  of  destruction,  the  Indians  set 
fire  to  the  village  on  the  windward  side.  The  flames  spread 
rapidly  ;  but  when  at  their  height,  the  wind  suddenly  changed 
to  the  west  and  prevented  further  devastation.  A  rally  of  the 
inhabitants  was  now  effected  by  the  energy  of  Domine  Bloom. 
The  gun  at  the  mill-gate  was  cleared  and  discharged  with  effect, 
and  the  settlers  coming  in  from  the  fields,  soon  drove  the  In 
dians  out.  By  evening  all  was  still  again,  and  the  bereaved  in 
habitants  kept  mournful  watch,  during  the  night,  along  the  bas 
tions  and  curtains.  Twenty-one  lives  were  lost,  nine  persons 
were  wounded,  and  forty-five  carried  ofF  captives.  The  new 
village  was  "  entirely  destroyed,  except  a  new  uncovered  barn^ 
one  rick,  and  a  little  stack  of  seed,"  and  in  the  old  village  of 
Wiltwyck  twelve  houses  were  burned.2  Writes  Bloom,3  of  the 
scene  after  the  Indians  had  retreated  :  "  There  lay  the  burnt  and 
slaughtered  bodies,  together  with  those  wounded  by  bullets  and 

1  Documentary  History,  iv,  39.  s  Documentary  History,  in,  962. 

3  Documentary  History,  iv,  42,  44. 

19 


148  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

axes.  The  last  agonies  and  the  moans  and  lamentations  of 
many  were  dreadful  to  hear.  I  have  been  in  their  midst,  and 
have  gone  into  their  houses  and  along  the  roads,  to  speak  a  word 
in  season,  and  that  not  without  danger  of  being  shot  by  the  In 
dians.  The  burnt  bodies  were  most  frightful  to  behold.  A 
woman  lay  burnt,  with  her  child  at  her  side,  as  if  she  were  just 
delivered,  of  which  I  was  a  living  witness.  Other  women  lay 
burnt  also  in  their  houses.  The  houses  were  converted  into 
heaps  of  stones,  so  that  I  might  say  with  Micah,  c  We  are  made 
desolate  ;'  Mid  with  Jeremiah, '  A  piteous  wail  may  go  forth  in  his 
distress.'  The  Indians  have  slain  in  all  twenty-four  souls  in  our 
place  and  taken  forty-five  prisoners." 

The  official  record  conveys  in  simple  language  a  picture 
which  leaves  to  the  imagination  but  little  office.  Killed  "  in 
front  of  his  house,"  "  in  his  house,"  "  on  the  farm,"  "  burnt 
with  her  lost  fruit,"  "  burnt  in  her  house,"  are  but  repeated  in 
forms  of  detail  until  the  blackened  villages  are  again  presented 
in  the  presence  of  the  pitiless  massacre,  and  the  wails  of  the 
dying- and  the  cries  of  the  captives  fade  away  in  the  wilderness. 
It  was  a  terrible  massacre  ;  but  was  it  not  terribly  provoked  ? 

The  fate  of  the  redoubt  was  not  known.  On  the  morning 
of  the  loth,  ten  soldiers  were  commanded  to  ride  down  and 
ascertain  its  condition.  They  returned  with  the  statement 
that  the  Indians  had  not  been  seen  there  ;  that  fugitives  from  the 
new  village  had  reached  there,  but  the  soldiers  had  not  dared  to 
venture  to  the  assistance  of  the  settlers.  On  the  1 6th,  a  troop  of 
soldiers  was  sent  to  the  redoubt  to  bring  up  ammunition  and  to 
convey  letters  to  be  dispatched  to  Fort  Amsterdam  for  assist 
ance.  This  company  was  attacked,  on  its  return,  at  the  first 
hill,  and  the  skirmishing  continued  until  after  passing  the  second 
hill.  One  of  the  soldiers  was  killed  and  six  were  wounded  ; 
the  remainder  reached  Wiltwyck  with  their  wagons  and  am 
munition. 

Immediately  on  the  receipt  of  the  dispatches  which  had  been 
sent  to  him,  Stuyvesant  sent  a  commission  to  Fort  Orange, 
to  raise  a  loan,  engage  volunteers,  and  invite  from  the  Mabicans, 
the  Mohawks  and  the  Semcas,  the  assistance  which  they  had 
promised,  under  the  treaty  of  1660,  in  case  of  a  revolt.  The 


O^  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  149 

commissioner,  however,  found  that  the  Mahicans  and  the  Mo 
hawks  were  at  war,  and  that  the  Senecas  had  taken  the  field 
against  the  Minsis.  From  them  no  concerted  action  could  be 
expected,  while  the  people  of  Beaverwyck  were  in  alarm  lest 
the  assistance  which  they  had  rendered  to  the  Senecas  should 
recoil  upon  their  own  heads.  u  The  farmers  fled  to  the  patroon's 
new  fort,  Cralo,  at  Greenbush ;  the  plank  fence  which  in 
closed  Beaverwyck,  and  the  three  guns  mounted  on  the  church, 
were  put  in  order ;  and  Fort  Orange,  with  its  nine  pieces  of 
artillery,  was  prepared  against  an  attack."  x 

Meanwhile  a  reenforcement  of  forty-two  men,  under  com 
mand  of  Ensign  Niessen,  was  sent  from  Fort  Amsterdam  to 
Wiltwyck,  and  measures  taken  to  enlist  a  more  considerable 
force.  On  the  26th,  Burgomaster  Martin  Kregier,  with  addi 
tional  men  and  a  force  of  forty-six  Long  island  Indians,  was  sent 
forward,  and  on  the  4th  of  July,  assembled  at  Wiltwyck  in  a 
general  council  of  war.  A  few  days  after,  five  Mohawk  and 
Mahican  chiefs  arrived  from  Fort  Orange,  on  whose  mediation 
a  portion  of  the  Dutch  captives  were  restored  ;  but  to  proposals 
for  peace  the  Indians  would  not  listen  unless  they  were  paid 
"  for  the  land,  named  the  Great  Plot,"  and  rewarded  with  pre 
sents  at  their  Shawangunk  castle  within  ten  days.  Scouting  parties 
were  then  sent  out  by  the  Dutch,  who  succeeded  in  bringing  in 
a  few  prisoners,  from  whom  it  was  ascertained  that  the  Indians 
had  fallen  back  to  their  castle  ;  that  this  castle  was  "  defended 
by  three  rows  of  palisades,  and  the  houses  in  the  fort  encircled 
by  thick  cleft  palisades  with  port  holes  in  them  and  covered 
with  the  bark  of  trees  ;  "  that  in  form  it  was  quadrangular,  but 
that  the  angles  were  "  constructed  between  the  first  and  second 
rows  of  palisades,"  the  third  row  of  palisades  standing  "  full 
eight  feet  off  from  the  others  towards  the  interior  ;  "  and  that 
the  whole  stood  "  on  the  brow  of  a  hill "  surrounded  by  table 
land.2 

An  expedition  for  the  reduction  of  this  castle  was  at  once 
organized,  consisting  of  "  ninety-one  men  of  Kregier's  company  ; 
thirty  men  of  Lieutenant  Stillwell's  company  ;  Lieutenant  Cou- 
wenhoven  with  forty-one  Long  island  Indians,"  acting  under 

1  Ante,  p.  60;   Brodhcad,  i,  711.  *  Documentary  History,  iv,  49.     Appendix. 


150  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

their  treaty  of  1656  ;  six  Manhattan  Indians  ;  thirty-five  vo 
lunteers  from  the  settlers,  "and  seven  of  the  Honorable  Com 
pany's  negroes,"  with  "  two  pieces  of  artillery  and  two  wagons." 
The  expedition  started  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of  July,  under 
the  guidance  of  Rachel  la  Montagne,  who  had  been  taken  pri 
soner  on  the  yth  and  escaped  ;  but  she  soon  lost  the  trail,  and  the 
force  was  compelled  to  bivouac  "  until  day-break,"  when  the 
right  road  was  found,  and  the  march  resumed.  The  pro 
gress  was  slow,  however  ;  "  much  stony  land  and  hills  "  inter 
vened  ;  long  swamps  and  frequent  kils  compelled  halts  and  the 
construction  of  bridges,  and  mountain  passes  obliged  the  hauling 
of  u  wagons  and  cannon  up  and  down  with  ropes."  When 
about  six  miles  from  the  castle,  the  expedition  halted  and  one 
hundred  and  sixteen  men  were  sent  forward  to  surprise  it. 
This  force  soon  captured  a  squaw  in  a  corn-field,  who  told  them 
that  the  Indians  had  deserted  the  fort  two  days  before.  About 
six  o'clock  the  entire  expedition  reached  its  destination,  but 
found  no  foe  to  contest  possession. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  the  captive  squaw  having  in 
formed  them  that  the  Indians  had  fallen  back  into  the  moun 
tains  with  their^risoners,  a  company  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
men  started  in  search  of  them.  The  place  where  they  were 
supposed  to  be  was  that  from  which  Rachel  Montagne  had 
escaped,  but  when  it  was  reached  it  was  found  that  "  they  had 
left  that  place  also."  The  Indian  squaw  could  not  tell  them 
where  her  people  had  gone,  but  pointed  out  a  mountain  some 
miles  distant  where  she  thought  they  might  be  found,  but  the 
march  thither  was  also  fruitless.  The  squaw  then  pointed  out 
another  mountain,  but  as  the  Dutch  had  had  quite  enough  of 
marching,  and  as  it  had  become  apparent  that  the  Indians  were 
fully  advised  of  their  movements,  they  returned  to  the  castle. 
In  the  afternoon  the  corn-fields  were  cut  down,  and  the  maize 
and  beans,  which  had  been  preserved  in  pits,  were  destroyed. 
Three  days  were  spent  in  ravaging  the  country.  "  Nearly  one 
hundred  morgens  (two  hundred  and  fifteen  acres)  of  maize  " 
were  cut  down,  and  "  above  a  hundred  pits  of  corn  and  beans" 
burned.  On  the  morning  of  the  3ist,  the  castle  and  all  the 
houses  were  set  on  fire,  "  and  while  they  were  in  full  blaze," 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  151 

the  Dutch  marched  out  in  good  order,  and  returned  to  Wilt- 
wyck. 

The  settlers  now  engaged  in  harvesting  their  grain,  and  the 
soldiers  guarded  them  while  at  work,  which  was  prosecuted  day 
and  night.  Rumors  of  another  attack  were  rife.  One  Davids 
arrived  from  Manhattan,  with  a  letter  from  Couwenhoven,  who 
had  been  sent  down  to  the  Dans-kammer  in  a  sloop  to  nego 
tiate  with  the  Indians,  and  who  wrote  that  four  hundred  men 
were  preparing  to  attack  the  fort ;  that  the  Indians  "  who  lay 
there  about  on  the  river  side  made  a  great  uproar  every  night, 
firing  guns  and  kinte-kaying,  so  that  the  woods  rang  again." 
Davids  himself  had  been  on  shore  and  slept  one  night  with  the 
Indians,  who  had  four  captives  with  them,  one  of  whom,  a 
female,  informed  him  that  the  Indians  were  in  force  watching 
the  reapers  on  the  Great  plot,  and  waiting  opportunity  to  attack 
them. 

Couwenhoven  continued  his  negotiations,  and  on  the  aoth  of 
August,  brought  up  a  woman  and  a  boy  whom  he  had  redeemed. 
His  sloop  was  furnished  with  supplies  and  returned  to  the  Dans- 
kammer,  and  instructions  issued  to  him  to  continue  his  efforts 
for  the  release  of  the  captives  ;  that  failing  in  this,  he  should 
seize  as  many  Indians  as  possible,  u  either  on  land,  or  by  in 
ducing  them,  with  fair  words,"  to  trust  themselves  on  his  vessel. 
If  he  could  do  no  better,  if  the  Indians  came  thither  with  their 
captives,  he  was  instructed  to  "  endeavor  to  detain  them  on 
shore  "  tc  by  means  of  intoxicating  liquors,"  or  by  such  other 
mode  as  he  should  deem  expedient,  until  word  could  be  con 
veyed  to  the  fort,  and  arrangements  made  to  surprise  and  seize 
them."  The  mission  was  not  successful.  The  Indians  took 
all  the  powder  and  brandy  which  were  offered  them,  and  called 
for  more  ;  but,  beyond  two  children,  no  prisoners  were  released 
by  them.  To  aid  him,  Couwenhoven  employed  a  Wappinger 
sachem  to  visit  them,  "  but  when  he  had  been  two  or  three 
days  with  them  in  their  new  fort,  two  Mohawks  and  one  Minst 
came  there  with  sewan  and  a  long  message,  which  rendered  them 
so  ill  disposed  towards  him  that  they  caused  him  to  depart." 

Kregier  now  determined  to  resume  the  offensive.  On  the 
3Oth  a  council  of  war  was  called,  at  which  it  was  "  resolved 


152  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

and  concluded  to  attack,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  men, 
the  Indians  who  reside  in  their  new  fort,  about  four  hours  far 
ther  than  their  first  fort."  The  expedition  started  on  the  after 
noon  of  September  3d,  a  young  J^applnger  prisoner  acting  as 
guide,  under  a  promise  of  freedom,  and  Davids  as  interpreter. 
Considerable  difficulty  was  experienced  in  the  march,  the  streams 
being  swollen  and  heavy  rains  prevailing.  On  the  5th,  about 
noon,  the  first  maize  field  was  reached,  and  two  squaws  and  a 
Dutch  woman  discovered  gathering  corn.  Passing  these  with 
out  alarming  them,  the  fort  was  discovered  about  two  o'clock, 
"  situate  on  a  lofty  plain."  The  force  was  divided  for  the  pur 
pose  of  surprise,  but  discovery  was  made  by  a  squaw,  "  who 
sent  forth  a  terrible  scream,  which  was  heard  by  the  Indians," 
who  rushed  from  the  fort,  on  which  they  were  at  work,  to  their 
houses  to  secure  their  arms.  From  thence  they  sprang  into 
their  corn-fields  which  bordered  the  kil,  and  in  almost  a  mo 
ment  of  time  were  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  stream,  where 
they  courageously  returned  the  Dutch  fire.  They  soon  retreated 
however,  having  lost  their  chief,  Papequanaehen,  and  fourteen 
warriors,  four  women  and  three  children  killed  ;  and  thirteen 
prisoners,  "  men  and  women,  besides  an  old  man,"  who,  after 
accompanying  his  captors  about  half  an  hour,  would  go  no 
further,  and  who  was  then  taken  aside  and  given  "  his  last  meal." 
Twenty  Dutch  prisoners  were  recovered,  among  whom  was 
Mrs.  DuBois  and  her  children,  around  whose  captivity  tradition 
has  thrown  the  story  that  at  the  time  of  the  attack  preparation 
was  being  made  for  her  sacrifice  at  the  stake,  which  was  only 
delayed  by  the  pleasure  with  which  the  Indians  listened  to  the 
death-song  which  she  chanted.1  Unfortunately  for  the  tradition, 
the  Indians,  at  the  time  of  the  attack,  were  not  constructing 
sacrificial  fires  or  listening  to  death  songs,  but  were  completing 
their  fort,  which  is  described  as  "  a  perfect  square  with  one  row 
of  palisades  set  all  around,  being  about  fifteen  feet  above  and 
three  feet  below  ground,"  with  angles  "  of  stout  palisades,  all 
of  them  almost  as  thick  as  a  man's  body,  having  two  rows  of 
port-holes,  one  above  the  other."  Two  of  these  angles  were 

1  Record  of   the  family   of  Louis   Du     cal  Society,  vol.  i,  part  i,  44. 
Bois,  1 5  j  Collections  of  the  Ulster  Hhtori- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  153 

finished,  and,  when  surprised,  the  Indians  "  were  busy  at  the 
third  angle."  The  Dutch  found  plunder  in  abundance,  such  as 
bear  skins,  deer  skins,  blankets,  elk  hides,  etc.,  sufficient  indeed 
to  have  well  filled  a  sloop.  Twenty-five  guns  were  found, 
about  twenty  pounds  of  powder,  thirty-one  belts  and  strings  of 
wampum,  and  indeed,  all  the  movable  wealth  of  the  fugitives. 
Everything  was  destroyed  except  the  ripening  maize,  and  laden 
with  spoil,  and  cheered  by  the  gladness  of  the  rescued  captives, 
the  expedition  started  for  Wiltwyck.  On  the  march  one  of 
the  Indian  children  died,  and  its  body  was  thrown  into  the  creek  ; 
Indians  were  seen  hovering  around,  but  no  attack  was  made, 
and  on  the  yth,  about  noon,  the  fort  was  reached. 

The  Indians,  meanwhile,  retreated  to  the  Minnisink  country. 
The  loss  which  they  had  suffered  was  severe  indeed,  but  it  had 
fallen  upon  a  single  chieftaincy,  of  whom  it  is  said  u  not  more 
than  twenty-seven  or  twenty-eight  warriors,  fifteen  or  sixteen 
women  and  a  few  children  survived,"  and  that  these  were 
"  without  houses  or  huts."  *  The  confederated  chieftaincies, 
however,  "  showed  no  signs  of  submission,"  and  a  new  expedi 
tion  was  sent  out  against  them.  This  expedition  consisted  of 
a  force  of  one  hundred  and  two  soldiers,  forty- six  Marsapequas 
antl  six  freemen.  Leaving  Wiltwyck  on  the  ist  of  October, 
it  arrived  at  the  castle  destroyed  on  the  2d.  The  Indians  had,  * 
meanwhile,  returned  to  it  and  thrown  the  bodies  of  their  dead 
comrades  into  five  pits,  from  which  u  the  wolves  had  rooted  up 
and  devoured  some  of  them.  Lower  down  on  the  kil  four 
other  pits  were  found  containing  bodies ;  and  further  on,  three  In 
dians  with  a  squaw  and  child  that  lay  unburied  and  almost  wholly 
devoured  by  the  ravens  and  the  wolves."  A  terrible  picture 
of  desolation  was  spread  out  on  either  hand,  where  but  a  month 
before  the  Indian  lords  had  exulted  in  their  strength.  The 
Dutch  completed  the  work  of  destruction.  The  remains  of 
the  castle  were  pulled  down,  the  wigwams  burned,  and  all  the 

1  O'Callaghan    says  the   Indians    were  "  their  numbers  were  estimated  at  about 

virtually  destroyed,  but  the  facts  do  not  two  hundred."     Their  losses  subsequently 

warrant  the  conclusion.     In  the   attack  could  not  have  reduced  them  to  the  sixty 

of  1 659,  "the  savages,  estimated  at  four  stated.     The  Dutch  had  no    confidence 

or    five    hundred    warriors,   harassed  the  in  such  a  state  of  facts,  for  they  relaxed 

Dutch  day  and  night  j"   in  that  of  1663,  none  of  their  vigilance. 


154  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

maize  which  had  been  left  was  cut  up  and  cast  into  the  kil. 
Thence  marching  down  the  kil,  "  several  large  wigwams"  were 
found,  as  well  as  "  divers  maize  plantations,"  which  were  also 
destroyed.  The  expedition  then  returned  to  Wiltwyck. 

Negotiations  for  the  release  of  the  captives  still  remaining  in 
the  hands  of  the  Indians  were  again  opened.  On  the  5th  of 
November,  one  of  the  chiefs  agreed  to  return  them  in  ten  days, 
for  which  purpose  a  truce  was  granted  by  Couwenhoven,  whose 
sloop  remained  at  the  Dans-kammer.  On  the  yth,  two  children 
were  brought  in  by  a  Wappinger  chief,  who  accompanied  them 
as  a  friend  and'  who  promised  to  bring  in  a  captive  woman 
whom  he  had  purchased.  This  woman  he  brought  in  on  the 
1 3th,  and  received  in  exchange  a  Wapplnger,  called  Splitnose, 
and  one  of  the  captive  squaws  and  her  child.  On  the  2Qth, 
the  Wappinger  again  appeared  and  after  satisfying  himself  that  ' 
of  the  Indians  in  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  none  had  died,  said 
that  six  of  the  captives  held  by  the  Indians  were  then  at  the 
river  side  ;  that  the*  seventh  had  been  sent  for,  and  that  all 
would  be  restored  in  three  days  ;  but  he  was  unable  to  redeem 
his  promise.  On  the  ad  of  December  he  brought  up  two 
children,  and  stated  that  of  the  remaining  five,  three  were  in 
the  hunting  grounds  and  he  could  not  find  them,  while  the  other 
two  were  detained  by  a  sick  squaw.  He  would,  however, 
return  them  as  soon  he  could  obtain  them,  for  which  purpose 
he  had  already  purchased  Albert  Heyman's  oldest  daughter. 
Whether  the  promise  was  fulfilled  or  not  does  not  appear. 

In  this  condition  matters  remained  until  the  spring  of  1664, 
when  the  Amsterdam  chamber  instructed  Stuyvesant  to  con 
tinue  the  war  until  the  Indians  were  exterminated.  But  Stuy 
vesant  had  on  his  hands  a  contfoversy  with  the  English  towns 
on  Long  island,  in  which  was  involved  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
West  India  Company,  and  was  under  the  necessity  of  hus 
banding  his  strength  for  emergencies  in  which  he  might  possibly 
be  placed.  Besides,  wars  were  pending  between  the  Mohawks 
and  the  Mahicam  on  the  east,  and  the  Senecas  and  the  Minsis 
on  the  south,  destroying  trade  and  threatening  to  involve  the 
Dutch  settlements  in  the  common  destruction.  Under  the 

1  Documentary  History ,  iv,  80,  8 1. 


07?  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  155 

circumstances  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  entertain  the  solicitations 
of  the  neighboring  chiefs  for  the  establishment  of  peace  with  the 
Esopus  cantons,  especially  as  it  was  rumored  that  the  English 
were  encouraging  the  Wappingers  and  other  tribes  to  unite  in 
the  general  revolt. 

Sending  an  invitation  to  the  Esopus  sachems  and  their  friends 
to  meet  him  in  council  at  Fort  Amsterdam,  a  large  delegation 
assembled  there,  and  the  customary  preliminaries  being  disposed 
of,  Sewackenamo,  sachem  of  the  Warranawonkongs,  arose,  and 
calling  several  times  in  a  loud  voice  on  his  God,  BACHTAMO, 
prayed  unto  him  to  conclude  something  good  with  the  Dutch, 
and  that  the  treaty  about  to  be  formed,  in  the  presence  of  the 
sachems  assembled,1  should  be  like  the  stick  he  grasped  in  his 
hand,  firmly  united,  the  one  end  to  the  other.  Sigpekenano, 
a  Long  island  chief,  expressed  his  joy  that  peace  was  about  to 
be  concluded,  and  that  the  clan  he  represented  was  to  share  in 
its  provisions.  He  hoped  it  would  be  a  peace  as  firm  and  as 
compact  as  his  arms,  which  he  folded  together;  and  then,  pre 
senting  his  right  hand  to  the  director,  added :  "  What  I  say  is 
from  the  fullness  of  my  heart ;  such  is  my  desire  and  that  of  all 
my  people." 

The  next  day  (May  16)  Stuyvesant  submitted  the  treaty. 
By  its  terms  all  that  had  passed  was  to  be  forever  forgotten  and 
forgiven.  The  land  already  given  to  the  Dutch  as  an  indemnity, 
and  now  again  "  conquered  by  the  sword,"  including  the  two 
Shawangunk  castles,  became  the  property  of  the  Dutch ;  nor  were 
the  Indians  to  return  thither  to  plant,  nor  to  visit  the  village  of 
Wiltwyck,  nor  any  remote  settlement,  with  or  without  arms. 
They  were  permitted,  however,  to  plant  near  their  new  castle, 
and  for  the  then  present  year  only  by  their  old  castle,  where 
they  had  already  planted  some  seed.  To  prevent  collisions  in 
the  future  no  Indian  was  to  approach  places  where  the  Dutch 
farmers  were  pursuing  agricultural  labor,  nor  visit  the  village  or 
the  residences  of  the  settlers.  They  might,  however,  trade  at 

-1  The  chiefs  in  attendance  were  :  Esopus,  Oritany  j   Staten  Island,  Matheno  5  Mar- 

Sewackenamo,    Onackatin,     Powsawag ;  scpeqau,    and    Reckhciucck,  Siegpekenano, 

PfappingeryTsees-sagh-gzw;  Kitchaiuan,  brother    of  Tackapousha,    with    twenty 

Megetsewacks ;  Haver  straw,  Sessegehout ;  others  of  different  chieftaincies  acting  in 

Wtckquaesgetks  Sawanacoque ;  Hackinsach,  the  capacity  of  embassadors. 

20  ^ 


156  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

the  redoubt,  in  parties  of  three  canoes  at  a  time,  by  sending  a 
flag  of  truce  beforehand  to  give  notice  of  their  approach.  For 
their  accommodation  on  such  occasions,  a  house  was  to  be 
built  beyond  the  creek,  where  they  could  leave  their  arms. 
Should  a  Dutchman  kill  an  Indian,  or  an  Indian  a  Dutchman, 
war  was  not  to  be  declared  ;  but  a  complaint  was  to  be  lodged 
against  the  murderer,  who  should  be  hanged  in  the  presence  of 
both  the  contracting  parties.  All  damages  by  the  killing  of 
cattle,  or  injury  of  crops,  were  to  be  paid  for,  and  the  treaty 
annually  ratified  by  the. exchange  of  presents.  For  the  faithful 
observance  of  the  treaty  the  Hackinsack  and  Staten  island 
sachems  became  sureties  on  the  part  of -the  Esopus  sachems, 
and  were  bound  to  copperate  against  either  party  who  should 
violate  its  terms. 

The  signing  of  the  treaty  was  announced  by  a  salute  from 
Fort  Amsterdam,  and  caused  universal  satisfaction.  In  special 
commemoration  of  the  event,  Stuyvesant  proclaimed  a  day  of 
general  thanksgiving,  to  be  held  throughout  the  province  on  the 
3 1st  of  May.  To  still  further  strengthen  the  position  of  the 
Dutch,  he  sent  a  commission  to  the  Soquatucks *  to  negotiate  a 
peace  between  them  and  the  Mohawks,  for  which  purpose  a 
conference  was  held  at  Narrington  and  a  treaty  concluded  on 
the  24th.  The  day  of  thanksgiving  was  a  day  of  peace  through 
out  the  settlements  of  New  Netherland. 

But  the  brooding  clouds  of  war  were  not  dispelled.  While 
yet  the  Esopus  conflict  was  pending,  the  Mahicans  had  been  sum 
moning  their  clans  ;  the  peace  of  Narrington  was  broken  by 
the  AbenaquiSy  who  murdered  the  Mohawk  embassadors,  "insti 
gated  thereto,  it  is  alleged,  by  the  English  ; "  the  war  was 
renewed  j  the  Mahicans  overran  the  country,  killed  a  number 
of  cattle  at  Greenbush,  and  "  fired  a  house  at  Claverack,  be 
longing  to  Abraham  Staats,  in  which  they  burnt  his  wife  and 
two  children"  (July  n).  "Proceeding,  next,  in  a  body  one 
hundred  strong,  against  the  Mohawks,  they  gave  them  battle, 
but  the  latter  being  more  numerous,  routed  their  assailants. 
The  Mohawks,  elated  by  success,  pursued  their  foe,  with  whom 

1  The  record  says,  "between  the  Ma-     Indians." — O'Callaghan^  n,  519,  note, 
quaas   and   the   Mahicans  and  Northern 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


157 


they  renewed  the  fight  the  next  morning  at  break  of  day,  but  were 
repelled  with  great  loss."  Filled  with  alarm,  the  colonists  at 
Fort  Orange  sent  in  hot  haste  to  request  the  presence  and  ad 
vice  of  the  director  ;  but  he  had  other  duties  to  perform  —  the 
guns  of  the  English  fleet  were  echoing  over  the  waters  of  the 
bay  —  a  more  formidable  enemy  was  knocking  at  the  doors  of 
New  Amsterdam. 


Indian  Inscription  on 
Rocks  at  Esopus. 


158  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE  INDIANS  UNDER  THE  ENGLISH. — TREATIES  WITH  THE 
FIVE  NATIONS,  THE  MAHICANS  AND  THE  ESOPUS  INDIANS. — 
THE  JESUITS  AND  THE  WAR  OF  1689. 

HE  English,  under  Richard  Nicolls,  took  possession 
of  Fort  Amsterdam  on  Monday,  September  6th, 
1664,  and  immediately  changed  its  name  to  Fort 
James.  Nicolls  was  proclaimed  deputy  governor  for 
the  Duke  of  York,  in  compliment  to  whom  he  directed  that  the 
city  of  New  Amsterdam  should  thenceforth  be  known  as  New 
York.  Fort  Orange  surrendered  on  the  loth,  and  its  name  was 
changed  to  Fort  Albany,  after  the  second  title  of  the  Duke  of 
York.  Following  this  change  came  a  conference  with  chiefs 
of  the  Mohawks  and  Senecas,  representing  the  Five  Nations,  and 
the  conclusion  with  them,  and  with  the  Mabicans  of  New  York, 
of  a  treaty  of  peace  and  alliance,  similar  to  that  which  had 
existed  with  the  Dutch.  By  the  terms  of  this  treaty  the  inde 
pendence  and  equality  of  the  nations  parties  to  it,  was  recognized, 
while  the  tribes  not  in  alliance  with  them,  but  "  under  the  pro 
tection  "  of,  or  in  treaty  with,  the  English  were  to  be  regarded 
as  subjects  of  the  crown,  and  to  sustain,  in  that  relation,  the 
position  of  citizens  for  their  protection  and  redress.  These  facts 
more  clearly  appear  from  its  text,  which  is  as  follows  : 

"  Articles  made  and  agreed  upon  the  24th  day  of  September, 
1664,  in  Fort  Albany,  between  Ohgehando,  Shanarage,  Soac- 
hoenighta,  Sachamackas  of  ye  Maquaes ;  Anaweed,  Conkee- 
herat,  Tewasserang,  Aschanoondah,  Sachamas  of  the  Synicks 
on  the  one  part,  and  Col.  George  Cartwright,  in  the  behalf  of 
Col.  Nicolls,  governor  under  his  royal  highnesse,  the  Duke  of 
Yorke  of  all  his  territories  in  America,  on  the  other  part,  as 
followeth,  viz : 

"i.  Imprimis.  It  is  agreed  that  the  Indian  princes  above 
named  and  their  subjects,  shall  have  all  such  wares  and  com- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  159 

modifies  from  the  English  for  the  future,  as  heretofore  they  had 
from  the  Dutch. 

"  2.  That  if  any  English,  Dutch  or  Indian  (under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  English)  do  any  wrong,  injury  or  violence  to  any 
of  ye  said  Princes  or  their  subjects  in  any  sort  whatever,  if  they 
complain  to  the  Governor  at  New  Yorke,  or  to  the  officer  in 
chief  at  Albany,  if  the  person  so  offending  can  be  discovered, 
that  person  shall  receive  condign  punishment  and  all  due  satis 
faction  shall  be  given ;  and  the  like  shall  be  done  for  all  other 
English  Plantations. 

"  3.  That  if  any  Indian  belonging  to  any  of  the  Sachims 
aforesaid  do  any  wrong,  injury  or  damage  to  the  English,  Dutch 
or  Indians  under  the  protection  of  the  English,  if  complaint  be 
made  to  ye  Sachims  and  the  persons  be  discovered  who  did  the 
injury,  then  the  person  so  offending  shall  be  punished  and  all 
just  satisfaction  shall  be  given  to  any  of  His  Majesties  subjects 
in  any  colony  or  other  English  plantation  in  America. 

"4.  The  Indians  at  Wamping  and  Espachomy  and  all 
below  the  Manhattans,  as  also  all  those  that  have  submitted 
themselves  under  the  protection  of  His  Majesty,  are  included  in 
these  articles  of  agreement  and  Peace. 

"  In  confirmation  whereof  the  parties  above  mentioned  have 
hereunto  sett  their  hands  the  day  and  year  above  written. 
Signed,"  etc." 

To  the  Five  Nations  proper  some  special  concessions  were  made, 
which  were  included  in  the  following  supplemental  articles,  viz.  : 

"  These  articles  following  were  likewise  proposed  by  the 
same  Indian  Princes  and  consented  to  by  Col.  Cartwright  in 
behalfe  of  Col.  Nicolls,  the  25th  September,  1664. 

"  i.  That  the  English  do  not  assist  the  three  nations  of  the 
Ondiakes  (Abenaquis),  Pinnekooks,  and  Pacamtekookes,  who 
murdered  one  of  the  Princes  of  the  Maquaes,  when  he  brought 
ransomes  and  presents  to  them  upon  a  treaty  of  peace.1 

"  2.  That  the  English  do  make  peace  for  the  Indian  Princes 
with  the  Nations  down  the  River.2 

"  3.  That  they  may  have  free  trade,  as  formerly. 

1  The  Abenequis,  or  Eastern  Indians.  2The  Minquas,   Esopus   and   Navison 

clans  of  JLenapes. 


160  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

"  4.  That  they  may  be  lodged  in  houses,  as  formerly. 

"5.  "That  if  they  be  beaten  by  the  three  nations  above 
mentioned  they  may  receive  accommodation  from  ye  English."  x 

This  treaty,  to  be  correctly  interpreted,  must  be  considered 
in  connection  with  the  former  relations  of  the  Indians  to  the 
governments  of  New  Amsterdam  and  New  England.  The 
Afakieans  proper  were  under  treaty  with  both  the  English  and 
the  Dutch,  but  representative  cantons  immediately  on  the 
Hudson  held  a  recognized  intercourse  with  the  latter.  These 
were  included  in  the  treaty  under  the  terms,  "  the  Indians  of 
Wamping  and  Espachomy,  precisely  as  were  those  of  Long 
island,  who  had  recognized  treaties,  and  who  were  specified  "  as 
below  the  Manhattans ;"  but  the  Massachusetts  Mabicans 
required  no  such  recognition,  the  change  in  the  government  not 
having  affected  the  treaty  which  existed  between  them  and  the 
English.  The  fact  that  the  treaty  was  made  with  representa 
tives  of  the  Five  Nations  has  no  significance  other  than  that  with 
them  the  English  had  no  previous  treaty.  Whatever  special 
terms  there  were  in  its  provisions  with  them  were  included  in 
the  supplemental  articles,  and  these  related  only  to  the  ques 
tions  of  war  and  peace  pending  with  tribes  with  whom  the 
English  were  under  treaty,  and  in  reference  to  which  negotia 
tions  were  at  once  opened.2  The  new  treaty  made  no  other 
change  in  relation  to  the  position  of  the  representative  tribes 
than  was  necessarily  involved  in  the  change  of  government. 
This  clearly  appears  from  the  subsequent  records  of  the  com 
missioners  of  Indian  affairs,  in  which  the  Mabicans  uniformly 
appear  as  having  not  only  formed  a  treaty  with  the  Dutch  in 
1609,  and  to  have  renewed  that  treaty  with  the  English,  but  as 
being  "  linked  together  in  interest  with  the  Five  Nations,"  and 
consulted  with  and  treated  as  allies  of  the  government  in  the 
capacity  of  an  independent  nation.3 

1  Colonial  History,  m,  67.  to  Governor    Winthrop,    in   1669:  "If 

3  The  war  which  was  pending  at  the  all     my    letters   arrived   in    your    hands 

time  this  treaty  was  made  was  instigated  by  you    will    find    them   all    of  one   tenor, 

the  English. —  0'Ca//agAan,u,  519.  The  viz:  the  earnest  desire  of  the  Maquas  to 

governor  of  New  York  and  the  governor  conclude    firm    peace    with     the    Mohi- 

of  Massachusetts  were  the  parties   to  the  cands." — New  Tork  Assize  Record. 
treaty    between    the  Mohawks    and    the          8  Colonial  History,  iv,  744,  902,  etc.    In 

Mahicans.      Governor    Lovelace    writes  an  address  to  the  Massachusetts  commis- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  161 

But  English  possession  brought  with  it  additional  changes  in 
the  connection  of  the  Indians  with  provincial  authorities.  To 
the  boundary  lines  of  territorial  governments,  which  haa  already 
passed  through  and  subdivided  the  Mahicans  and  the  Lf  napes, 
court  districts  and  county  lines  were  added.  Indians  of  the 
same  tribal  families,  who  had  hitherto  been  held  responsible  to 
and  had  their  treaty  relations  with  different  governments  and 
provinces,  while  consolidated  in  some  respects,  were  further 
separated  by  special  assignment  to  the  charge  of  different  court 
districts.  Thus  the  Wappingers  and  those  residing  south  of  the 
highlands  and  Long  island,  had  their  treaty  intercourse  with  the 
governor  and  authorities  at  New  York  ;  those  north  of  the  high 
lands  on  the  east,  and  north  of  the  highlands  and  south  of  the 
Katskills  on  the  west,  including  principally  the  Esopus  clans, 
were  placed  under  the  justices  at  Kingston,  and  the  Mahicans  on 
the  east  and  those  on  Beeren  island  and  north  of  the  Katskills  on 
the  west,  came  directly  under  the  authorities  at  Albany,  at 
which  place  the  general  council-fire  was  lighted  and  inter 
course  held  with  the  Five  Nations  and  the  Mahicans.  While 
these  divisions  were  the  result  in  part  of  the  established  centres 
of  population  and  treaty  intercourse  under  the  Dutch,  they  sub 
sequently  added  materially  to  the  disintegration  of  the  river 
tribes,  and  gave  to  them  much  of  that  character  of  independent 
cantons  which  has  been  assumed  as  representing  their  political 
status.  From  this  disintegration  the  Five  Nations  escaped,  with 
results  to  their  consolidated  recognition  which  cannot  be  too 
highly  estimated.  That  they  would  have  been  similar  sufferers 
had  they  been  similarly  situated,  the  records  of  the  negotiations 
with  them  after  the  war  of  the  revolution,  are  a  sufficient  indi 
cation.  Considered  only  as  a  whole  and  treated  as  a  whole, 
they  were  a  power ;  but  treated  with  as  independent  tribes  they 
were  shorn  of  their  strength.  With  them  the.  history  of  the 
Mahicans  and  the  Lenapes  repeated  itself  with  fearful  emphasis. 

The  policy  adopted  by  the  English  was  liberal  and  reasonable, 
and  contributed  at  least  to  the  temporary  improvement  of  the 

sioners    in    1744,    the    chiefs    used     the     covenant,  and  this  is  the  belt  which  is 
following    language:     "We     are -united     the  token  of  that  covenant." 
with    the  Six    Nations  in  one  common 


162  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

condition  of  the  Indjans.  The  frictions  which  had  prevailed 
during  the  Dutch  administration  were  very  largely  removed  by 
a  law  declaring  that  "no  purchase  of  lands  from  the  Indians, 
after  the  first  day  of  March,  1665,"  should  be  "  esteemed  a 
good  title  without  leave  first  had  and  obtained  from  the  governor 
and  after  leave  so  obtained  ;  "  that  purchasers  should  bring  be 
fore  the  governor  "  the  sachem  or  right  owner  "  of  lands  which 
were  purchased  u  to  acknowledge  satisfaction  and  payment "  for 
the  same,  when  all  the  proceedings  were  to  be  entered  on  record 
and  constitute  a  valid  title.  u  All  injuries  done  to  the  Indians 
of  what  nature  soever,"  were  made  punishable  on  complaint 
and  proof  in  any  court,  without  cost  to  the  complainant,  "  in  as 
full  and  ample  a  manner  as  if  the  case  had  been  between 
Christian  and  Christian."  The  contraband  trade  in  fire-arms 
was  broken  up,  and  only  those  who  were  licensed  were  permitted 
"  to  sell  guns,  powder,  bullets,  lead,  shot,  or  any  vessel  of 
burthen  or  row  boat  (canoes  excepted)."  The  sale  or  gift  to 
the  Indians  of  "  rum,  strong  waters,  wine  and  brandy,"  without 
license,  was  forbidden  under  penalty  of  "  forty  shillings  for  each 
pint  so  sold  or  disposed  of."  To  prevent  difficulties  arising 
from  cattle  straying  upon  the  unfenced  lands  of  the  Indians,  and 
to  encourage  the  latter  to  fence  their  fields,  the  colonists  were 
directed  to  assist  them  in  "  felling  trees,  riving  and  sharpening 
rails  "  and  setting  posts,  allowing  "  one  Englishman  to  three  or 
more  Indians."  These  reforms  were  eminently  satisfactory  to 
the  Indians,  although  many  abuses  were  subsequently  perpetrated 
by  those  who  were  licensed  under  them.  Not  less  so  was  the 
treaty  stipulation  that  the  privileges  of  trade  were  to  be  uniform, 
in  all  English  plantations,  to  Indians  in  alliance  with  the  govern 
ment,  and  the  fact  that  such  alliance  secured  the  friendship  of 
the  "great  sachem."  Tranquillity  was  soon  established,  and 
although  the  Mohawks  and  the  Mahicans  and  Abenaquis,  at  the 
east,  and  the  Senecas  and  Minsis,  at  the  south,  continued  their 
struggle,  the  conflict  was  not  around  the  centres  of  civilization. 
Gradually  the  Minsis,  more  immediately  represented  on  the 
Hudson,  yielded  to  the  superior  advantages  possessed  by  their 
enemies,  or  to  the  inducements  which  the  English  offered  ;  while 
those  more  remote  made  common  cause  with  the  French. 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  163 

The  annual  renewal  of  the  treaty  with  the  Esopus  Indians, 
required  by  its  terms,  was  delayed  until  October,  1665,  when, 
as  their  intercourse  in  the  future  was  to  be  with  the  English,  the 
treaty  was  rewritten  in  the  English  language,  with  such  changes 
in  its  terms  as  the  change  in  government  required,1  as  appears 
from  its  text : 

"  An  agreement  made  between  Richard  Nichols,  Esq.,  Go 
vernor,  under  his  Royall  Highness  the  duke  of  York,  and  the 
Sachems  and  People  called  the  Sopes  Indians  : 

"  That  no  act  of  hostility  shall  at  any  time  bee  committed 
on  either  part,  or  if  any  damage  shall  happen  to  be  done  by 
either  party  to  the  Corn,  Cattle,  Horses,.  Hoggs,  Houses,  or  any 
other  goods  whatever  of  the  other  party,  from  the  goods  of  the 
other  party  shall  return  be  given  upon  demand  for  the  same. 

"  2.  That  if  any  Christian  shall  wilfully  kill  an  Indyan,  or 
any  Indyan  a  Christian,  hee  shall  bee  put  to  death.  And  the 
said  Sachems  do  promise  on  their  part,  to  bring  any  such  Indyan 
to  the  officer  in  chiefe  at  the  Sopes  to  receive  his  punishment 
there. 

"  3.  That  a  convenient  House  shall  bee  built  where  the  said 
Indyans  may  at  any  time  lodge,  without  the  Forts  of  the  said 
Town,  in  which  House  the  Indians  are  to  leave  their  armes, 
and  may  come  without  molestation  to  sell  or  buy  what  they 
please  from  the  Christians. 

"4.  That  in  case  any  Christian  should  kill  an  Indyan,  or  any 
Indyan  a  Christian,  the  peace  shall  not  be  broaken,  or  any  Revenge 
taken  before  satisfaction  is  demanded  by  the  one  party  and 
refused  by  the  other,  allowing  a  competent  time  for  the  appre 
hending  of  the  offender,  in  which  case  the  Indyans  are  to  give 
Hostage,  till  the  offender  is  brought  to  punishment,  the  said 
Hostage  to  be  kindly  treated  and  shall  receive  no  other  punish 
ment  but  imprisonment. 

1  Com  pare  with    synopsis  of  treaty  of  The  original   manuscript  of  the   treaty, 

1664.      The  statement  that  Nicolls  made  and  the  wampum  belt  which  the  Indians 

the  treaty  the  occasion  for  the  purchase  gave    in  accepting    it,    are    preserved    in 

of  additional  lands,  apparently  indicated  the  office  of  the  clerk  of  Ulster  county, 

by  the  fifth  section,  appears  to  have  been  It  was  renewed  at  different  periods  until 

the  expression   in  definite  terms  of  the  the  Indians  ceased  to  exist  or  had  entirely 

general  language  of  the  treaty  of  1664,  removed  to  the  west. 
"  the  lands  now  conquered  by  the  sword." 

21 


164  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

"  5.  That  the  said  Sachems  and  their  subjects  now  present 
do,  and  in  the  names  of  themselves,  and  their  heirs  forever, 
give,  grant,  alienate  and  confirm  all  their  right  and  interest, 
claim  or  demand  to  a  certain  Parcell  of  Land,  lying  and  being  to 
the  west  and  south  west  of  a  certain  creek  or  River,  called  by  the 
name  of  Kahanksen,  and  so  up  to  the  head  thereof,  where  the 
old  Fort  was  ;  And  so  with  a  direct  line  from  thence  through 
the  woods  and  crosse  the  Meadows  to  the  Great  Hill,  lying 
and  being  to  the  west  or  south  west  thereof,  which  Great  Hill 
is  to  be  the  true  west  or  south  west  Bounds  of  the  said  Lands. 
And  the  said  creek  called  Kahanksen,  the  north  or  north  east 
Bounds  of  the  said  Lands,  herein  mentioned,  to  be  given,  granted, 
and  confirmed  unto  the  said  Richard  Nicolls,  governor  under 
his  Royal  Highness,  the  Duke  of  York,  or  his  assigns,  by  the 
said  Sachems,  and  their  subjects,  forever,  and  to  hold  and  enjoy 
the  same  as  his  free  land,  and  Possession  against  any  claim  here 
after  to  bee  madee  by  the  said  Sachems  or  their  subjects,  or  any 
their  heirs  and  successors. 

"  In  token  of  the  aforesaid  Agreement,  the  aforesaid  Sachems 
do  deliver  two  small  sticks,  and  in  confirmation  thereof,  do  deliver 
two  more  small  sticks,  to  the  said  Richard  Nicholls.  And 
in  the  name  of  the  Indyans  their  subjects,  one  of  the  subjects  do 
deliver  two  other  round  small  sticks,  in  token  of  their  assent  to 
the  said  agreement.  And  the  said  Richard  Nicholls  does  deliver 
as  a  present  to  their  Sachems  three  laced  redd  coates. 

"  6.  The  said  Sachems  doth  engage  to  come  once  every 
year,  and  bring  some  of  their  young  People,  to  Acknowledge 
every  .part  of  this  agreement  in  the  Sopes,  to  the  end  that  it  may 
be  kept  in  perpetual  memory. 

"  7.  That  all  past  Injury es  are  buried  and  forgotten  on  -both 
sides. 

"  8.  That  the  young  Sachem  called  Ningeerinoe  hath  Liberty 
for  three  years  to  plant  upon  a  small  neck  of  land,  over  against 
a  small  creek  called  Choughkanakanoe,  unless  the  said  young 
Sachem  be  warned  off  by  order  to  remove;  and  give  place  to 
such  Christians  as  shall  have  Order  from  the  said  Richard 
•  Nicolls,  or  his  assignees,  to  plant  there,  at  which  time  the  said 
young  Sachem  is  to  receive  a  Blankett,  by  way  of  Curtesie,  and 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  165 

to  remove  to  the  other  side  of  the  Creek,  without  delay,  or 
claiming  any  future  interest  thereupon. 

"  9.  In  consideration  of  the  premises,  the  said  Richard 
Nicolls  doth  farther  give  and  pay  to  the  said  Sachems  and  their 
subjects,  forty  blanketts,  twenty  Pounds  of  Powder,  twenty 
knives,  six  Kettles,  Twelve  Barrs  of  Lead,  which  payment  we 
acknowledge  to  have  received,  in  full  satisfaction,  for  the  pre 
mises,  and  do  bind  ourselves,  our  heirs  and  successors  forever, 
to  perform  every  part  of  this  agreement,  without  any  fraud  or 
reservation  of  mind  ;  and  further,  that  we  will  maintain  and 
justify  the  said  Richard  Nicolls,  or  his  assigns,  in  the  full  and 
peaceable  Possession  of  the  said  Tract  of  Land,  Royaltyes  and 
Privileges  for  ever,  against  any  Nation  of  Indyans  whatsoever, 
pretending  right  to  the  same. 

u  In  testimony  whereof  we  have  sett  our  markes  to  two 
several  writings,  the  one  to  remaine  in  the  hands  of  the  Sopes 
Sachems,  the  other  upon  record,  this  7th  day  of  October,  1665." 

The  parties  to  the  treaty  on  behalf  of  the  Indians  were  sa 
chems  Onackatin,1  Naposhequiqua,  Senakonama  (Sewakanamo), 
and  Shewotin.  The  signature  of  Nicolls  and  of  the  sachems 
was  witnessed  by  "  Jeremias  Van  Rensleiar,  Philip  Pieterson 
Schuyler,  Robert  Nedham,  S.  Salisbury  and  Edw.  Sackville," 
and  by  the  following  "  Esopus  young  men  "  :  Pepankhais,  Robin 
Cinnaman  "a  Pekoct  sachem,"  Ermawamen,  and  Rywackurs. 
One  of  the  chieftaincies  was  apparently  without  a  sachem  ;  the 
full  number  was  completed  in  1670,  when,  on  the  nth  of 
April,  "  a  new  made  sachem  of  the  Esopus  Indians,  named 
Calcop,"  appeared  before  the  justices  of  Ulster  and  confirmed 
the  agreement. 

The  Mimis  proper  maintained  hostilities  until  1675,  when  they 
yielded  to  what  Dr  Golden  denominates  "  the  full  play  of  the 
warlike  genius"  of  their  enemies,  but  more  properly,  as  already 
intimated,  to  the  fearful  disadvantages  under  which  they  were 
placed  by  the  refusal  of  the  English  to  supply  them  with  fire 
arms  and  powder,  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  with  the  Senecas 
and  Mohawks,  and  were  made  tributary  to  the  Senecas.  In  the 
east  the  contest  still  raged.  Peace  was  made  in  1675,  but  it 

1  Oghgotacton ;  his  lands  were  near  the  present  village  of  Walden.    See  appendix. 


166  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

was  one  of  accommodation  on  the  part  of  the  Abenaquis  and  their 
allies,  many  of  whom  sympathized  with  King  Philip  and  eagerly 
shared  his  fate.  Nor  were  they  disheartened  when,  on  the  I2th 
of  August,  1676,  that  great  leader  gave  up  his  life.  In  that  re 
markable  struggle  for  the  restoration  of  the  Indians  to  independ 
ence,  one  of  the  branches  of  the  formidable  alliance,  the  Pen- 
nacooks,  was  crushed  and  its  fugitives,  bleeding  and  torn,  sought 
refuge  in  the  friendly  villages  of  their  kindred  on  the  Hudson. 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  immediate  subsequent 
history  and  organization  of  these  fugitives  as  the  Sckaticooks* 
After  their  settlement,  the  authorities  made  no  little  effort  to  in 
crease  their  number  by  inducing  those  who  had  found  refuge 
elsewhere  to  remove  to  the  lands  assigned,  and  in  this  were  par 
tially  successful.  At  the  close  of  the  French  war  of  1698,  and 
subsequently,  these  efforts  were  renewed;2  meanwhile  a  very 
considerable  number  of  them  had  reached  Canada,  and  were 
encouraged  by  the  French  to  invite  their  brethren  of  New  York, 
as  well  as  their  old  Mahican  allies,  to  unite  with  them.  The 
result  of  these  efforts  was  the  organization  of  what  was  known 
as  the  St.  Francis  Indians. 

Meanwhile  an  element  other  than  that  of  war  had  been 
introduced  to  divide  the  Indian  tribes.  With  the  French,  reli 
gious  zeal  and  commercial  ambition  walked  hand  in  hand,  and 
the  banner  of  the  cross  became  the  pioneer  of  that  of  France. 
No  sooner  had  Champlain  discovered  the  territory  of  the  St. 

1  Ante,  p,  62.  The  '  date  of  this  the  fugitives  from  that  conflict  are  de- 
organization,  as  well  as  the  original  clas-  scribed  by  Hubbard  as  having  fled  towards 
sification  of  the  elements  of  which  the  Albany,  the  conclusion  is  that  the  Schati- 
Schaticooks  were  composed,  is  distinctly  cooks  were  no  other  than  the  Indians  de- 
stated  by  Earl  Bellomont,  the  governor,  scribed  by  him.  There  was  another 
in  1 698  :  "  Our  Skackoor  or  river  Indians  organization  of  Schaticooks,  composed  of 
and  which  river  Indians  having  been  New  England  and  Hudson  river  Indians, 
formerly  driven  out  of  those  eastern  They  were  located  on  Ten  Mile  river, 
parts  by  the  people  of  New  England." —  so  called,  in  the  present  county  of  Dutch- 
Colonial  History,  iv,  380,  715.  Col-  ess.  This  organization  is  particularly 
den  fixes  the  date  of  their  settlement  described  by  De  Forest  (History  Indians 
as  1672,  while  one  of  their  chiefs,  speak-  of  Connecticut,  407),  as  having  been  com 
ing  in  1700,  states  the  occurrence  as  menced  by  one  Gideon  Manwehu,  a 
happening  "six  and  twenty  years  ago,"  Pequot,  sometime  about  1735,  and  who 
or  in  1674. —  Colonial  History,  iv,  744.  succeeded  in  calling  about  him  a  hun- 
As  there  was  no  war  against  the  New  dred  warriors. 

England  Indians  by  which   an  exodus  of         2  Colonial  History,  iv,  380,    715,   744» 

this  kind  would  be  made  necessary  prior  902. 
to  the  downfall  of  Philip  in  1676,  and  as 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  167 

Lawrence  than  he  was  found  declaring,  that  while  the  aggrand 
izement  of  France  was  earnestly  to  be  desired,  yet  "  the  salvation 
of  a  soul  was  worth  more  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire." 
At  his  instance,  La  Carnon,  an  ambitious  Franciscan  priest, 
entered  the  field  as  a  missionary,  and  in  1616,  penetrated  the 
Mohawk  country,  passed  to  the  north  into  the  territory  of  the 
Wyandots  and  reached  the  river  of  Lake  Huron.  In  1633, 
the  Society  of  Jesus  succeeded  the  Franciscans  with  fifteen 
missionaries,  the  history  of  whose  labors  is  connected  with  the 
origin  of  every  established  town  in  the  annals  of  French  Ame 
rica  ;  "  not  a  cape  was  turned,  nor  a  river  entered,  but  a  Jesuit 
led  the  way."  x  The  converts  of  these  missionaries  were  at  first 
from  among  the  enemies  of  the  Five  Nations  ;  the  latter  regarded 
them  as  foes,  and  in  their  incursions  upon  the  Hurons,  spared 
them  not.  The  fate  of  the  missionary  village  of  St.  Joseph  and 
of  Fathers  Daniel,  Lallemand  and  Brebeuf,  and  the  captivity  of 
Father  Jogues,  are  but  types  of  the  toil  and  sacrifice  which 
attended  their  labors,  and  of  the  heroism  with  which  they  met 
death.  The  fruit  of  their  efforts  was  the  possession  by  France 
not  only  of  New  France  and  Acadia,  Hudson's  bay  and  New 
foundland,  but  a  claim  to  a  moiety  of  Maine,  of  Vermont,  and 
to  more  than  a  moiety  of  New  York,  to  the  whole  valley  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  to  Texas  even,  as  far  as  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte,  whither  the  flag  of  France  followed  their  footsteps  and 
reared  colonies. 

The  Dutch  gave  very  little  attention  to  the  movements  of 
the  missionaries,  or  to  the  extension  of  the  dominion  of  France. 
Intent  upon  trade  and  having  no  ambition  to  extend  their  pos 
sessions  beyond  the  three  rivers  which  they  claimed,  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians  scarcely  received  from  them  a  thought.2 
The  missionaries  improved  their  ad  vantage,  and  in  1654,  appeared 
in  the  territory  of  the  Onondagas,  where  they  found  many  Huron 
captives  who  had  formerly  received  their  instruction.  Missions 

1  Bancroft,  in,  122.  attended  his   preaching    at    Albany,  but 

2  Domine     Megapolensis,     who    came  without   understanding  a  word    that  he 
over  in  1643,  under  an  agreement   with  said.     The    claim   that  he   was  -the  pre- 
Van    Rensselaer,    made    some    effort    to  decessor  of  Eliot,  has  very  little  founda- 
learn    the    Mohawk    language,     with     a  tion,  and  none  whatever  in  the  aid  which 
view  to  preach  to  them  in  their  castles,  but  the  government  extended  to  him.     Brod- 
without  much  success.     A  few  Indians  head,  i,  375,  376. 


168  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

to  the  Oneldas  and  Senecas  speedily  followed  ;  chapels  sprang 
into  existence,  and  long  before  the  English  obtained  possession 
of  New  Amsterdam,  the  solemn  services  of  the  Roman  church 
were  chanted  in  the  heart  of  their  future  province.  The  pos 
session  of  these  privileges,  however,  was  not  destined  to  be 
permanent.  The  Oneidas  murdered  three  Frenchmen  (1657), 
and  the  French  retaliated  by  seizing  Iroquois.  Two  years 
later  the  missionaries  had  abandoned  the  country,  and  the  French 
and  the  Five  Nations  were  again  at  war.  Finding  success  hope 
less  without  stronger  military  support,  the  aid  of  the  king  of 
France  was  invited,  and  scarcely  had  the  English  succeeded  in 
planting  the  flag  of  St.  George  on  the  walls  of  Fort  Orange, 
ere  the  colony  of  New  France  was  protected  by  a  royal  regi 
ment,  and  Courcelles,  a  veteran  French  soldier,  established  as 
its  governor.  The  missionaries  now  renewed  their  work,  and 
reestablished  themselves  in  the  territory  of  the  Senecas  and 
Onondagas,  and  converted  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Mohawks* 
The  progress  of  the  French  soon  became  more  formidable. 
Serious  inroads  were  made  on  the  territory  claimed  by  the  Eng 
lish,  and  the  Iroquois  were  gradually  yielding  to  the  efforts  of 
the  Jesuits.  Except  in  the  valor  and  good  faith  of  the  Indians 
more  immediately  under  English  influence,  the  province  had 
no  protection.  The  Jesuit  fathers  became  spies,  and,  in  1682, 
were  enabled  to  advise  the  governor  of  Canada,  that  circum 
stances  had  materially  changed  ;  that  they  were  now  accustomed 
to  the  woods,  were  acquainted  with  all  the  roads  through  them, 
and  that  the  French  could,  from  Fort  Frontenac,  fall  on  the 
Senecas  in  forty  hours  and  crush  them  by  an  unexpected  blow.2 
When  Colonel  Dongan  came  over,  in  1683,  as  governor  of 
New  York,  matters  wore  a  threatening  aspect  indeed.  He  was 
under  instructions  to  preserve  friendly  relations  with  the  French, 
and  besides  this,  was  himself  an  earnest  Catholic  ;  but  he  was 
not  blind  to  the  danger  which  menaced  the  province,  or  slow 
to  use  his  power  to  avert  it.  Wherever  the  French  priests 
traveled  they  set  up  the  arms  of  France  in  token  of  French 

1  Although    the   priests  had    no    little     or  castle  of  Caghnawaga. 
difficulty   with   the  Mohawks,  they  ulti-          *  Documentary    History    Neiv    Tork,    i, 
mately  succeeded  in  converting  the  village     97. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  169 

possession  ;  Dongan  gave  to  his  Iroquols  allies  medals  showing 
that  they  were  British  subjects,  and  caused  the  arms  of  the 
Duke  of  York  to  be  erected  in  all  their  castles.  The  French 
invited  their  converts  to  Canada  ;  Dongan  solicited  them  to 
remain,  and  obtained  a  promise  from  those  who  had  already 
gone  to  return.  He  would  give  them  lands  and  priests  and 
built  them  a  church.  In  the  fall  of  1686,  he  sent  fifty  citizens 
of  Albany  and  New  York  to  winter  with  the  Senecas^  and  used 
his  influence  with  the  Mabicans  to  join  the  Iroquois  in  an  alli 
ance  for  mutual  defense. 

Meanwhile  the  Duke  of  York  (1685),  under  the  title  of 
James  II,  had  succeeded  the  sensual  Charles  II,  as  king  of 
England.  The  duke  was  an  intense  Catholic,  and  his  eleva 
tion  gave  courage  to  the  Jesuit  fathers,  who  could  now  ask, 
with  additional  force,  his  aid  in  extending  their  work.  Dongan 
appealed  to  him  and  endeavored  to  arouse  him  to  the  necessity 
of  protecting  the  province  and  of  maintaining  the  alliance  with 
the  Iroquois.  "  The  Five  Nations,"  said  he,  "  are  a  bulwark 
between  us  and  the  French  and  all  other  Indians.  This  go 
vernment  has  always  been,  and  still  is,  at  a  great  expense  to 
keep  them  peaceable  and  annexed  to  this  government,  which  is 
of  that  moment  that  upon  any  occasion  I  can  have  three  or  four 
thousand  of  their  men  upon  call."  The  interests  of  trade  also 
required  this  alliance,  in  his  opinion,  not  less  than  the  security 
of  the  English.  To  this  end  he  asked  for  Catholic  priests  in 
the  interests  of  the  English,  in  order  to  oblige  the  French 
priests  to  retire  to  Canada  and  the  "  country  be  divested  of  the 
pretense  for  their  presence."  But  James  had  already  bound 
himself  to  Louis  XIV  in  a  treaty  of  neutrality  ;  to  that  treaty 
his  attention  had  been  called  by  Louis,  on  complaint  from  La 
Barre,  the  governor  of  Canada,  and  if  he  had  the  disposition  to 
aid  Dongan,  he  was  under  obligations  to  avoid  a  rupture  with 
France. 

La  Barre's  administration  was  not  a  success.  The  Senecas 
attacked  some  French  trading  canoes,  and  after  organizing  a 
considerable  force  to  proceed  against  them,  he  had  fallen  back 
without  conflict,  terrified  at  the  rumor  that  Dongan  had  promised 
them  the  aid  of  u  four  hundred  horse  and  four  hundred  foot  "  if 


170  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

they  were  attacked.  The  only  fruit  of  his  expedition  was  a 
treaty  which  he  concluded  with  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and 
Cayugas,  the  force  of  which  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that 
only  six  hours  were  spent  in  its  negotiation.  His  subordinates 
were  disgusted  at  his  proceedings,  and  refused  to  restrain  their 
"  sovereign  contempt  for  the  general's  person."  "  His  design," 
says  Demeneles,  "  was  to  attack  the  Senecas^  but  instead  of  show 
ing  him  any  civility,  they  did  not  even  condescend  to  come  and 
meet  him,  and  gave  an  insolent  answer  to  those  who  proposed 
it  to  them.  If  people  had  anything  to  say  to  them,  let  them 
take  the  trouble  to  come  and  meet  them."  De  Lamberville, 
the  Jesuit  missionary  at  Onondaga,  alone  sustained  him.  The 
difficulties  of  prosecuting  war  against  the  Senecas  were  not,  in 
his  opinion,  properly  estimated.  The  Indians  would  not  be 
found  in  their  villages  or  forts,  but  would  prowl  everywhere, 
"  killing  without  if  possible  being  killed."  For  the  conflict  they 
were  ready  ;  nay,  had  received  "  with  joy  "  the  intelligence  that 
they  were  to  be  attacked,  confident  that  in  such  an  event  they 
would  be  able  to  strip,  roast  and  eat  the  French.  The  result 
of  the  affair  was  the  removal  of  La  Barre,  the  appointment  of 
De  Denonville  as  his  successor,  and  the  receipt  by  Dongan  of 
instructions  to  observe  strict  neutrality. 

The  French  were  fully  determined  to  attempt  the  destruction 
of  the  power  of  the  Iroquois.  Louis  himself  was  convinced 
that  such  a  step  was  necessary.  De  Denonville  had  examined 
the  situation  thoroughly,  and  had  informed  his  royal  master  that 
the  reputation  of  the  French  had  been  "  absolutely  destroyed  " 
among  the  Indians,  whether  friends  or  enemies,  by  La  Barre's 
conduct,  and  that  unless  this  was  arrested,  nothing  could  avert 
a  general  rebellion,  the  ruin  of  trade  and  the  extirpation  of  the 
French. ,  War  was  necessary,  too,  u  for  the  establishment  of 
religion,"  which  could  not  otherwise  be  successfully  prosecuted. 
"  Merit  in  the  eyes  of  God,"  and  the  "  possession  of  an  em 
pire  of  more  than  a  thousand  leagues  in  extent,"  from  which 
"  great  commercial  advantages"  would  eventually  be  derived, 
demanded  the  effort  and  the  expense  which  it  involved.  The 
king  responded  with  an  addition  to  the  French  Torce  ;  gave  his 
entire  approval  to  the  war,  and,  in  addition  to  the  means  to  be 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  171 

employed,  advised  that  prisoners  be  taken  and  sent  to  him  for 
service  as  galley-slaves. 

The  work  entrusted  to  Denonville  was  not  long  delayed. 
Treachery  was  resorted  to,  to  secure  prisoners.  De  Lamberville 
succeeded  in  decoying  a  considerable  number  of  Iroquois  chiefs  into 
Fort  Frontenac,  on  Lake  Ontario,  from  whence  they  were  re 
moved  in  irons  to  Quebec  and  hurried  to  France  j x  Indian  allies 
were  called  in,  and  arrangements  for  an  aggressive  movement 
consummated.  He  had  no  contemptible  foe  to  encounter. 
"  The  Iroquois  force,"  by  his  own  authority,  consisted  of  "  two 
thousand  brave,  active  men,  more  skillful  in  the  use  of  the  gun 
than  the  Europeans,  and  all  well  armed  ;  besides  twelve  hun 
dred  Mahicans  (Loups),  another  tribe  in  alliance  with  them  as 
brave  as  they,"  2  to  say  nothing  of  the  English  whom  he  expected 
to  assist  them. 

In  July,  1687,  he  marched  into  the  territory  of  the  Senecas,  and 
took  formal  possession  "  in  the  name  of  the  king."  On  his 
way  he  was  attacked  by  the  Senecas  with  such  vigor  that  he  was 
obliged  to  bivouac  on  the  field,  and  witness,  without  being  able 
to  prevent,  the  tortures  which  the  Senecas  inflicted  on  the  pri 
soners  who  had  fallen  into  their  hands.  In  the  morning  the 
Senecas  retreated,  and  on  reaching  their  village  it  was  found  that 
they  had  destroyed  it  and  abandoned  their  fort.  The  French 
cut  up  the  growing  corn  without  molestation,  and  successfully 
completed  the  construction  of  Fort  Niagara.  The  campaign 
cost  the  lives  of  one  hundred  Frenchmen,  ten  French  or 
Catholic  Indians,  and  eighty  Senecas.  The  latter  appealed  to 
Dongan,  who  supplied  them  with  powder,  lead  and  arms,  and 

1  The  number  taken  was  twenty-seven,  indicative  of  their  importance.     The  alli- 
of  whom  "  Taweeratt,  the  chief  warrior  ance  referred   to  in  the  text,  is  spoken  of 
of  Cayouge,"  was  one. —  Colonial  History ,  as  having    existed    for    some    time.      In 
in,  560,  579.   Father  Millett  was  charged  1674,  the  Mahicans  were  at  war  with  the 
with  being  a  party  to  their  capture. — Ib.  Ottawas,  and  the  Senecas  became  arbitra- 
621.     The  French  account  is  that  forty  tors  to  establish   peace.     In    1684,  it  is 
chiefs  were  taken  prisoners,  one  of  whom  said    "  six  or   seven    hundred   Mohegans 
is    called   Orehaoue,  "  one  of  the   most  were  preparing   to  go  to  the   assistance  of 
considerable  chiefs    of  their  nation." —  the  Iroquois,  as  the     Ottaivas  were  aiding 
Colonial  History,  ix,  464.     "  The  general  the  French."     The     number    of    their 
in  chief  of  the  entire  Iroquois  nation." —  warriors  stated  in    the   text  is  no  d<Wbt 
Ibid.,  465.  exaggerated,  but  there  is  no  question  that 

2  The    cooperation     of  the     Mahicans  they  could  at  any   time  bring  more   war- 
with  the  Iroquois  is  frequently  referred  to  riors  to  the  field    than  the   Mohaiuks. — 
in  the   French  records,   and  in   language  Colonial  History ,  ix,   259,  460,  466,  etc. 

22 


172  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

called  upon  their  allies  to  unite  together  to  defend  the  territory 
which  France  had  invaded.  In  addition  to  this  a  special  meet 
ing  of  the  council  was  held  at  Fort  James,  and  a  bill  passed 
for  levying  a  tax  of  a  "  penny  in  the  pound  out  of  the  estates  of 
the  freeholders,"  to  aid  in  defraying  expenses.  Palisades  were 
ordered  for  fortifying  Albany  and  Schenectady,  and  the  Five 
Nations  were  requested  to  send  down  "  their  wives,  children  and 
old  men,  lest  the  French  fall  upon  them  in  winter ;  that  they 
who  come  be  settled,  some  at  Katskill,  and  along  the  river," 
where  they  would  be  in  security  and  in  readiness  to  assist  in  the 
common  defense  should  it  be  necessary.  Every  tenth  man  of 
the  militia  was  ordered  to  Albany,  and  other  measures  taken 
for  defensive  war.  "  I  will  do  what  is  possible  for  me  to  save 
the  government  from  the  French,"  said  Dongan  to  De  Denon- 
ville,  "  until  I  hear  from  the  king,  my  master  ;"  and  "  advise 
Monsieur  Denonville  to  send  home  all  the  Christians  and  In 
dian  prisoners,  the  king  of  England's  subjects,  you  unjustly  do 
detain." 

Meanwhile  the  Senecas  remained  on  the  war  path.  Dongan 
had  offered  his  mediation  for  peace  on  condition  that  the  captive 
chiefs  should  be  restored,  the  fort  in  the  Seneca  country  razed,  and 
the  spoils  taken  from  that  nation  restored.  To  these  proposi 
tions  De  Denonville  would  not  listen.  In  July,  1688,  the 
Iroquois  advanced  to  dictate  the  terms.  Haaskouaun,  their  chief, 
with  five  hundred  warriors  sat  down  before  Quebec.  Twelve 
hundred  warriors  remained  within  call.  If  in  four  days  the  French 
would  concede  to  Dongan's  terms,  the  place  would  be  spared ; 
if  not,  it  'would  be  overwhelmed.  The  French  governor 
yielded,  and  on  the  sixth  of  September  following  abandoned  Fort 
Niagara  and  the  possession  of  the  country  south  of  the  great 
lakes.  The  imprisoned  chiefs,  however,  he  did  not  restore. 

In  this  situation  matters  remained  until  January,  1689,  when 
James  was  driven  from  the  throne  of  England  by  William,  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  France  espoused  the  cause  of  the  deposed 
l^ng,  and  declared  war  against  England,  and  on  both  continents 
the  conflict  was  opened.  Before  the  formal  declaration  came, 
however,  the  Iroquois  had  resumed  hostilities.  Visiting  Albany 
in  July,  they  acquainted  the  magistrates  that  the  French  had 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  173 

not  returned  their  chiefs,  and  that  they  were  resolved  to  be 
revenged.1  From  thence  they  proceeded  to  Canada,  and  on 
the  twenty-fifth  of  August,  fifteen  hundred  in  number,  they  landed 
on  the  south  side  of  the  island  of  Montreal,  burned  the  houses, 
sacked  the  plantations,  and  put  to  the  sword  all  the  men, 
women  and  children  without  the  fortifications.  "  In  less  than 
an  hour,  two  hundred  people  met  death  under  forms  too  hor 
rible  for  description.  Approaching  the  town  of  Montreal,  they 
made  an  equal  number  of  prisoners,  and  after  a  severe  skirmish 
became  masters  of  the  fort,  and  of  the  whole  island,  of  which 
they  remained  in  possession  until  the  middle  of  October.  In 
the  moment  of  consternation,  De  Denonville  ordered  Fort 
Frontenac,  on  Lake  Ontario,  to  be  evacuated  and  razed.  From 
Three  Rivers  to  Mackinaw,  there  remained  not  one  French 
town,  and  hardly  even  a  post."2 

Anticipating  an  aggressive  movement  on  the  part  of  the  Eng 
lish  and  their  allies,  representation  had  already  been  made  to 
Louis.  Governor  Andros,  who  had  succeeded  Dongan,3 
promptly  declared  his  determination  to  regard  his  Indian  allies 
as  "  subjects  of  the' crown  of  England,"  and  the  French  gave 
up  all  hope  of  detaching  them  even  through  the  influence  of 
their  priests.  To  retain  possession  of  the  territory  was  their 
only  expectation,  coupled  with  a  determination  to  inflict  such 
injury  as  they  could.  Under  these  instructions  Count  de  Fronte 
nac  was  appointed  governor-general,  and  with  a  considerable 
force  landed  at  Quebec  within  forty  days  after  the  attack  of  the 
Iroquois  on  Montreal,  and  the  first  news  he  met,  on  entering 
the  St.  Lawrence,  was  an  account  of  it.  He  determined  to 
retaliate,  not  by  marching  against  the  Iroquois^  but  against  their 
English  allies  who  had  furnished  them  with  arms  and  were 
their  supporters.4  To  carry  out  this  determination  an  ex 
pedition  was  organized  to  be  conducted  in  three  divisions,  the 
first  to  rendezous  at  Montreal  and  proceed  towards  Fort  Or 
ange  ;  the  second,  at  the  Three  Rivers  and  make  a  descent  on 

1  Colonial  History,  in,  599.  4  Frontenac    brought    with    him,  as  a 
*  Bancroft,   in,  179.      Colonial  History,  peace  offering  to  the   Iroquois,   the  chiefs 
in,  621.  who  had  been  treacherously  betrayed  and 
3  New  York  was  annexed  to  New  Eng-  taken  to  France.     They  were  subsequent- 
land,   under  the  government  of  Sir  Ed-  ly  restored  to  their  people, 
mund  Andros,  in  1688. 


174  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

New  England,  and  the  third,  to  proceed  by  water  for  the  re 
duction  of  Fort  James.  Count  de  Frontenac  was  to  conduct 
the  land  expedition  against  Fort  James,  where  he  was  to  be 
met  by  the  fleet  under  the  command  of  Caffiniere,  while  the 
governor,  De  Callieres,  was  to  conduct  the  expedition  against 
Albany.  The  latter  expedition  left  Montreal  at  the  commence 
ment  of  February,  1690.  The  point  of  attack  was  concealed 
from  the  Indian  allies,  by  whom  it  was  accompanied,  until  the 
place  of  destination  was  nearly  reached,  when  a  council  was 
held  and  the  destination  announced.  The  Indians  objected, 
and  the  conclusion  was  finally  taken  to  attack  Schenectady  in 
stead  of  Albany.  Thither  the  invaders  directed  their  steps, 
and  on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  February  loth,  repeated  the 
massacre  by  the  Senecas  and  their  allies  at  Montreal.  The  at 
tacking  force  separated  in  two  divisions,  and  entered  the  gates 
in  two  directions.  At  the  point  of  junction,  the  shrill  whoop 
of  the  savage  burst  upon  the  air,  and  the  implements  of  death 
and  the  blazing  torch  completed  the  work  of  destruction.  No 
house  were  spared  in  the  town,  except  one  belonging  to  Major 
Condre  (Sanders),  the  commandant,  who,  with  his  men,  sur 
rendered  to  the  French  division  on  the  promise  of  quarter,  and 
that  of  a  widow  and  her  six  children,  in  whose  care  the  French 
commander,  who  had  been  wounded,  was  placed.  The  lives 
of  between  fifty  and  sixty  persons,  old  men,  women  and  child 
ren,  who  escaped  the  fury  of  the  first  attack,  were  spared. 
Upwards  of  eighty  well  built  and  well  furnished  houses  were 
destroyed.  Sixty  men,  women  and  children  were  killed,  and 
twenty-seven  carried  away  prisoners.  A  few  succeeded  in  es 
caping  and  fled  through  the  snow  to  Albany,  a  distance  of 
twenty  miles,  and  gave  the  alarm.  Before  the  local  forces 
could  be  rallied  and  the  Mohawks  and  their  allies  called  in, 
however,  the  French  were  far  on  the  retreat.  They  were  pur 
sued  by  the  Mohawks,  who  fell  upon  their  rear  and  harassed 
them  until  they  reached  Montreal.  The  second  expedition 
reached  Salmon  Falls,  in  New  Hampshire,  which  place  was 
burned  ;  but  the  attack  on  New  York  was  abandoned. 

The  people  of  New  York  were  divided  in  sentiment  in  regard 
to  the   claims  of  William  and  James.     Immediately  following 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  175 

* 

the  announcement  of  the  accession  of  William,  Jacob  Leisler, 
a  captain  of  the  militia,  at  the  instigation  of  the  friends  of  the 
Protestant  king,  took  forcible  possession  of  Fort  James,  in  the 
name  of  William  and  Mary,  while  Nicholson,  who  had  been 
appointed  governor,  fled  to  Europe.  It  was  in  the  midst  of 
these  civil  commotions  that  the  atrocities  at  Schenectady  terri 
fied  the  people  and  calmed  the  domestic  factions.  New  York, 
Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut  united  for  the  reduction  of 
Montreal  and  Quebec.  An  expedition  by  land  and  water 
was  agreed  upon.  Sir  William  Phipps  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  fleet,  and  the  land  forces  assigned  to  the  command 
of  General  Winthrop  of  Connecticut.  The  fleet  arrived 
before  Quebec  about  the  middle  of  October,  1690,  but  the 
land  forces  only  penetrated  as  far  as  Wood  creek,  in  the  pre 
sent  county  of  Washington,  when  sickness,  want  of  provisions 
and  dissensions  among  the  officers,  compelled  a  return.  In 
the  meantime,  Quebec  had  been  strengthened  by  the  French, 
and  bade  defiance  to  the  English  fleet,  which  soon  returned 
to  Boston. 

In  1691,  Colonel  Sloughter  was  appointed  governor  of  the 
province,  and,  immediately  on  his  arrival,  Governor  Leisler  and 
his  son-in-law  Milborne,  were  arrested  and  executed  for  treason. 
This,  with  the  renewing  of  the  covenant  chain  with  the  Iro- 
quois^  was  the  only  act  of  his  administration,  death  having  sud 
denly  ended  his  career.  His  successor  was  Benjamin  Fletcher, 
under  whom,  in  the  succeeding  year,  the  English,  with  their 
Indian  allies,  carried  on  the  war  against  the  French,  Capt.  John 
Schuyler  making  a  successful  attack  on  the  French  settlements 
beyond  Lake  Champlain.  In  February,  1693,  Frontenac  in 
vaded  the  Mohawk  territory,  surprised  and  burned  their  castles, 
killed  ma.ny  and  took  three  hundred  prisoners.  The  invasion 
cost  the  invaders  thirty  men,  but  the  Mohawks  were  completely 
dispersed.  The  forces  at  Albany,  accompanied  by  such  Mahi- 
cans  as  could  be  rallied,  hastened  to  their  relief,  pursued  the 
retreating  enemy  and  recovered  most  of  the  prisoners.  Go 
vernor  Fletcher  reached  Albany  soon  after,  and  so  pleased  were 
the  stricken  chiefs  at  the  celerity  of  his  movements  that  they 
gave  to  him  the  flattering  title  of  Lord  of  the  Great  Swift 


176  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

V 

Arrow.1  The  tide  of  war  then  rolled  along  the  frontiers  of 
New  England,  and  the  settlements  at  Oyster  river  in  New 
Hampshire,  and  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts,  were  destroyed, 
Hatfield  and  Deerfield,  on  the  Connecticut,  shared  the  same  fate. 
In  1696,  Frontenac  invaded  the  territory  of  the  Onondagas,  but 
without  much  success,2  while  Indians  in  detached  bands  warred 
for  the  respective  powers  with  which  they  were  in  alliance!  In 
the  year  following  the  war  terminated  in  September,  by  the  peace 
of  Ryswick,  and  the  principal  combatants  withdrew.  Colli 
sions  and  acts  of  hostility  continued  between  the  Iroquois  and 
the  allies  of  the  French,  however,  until  two  years  later.  Go 
vernor  Bellomont  was  exceedingly  anxious  to  so  order  the  ter 
mination  of  these  hostilities  that  the  Iroquois  should  be  placed  in 
acknowledged  supremacy  over  their  foes,  and  the  French  go 
vernor  was  not  less  mindful  of  his  own  and  the  interests  of  his 
allies.  The  latter  triumphed,  and  both  parties  laid  down  the 
hatchet  at  his  feet  on  terms  of  equality.  Through  a  feeling 
springing  in  part  from  this  result,  and  in  part  from  the  antago 
nisms  which  had  been  engendered  by  the  part  which  they  had 
taken  in  the  war,  the  assembly  of  New  York,  in  1700,  made  a 
law  for  hanging  every  Catholic  priest  that  should  come  voluntarily 
into  the  province. 

The  part  which  the  Makicans  and  Minsis  of  the  Hudson  took 
in  this  war,  is  only  incidentally  stated.  The  alliance  between 
the  Iroquois  and  the  former,  was  of  no  little  magnitude  in  the 
opinion  of  the  French,  as  has  already  been  stated.  That  alli 
ance  appears  to  have  been  suggested  by  the  Mohawks.*  In 
reference  to  the  more  detached  bands,  the  Mohawk  speaker  in 
the  conference  of  1683,  advised  :  "  The  Schahook  Indians,  in  our 
opinion,  are  well  placed  where  they  are  —  they  are  a  good  guard  ; 

1  These  castles  were  three  in  number,  ondaga,   Feb.    18,    1694-5,    brought  this 
and  were  destroyed   on  the  yth  and  8th  message  :  The  whole  Five  Nations  send 
of  February. —  Colonial  History y   iv,    16,  seven  hands  of  wampum  to  inform   the 
20,    22.     The    MoAawks    never    forgot  Mahikandcrs,  or  River  Indians,  that  the 
their   punishment,  but  in  after  years  re-  Count   Frontenac    would    fall  upon    the 
peated  that   they   knew  what  it  was  "  to  Onondagas  in  the  spring.     They  desired 
be  whipped  and  scourged  by  the  French."  the  assistance  of  three  hundred  Christians, 

2  Bancroft,  in,  170.  with  as  many  River  Indians  and  Mahi- 
8  At  a  subsequent  period  the  aid  of  the     kanders  as  can  be  got  together." — Colonial 

Mahicans  was    asked   by  the   council  at     History,  iv,  123. 
Onondaga.     "  Arnout  Vielle,  from  On- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  177 

they  are  our  children,  and  we  shall  take  care  that  they  do  their 
duty.  But  you  must  take  care  of  the  Indians  below  the  town 
so  that  they  may  be  of  more  service  to  you.  We  advise  you 
to  bring  all  the  river  Indians  to  be  under  your  subjection  at 
Albany  to  be  ready  on  all  occasions."  A  portion  of  the  Minsis, 
who  had  settled  among  the  OttawasJ-  had  joined  the  French 
alliance.  Governor  Dongan  asked  the  aid  of  the  Iroquois  to 
bring  them  home.  "  One  of  them,"  said  he,  "  is  worse  than 
six  of  the  others,  therefore  all  means  must  be  used  to  bring 
them  home."  The  confederates  accepted  the  mission,  and  in 
duced  a  considerable  number  to  return.2  Governor  Andros  was 
not  less  positive  in  his  personal  overtures  to  them.  When  he 
visited  the  province  in  May,  1688,  he  invited  their  aid,  and 
promised  to  give  lands  to  those  who  might  desire  to  locate  their 
families.3  At  a  meeting  of  the  council,  September  17^,1689, 
it  was  ordered  that  Robert  Sanders  use  his  endeavors  to  procure 
the  "  Indians  of  the  Long  Reach,  Wawyachtenok  and  Esopus  to 
come  up  here  (Albany)  to  lie  out  as  scouts  upon  the  borders  of 
this  county,"  and  that  the  "  Justices  of  the  Peace  of  Ulster 
county  assist  him  in  persuading  the  Indians."  On  the  22d  of 
February,  1690,  it  was  ordered  by  the  same  body,  "  that  the 
Indians  living  at  Beere  island  and  Katskill  be  persuaded  to  go 
and  live  at  Katskill,4  and  be  ready  on  all  occasions  to  be  em 
ployed  as  scouts  or  otherwise."  In  April  following,  the  Tappans 

aThe  Ottaiuas  occupied  the  southwest-  2  Colonial  History,  m,  808. 
ern  part  of  Canada  at  this  time.  They  3"  Several  Indians  living  on  both  sides 
were  almost  constantly  at  war  with  the  Hudson's  river  came  to  His  Excellency, 
Five  Nations,  and  also  with  the  Mahicans.  some  at  Albany,  and  others  at  a  town 
Their  relations  with  the  Esopus  Minsis  nigh  the  river  called  Kingstone ;  he  corn- 
were  intimate  and  friendly,  and  many  of  manded  them  to  demean  themselves 
them  came  thither  to  trade  with  the  quietly  towards  the  Christians  their  neigh- 
English  at  Kingston.  In  1691,  a  corn-  bors,  invited  such  as  were  gone  elsewhere 
pany  of  them,  while  visiting  the  Esopus  to  return  with  their  families,  and  that  if 
country,  fell  victims  to  the  small-pox. —  they  wanted  land  it  should  be  laid  out  for 
Colonial  History,  m,  776,  778.  In  the  them  in  convenient  places." — Colonial 
Land  Papers,  official  record  is  made  that  History,  m,  568. 

Punganis,  whose  land  was  near  Walden,  *  On    a     map     accompanying    Freud's 

in  Orange  county,  pledged  the  same  to  History    of  Pennsylvania,   Katsban  is  ap- 

Robert  Sanders  as  security  for  the  payment  plied  to  a  village  immediately  north  of 

of  £70,   that  he  had  then   (1689)  been  Saugerties  creek,  and   Katskill  to  a  vil- 

absent  with  the  Ottaivas  for  ten  years,  and  lage  at  the  junction  of  the  Kader's  and 

that  his  brother  "  intending  to  go  to  the  the    Katskill  creek,  west  of  the   present 

wars,"  wished  Sanders  to  keep  the  land  village  of  Katskill.     These   two  villages 

"  till  his  brother  pays  him  for  it." — Land  perhaps  explain  the  text. 
Papers,  in,  22. 


178  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

reported  that  they  had  sent  twelve  men  to  the  Senecas,  and 
should  send  more,"  and  the  Kicktawancs  and  other  Westchester 
families  stated  that  they  had  sent  six  of  their  number.1 

The  Schattcook  Indians  were  actively  employed.  In  addition 
to  their  services  as  scouts,  a  large  number  of  them  joined  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  French  after  the  destruction  of  Schenectady,  and 
also  in  the  several  expeditions  against  Canada.  When  the  ex 
pedition  under  Winthrop  returned,  Captain  John  Schuyler 
voluntarily  embarked,  at  Wood  creek,  with  a  company  Consist 
ing  of  "  twenty-nine  English  soldiers,  one  hundred  and  twenty 
Mohawk  and  Scahook  Indians,2  to  go  to  Canada  and  fight  the 
enemy."  This  force  made  the  successful  attack  on  the  French 
beyond  Lake  Champlain,  already  .noticed,  and  returned  to  Al 
bany  with  nineteen  prisoners  and  six  scalps.  The  Wappingers, 
or  "  Indians  of  the  Long  Reach,"  as  they  were  called,  accepted 
the  invitation  to  unite  in  the  war,  and  with  their  head  sachem 
and  "  all  the  males  of  the  tribe  able  to  bear  arms,"  went  to 
Albany,3  and  from  thence  to  the  field.  A  portion  of  them, 
however,  appear  as  the  allies  of  the  French,  and  as  such  to  have 
destroyed  Hatfield  and  Deerfield,  under  the  lead  of  Ashpelon, 
one  of  their  chiefs.4  While  those  who  were  allies  of  the  Eng 
lish  were  absent,  a  large  portion  of  their  lands,  embracing  the 
present  county  of  Putnam,  were  fraudulently  entered  by  Adolph 
Phillipse,  and  after  their  return  a  fifty  years'  controversy  was 
opened  in  regard  thereto.  The  Minnisinks  hesitated  at  first  to 
embark  in  the  war,  and  sent  Paxinos,  their  chief,  to  New 
York  to  consult  with  Governor  Dongan  in  regard  to  the 

1  April  5,  1690.     The  Indian  Sachems  Mohawks  were  frequently  swelled  in  this 

of  Kightoiuan,  Wossccamcr,  Pfescavvanus,  manner. 

did  promise  to  send  six  men  to  go  against          3  Colonial  History,  vn,  868. 
the   French." — Documentary   History,  11,          *  HubbarcTs  History   of  Neiv  England. 

237.  An  Indian  called  Quaetseitts,  "  who  for- 

"  April  19,  1690.  The  sachems  of  merly  lived  on  Hudson's  river,"  is  also 
Tappan,  called  Mendoassyn,  and  a  captain  mentioned  as  one  of  those  who  had 
called  Wigworakum,  said  that  they  had  "  lately  done  mischief  in  Connecticut." — 
sent,  fifteen  days  ago,  twelve  men  to  ye  Colonial  History,  in,  562,  563.  The 
Maquase  and  Sinnekas,  and  when  returne  governor  of  Canada,  in  1 698^99,  de- 
shall  send  more,  being  strong,  in  all  sixty  manded  of  the  Five  Nations,  among  other 
young  men." —  Ibid.  conditions,  the  return  of  "  a  Mahikander 

3  "  Mohawks,  92  ;  River  Indians,  66  ;  Indian  who  is  at  Onondaga,  a  prisoner." — 

the  latter  under  Estewapo,  Estowacamo,  Ib.,  iv,  498.     These  Indians  had  joined 

Wannesackes    and    Magataw." — Colonial  the  French  prior  to  or  during  the  war. 
History,  in,  800,  802.     The  ranks  of  the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER. 


179 


matter.1     They  subsequently  contributed  their  quota,  however, 
and  rendered  important  service.2 

The  losses  sustained  by  the  Iroquois  and  their  allies  aggregated 
nearly  one-half  of  the  number  engaged.  The  Mohawk?^  Oneidas 
and  Senecas  lost  over  one-half  of  their  warriors,  the  latter  being 
reduced  from  thirteen  hundred  to  six  hundred.  The  river  In 
dians,  however,  were  the  greatest  sufferers,  having  lost  nearly 
two-thirds  of  the  force  which  they  contributed  to  the  war.3 
Fifteen  hundred  Indians  fell  victims  to  the  interests  of  the  Eng 
lish,  while  the  loss  sustained  by  the  allies  of  the  French  proba 
bly  equalled  that  number.  In  addition  to  those  lost  in  conflict, 
the  Iroquois  suffered  the  permanent  detachment  of  the  Praying 
Indians,  who  took  up  permanent  residence  <c  about  four  leagues 
above  Montreal,"  and  laid  the  foundation  of  that  "  formidable 
and  fatal  reduction "  subsequently  known  as  the  Caghnawaga 
nation,4  and  more  modernly  as  the  St.  Regis  Indians.  Assimi 
lating  with  the  French  in  faith,  they  soon  did  so  in  politics. 
They  went  off  in  small  bodies,  secretly,  and  after  they  had  be 
come  located,  drew  to  them  considerable  numbers  of  Schatl- 


1  Paxinos  has  been  classed  as  a  Shawa- 
noe  chief,  but  such  was  not  the  case  at 
this  time,  whatever  he  may  have  been 
subsequently. 

a  "  Ordered,  that  a  message  be  sent  to 
Minnisinks  to  order  them  to  send  up  their 
young  men  to  Albany  to  join  with  the 
Five  Nations  against  the  French." — 
Council  Minutes,  May  6,  1688. 

"This  includes  only  those  residing  in 
the  then  county  of  Albany.  The  fol 
lowing  return  made  to  Gov.  Fletcher  in 
1698,  gives  the  strength  and  losses  of  the 
several  tribes  : 

Strength,  In  1689.  In  1698. 


Mohawks, 

Oneidas, 

Onondagas, 

Cayugas, 

Senecas, 

River  Indians, 


270 
1 80 
500 
320 

IJOO 

ZJO 


no 

70 
2,50 

zoo 

600 
90 


Loss. 
160 
no 
250 

120 
700 

160 


Total,    2820          1 320         1500 

Colonial  History,  iv,  337- 

4  "  The  French  debauched  many  of  our 
Five  Nations  to  their  Religion  and  Inter 
est,  actually  drew  several  off  to  go  and 
live  in  Canada,  and  laid  the  foundation 
of  that  formidable  and  fatal  reductiog 
which  now  forms  the  Cagnawaga  na- 

23 


tion." — "  Four  hundred  of  our  best  In 
dians."  —  Colonial  History,  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  m,  836.  "  In  the  time  of 
the  last  war  the  clandestine  trade  to  Mon 
treal  began  to  be  carried  on  by  Indians  from 
Albany  to  Montreal.  This  gave  rise  to  the 
Konuaga  or  Praying  Indians,  who  are  en 
tirely  made  up  of  deserters  from  the  Mo 
hawks  and  river  Indians,  and  were  either 
enticed  by  the  French  Priests  or  by  our  mer 
chants  in  order  to  carry  goods  from  Albany 
to  Montreal,  or  run  away  from  some  mis 
chief  done  here.  These  Indians  now 
consist  of  about  eighty  fighting  men  and 
live  about  four  leagues  above  Montreal. 
They  neither  plant  nor  hunt,  but  depend 
chiefly  upon  this  private  trade  for  their 
subsistence.  These  Indians  in  time  of 
war  gave  the,  French  intelligence  of  all 
designs  here  against  them." — Golden,  Co 
lonial  History,  v,  732.  "  They  became  a 
thorn  to  the  frontier  towns  and  settle 
ments  of  New  England  during  the  whole 
of  the  French  war,  and  of  the  American 
Revolution." —  Schoolcraft.  They  num 
bered,  in  1745,  two  hundred  and  thirty 
fighting  men. 


180  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

cooks  as  well  as  of  Mohawks  and  Oneidas*  The  Mohawks  felt 
the  loss  deeply,  and  exhausted  every  effort  to  reclaim  the  wan 
derers,  but  without  avail. 

Not  only  was  foundation  laid  for  the  subsequent  weakness  of 
the  Iroquois  by  the  defection  of  the  Praying  Indians,  but  by  the 
settlement  among  the  Lenapes  of  the  Shawanoes  of  Maryland  and 
Virginia.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  the  Shawanoes  were  con 
testing  the  advance  of  the  Iroquois  in  the  south,  and  were  also 
engaged  in  war  with  the  Cherokees.  In  the  latter  they  suffered 
severely,  and  but  for  the  timely  aid  of  the  Mahicans,  would 
have  been  destroyed.  The  Lenapes  invited  them  to  remove  to 
their  country  ;  the  invitation  being  accepted,  the  Minsis  brought 
the  matter  to  the  attention  of  the  government  of  New  York, 
in  September,  1692,  on  an  application  to  permit  their  settlement 
in  the  Minnisink  country.  The  council  gave  its  assent  on  con 
dition  that  they  should  first  make  peace  with  the  Five 
Nations.2  This  was  soon  effected,  and  the  messengers  de 
parted,  accompanied  by  Arnout  Vielle,  an  interpreter,  and  three 
Christians,  to  visit  the  country  of  the  Shawanoes  and  consum 
mate  the  transfer.3  On  the  6th  of  February  (1694),  Major 
Peter  Schuyler  announced  to  the  Five  Nations,  in  conference 
at  Albany,  that  "  one  of  the  Christians  "  had  returned  with  the 
intelligence  that  seven  nations  or  chieftaincies,  "  in  all  a  thou 
sand  souls,"  were  on  their  way.4  Confirmation  came  also  from 

1  The  leader  of  the  Caghnaivagas  was  sion  to  that  end.     Council  directed  that 

known  to    the  French   by   the   name   of  the  Shawanoes,  must    first    make  peace 

Kryn.     A  party  led  By  him   was  promi-  with  the  Five  Nations. —  Council  Minutes, 

ment  in  the  attack  on  Schenectady,  and  Sept.  14,   1692. 

also  on  Salmon   Falls.     On  their   return  3  "  We   are  glad   that  the   Shawanoes, 

from    the    latter    expedition    they    were  who  were  our  enemies,   did   make   their 

attacked  by   a   party  of  Algonquin*    and  application  to  you  last  fall  for  protection, 

Abenaquis,  who,  mistaking  them  for  En-  and  that  you  sent  them  hither  to  endea- 

glish  Mohawks,  killed  two  and  wounded  vor  a  peace  with  us  5  also,  that  you  have 

ten.   "  Among  the   slain  was   Kryn,   the  been  pleased  to  send  Christians  along  with 

*  great  Mohawk  ;'  whose   death  was    the  them  to  their  country  to  conduct   them 

more    deplored,    because   Frontenac   and  back  again.      We  wish  they  were   come 

the  Jesuits  hoped  that  through  his  influ-  to  assist  us  against  the  common  enemy." — 

ence  all  the  New  York  Mohawks  would  Answer  of  Five  Nations,  July  4,  1693, 

eventually  be  drawn  to  Canada." — B^od-  Colonial  History,  iv,  43. 

head,  n,  618  ;    Colonial  History,  ix,  467.  4  "  It  seems  the  heavens  are  propitious 

3  River  Indians   returned  from  a  resi-  unto  us,  for  this   day  we  have   the   fore- 

dence  with  the  Shawanoes,  brought  with  runners  of  the   Shawanoes   Farr  Indians 

them  some   Shawanoes  who   intended  to  come  to  town  with  one  of  our  Christians 

settle  with  the  Minnisinks,  asking  permis-  that  was  sent  thither,   who  gives  us  an 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


181 


another  quarter.  Captain  Arent  Schuyler  visited  the  Minnisinks 
in  February,  and  there  learned  that  the  Shawanoes  were  expected 
early  in  the  ensuing  summer.1  This  expectation  was  realized, 
and  the  Minns  of  the  Hudson  as  well  as  those  of  the  Delaware 
received  to  their  embrace  "the  second  son  of  their  grand 
father,"  after  having  given  their  pledge  "  to  be  faithful  subjects 
of  the  king."  2 

At  the  time  of  the  incorporation  of  the  Shawanoes  with  the 
Minsis,  the  latter  were  at  the  lowest  point  in  their  history. 
Broken  by  their  long  wars  with  the  Senecas  and  Mohawks,  and 
scourged  by  the  small  pox,3  they  were  but  a  remnant  indeed  of 
that  proud  people  who  had  once  successfully  disputed  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  continent.  Their  warriors  hunted  in  fear ;  their 
chiefs  trembled  at  the  anger  of  the  Senecas.*  The  Shawanoes 
were  proud,  warlike  and  cruel  to  an  extent  sufficient  to  draw 


account  that  they  are  .coming  with  seven 
nations  of  Indians,  with  women  and 
children,  in  all  a  thousand  souls,  and  are 
upon  their  way  hither  with  Arnout,  the 
interpreter." —  Colonial  History,  iv,  90. 
u  In  the  intrim  that  they  were  treating 
with  them  (the  Five  Nations),  Gerret 
Luykasse,  with  two  of  the  Far  Indians 
called  Shawanoes  arrives  who  brings  news 
that  Arnout,  the  interpreter,  with  a  con 
siderable  number  of  those  heathen,  will 
be  here  next  summer." —  Schuyler,  Colo 
nial  History,  iv,  97. 

1  "  Enquiring  after  news,  they  told  me 
that  six  days  ago  three  Christians  and  two 
Shawans  Indians,  who  went  about  fifteen 
months   ago,  with  Arnout  Vielle,  into 
the  Shawans  country,  were  passed  by  the 
Mennissincks  going  for  Albany  to  fetch 
powder    for    Arnout    and  his  company : 
and  further  told   them  that  said  Arnout 
intended  to  be  there  with  seven  hundred 
of  the  said  Shawans  Indians,  loaden  with 
beaver  and  pelteries,  at  the  time  the  Indian 
corn  is   about  one   foot  high,  which  may 
be    in    the    month  of  June." —  Colonial 
History,  iv,  98. 

2  Council  Minutes,  1 694. 

8  This  malady  was  not  confined  to 
any  district  of  country.  Charlevoix  says 
that  in  1 690  not  less  than  fifteen  hundred 
Indians  perished  in  the  Canada  wilder 
ness  ;  and  Ledwick  writes  in  1692,  that 
of  those  residing  in  the  vicinity  of  New 


Amsterdam  :  "  The  small  pox  took  many 
of  them  away  lately."  Loskiel  says  that 
the  Indians  discovered  a  remedy  in  what 
he  calls  "fossil  oil"  (petroleum).  He 
adds,  "  an  old  Indian  in  the  small  pox 
lay  down  in  a  morass  to  cool  himself, 
and  soon  recovered.  This  led  to  the  dis 
covery  of  an  oil  spring  in  the  morass,  and 
since  that  time  many  others  have  been 
found,  both  in  the  country  of  the  Dela- 
wares  and  the  Iroquois."  About  the 
time  spoken  of  by  Loskiel,  the  epidemic 
was  severe  in  the  Esopus  country.  An 
entire  company  of  Ottaivas  visiting  there 
were  among  its  victims.  Garneau's  His 
tory  of  Canada,  I,  228  ,•  New  York  His 
torical  Collections,  2d  series,  n,  249; 
Los/Kiel's  Moravian  Miss.  1 1 7. 

4  The  Mennissinck  sachems  further  said 
that  one  of  their  sachems  and  other  In 
dians  were  gone  to  fetch  beavor  and 
pelteries  which  they  had  hunted,  and 
having  heard  no  news  of  them  are  afraid 
that  the  Sinneques  have  killed  them  for 
the  lucar  of  the  beavor,  or  because  the 
Mennissincks  have  not  been  with  the 
Sinneques  as  usual  to  pay  their  duty ;  and 
therefore  desire  that  your  excellency  will 
be  pleased  to  order  that  the  Sinneques 
may  be  told  not  to  molest  or  hurt  the 
Mennissincks,  they  being  willing  to  con 
tinue  in  amity  with  them  —  Schuyler, 
Feb.  1693,  Colonial  History,  iv,  98. 


182  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

from  their  enemies  the  name  of  Satans.  On  terms  of  peace 
with,  but  unsubdued  by  the  Iroquois,  their  presence  inspired  the 
Minsis,  and  opened  up  to  them  a  future  in  which  their  united 
war  cry  challenged  the  best  efforts  of  their  English  and  Indian 
foes.  Half  a  century  later  they  could  say  to  their  former  rulers, 
the  Senecas :  "  We  have  once  been  women  and  ashamed  to  look 
down  at  our  petticoats,  but  as  you  have  taken  them  off  and 
encouraged  us  to  begin  a  quarrel  with  the  English,  we  are 
determined  never  to  submit  again  to  that  ignominious  state 
while  there  is  one  of  us  alive,"  J  while  a  thousand  warriors, 

"  Quivered  and  plumed,  and  lithe  and  tall, 
And  seamed  with  glorious  scars/' 

responded  with  rude  but  earnest  approval. 

1  Johnson  Manuscripts,  iv,  131. 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  183 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE  MAHICANS  IN  COUNCIL  —  QUEEN  ANNE'S  WAR  —  MI 
GRATIONS  —  MISSIONARY  LABORS  —  THE  WAR  OF  1746. 

)EACE,  such  as  had  not  fallen  upon  the  wildernesses 
of  the  New  World  since  the  Europeans  added  their 
conflicting  interests  to  the  field  of  savage  contests, 
prevailed  at  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
The  contending  tribes  had  buried  the  hatchet  at  Montreal,  and 
Senecas  and  Hurons,  Onondagas  and  Ottawas,  Mohawks  and 
Ahenaquis*  through  their  representatives  smoked  together  the 
pipe  of  peace.  Beside  their  ancient  river  the  Mabican  warriors 
hunted  the  deer,  and  their  hand-maidens  cultivated  the  fields, 
wove  wampum  in  the  woods,  and  chanted  their  maternal  songs. 
Large  numbers  of  them  gathered  around  the  "  tree  of  welfare" 
which  had  been  planted  for  them,  and  their  dispersed  New 
England  relatives,  at  Schaticook,  and  in  the  councils  with  the 
tribes  lifted  up  the  voice  of  thanksgiving  and  proclaimed  signifi 
cant  history.  "  We  are  glad  to  see  you  and  your  lady,"  said  So- 
quans,  the  Mahican  speaker,  to  Governor  Bellomont  at  a  confer 
ence  at  Albany,  August  3  ist,  1 700 ;  "  'Tis  now  about  two  years 
ago  since  we  first  saw  you.  The  sun  of  peace  shined  then  and 
so  it  does  still.  In  the  times  of  old  there  were  not  any  Christians 
on  this  river,  and  the  first  Christians  that  came  settled  upon 
Rensselaer's  land,  whom  we  loved  as  soon  as  we  saw  them,  and 
with  whom  we  made  a  strict  alliance  and  a  covenant  chain 
which  has  been  kept  inviolable  ever  since.  This  chain  we  are 
now  come  to  renew.  We  are  resolved  to  live  and  die  here  in 
this  government,  and  do  pray  that  our  father  will  support  and 
protect  us."  "  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  expressions,"  replied 
Bellomont  ;  "  and  you  may  be  sure  I  will  do  every  thing  to 
maintain  the  covenant  chain  firm  and  steadfast.  I  should  be 

1  Peace   was    established    between  the     1700. — Colonial  History,  iv,  758. 
Abenaquis  and  the  Five  Nations,  Oct.  7, 


184  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

very  glad  if  you  would  invite  your  friends  the  Pennacokes  and 
eastern  Indians  to  come  and  settle  with  you.  Since  the  Five 
Nations  and  you  are  linked  together  in  interest,  it  would  be  an 
advantage  to  engage  those  other  Indians  in  the  same  interest."1 
At  a  conference  held  July  18,  1701,  Soquans  again  appeared 
with  joyful  heart.  "  We  are  now  two  hundred  fighting  men 
belonging  to  this  county  of  Albany2  from  Katskill  to  Skachkook," 
said  he,  "and  hope  to  increase  in  a  year's  time  to  three  hundred. 
Our  neighbors,  the  Maquas,  have  not  been  so  fortunate,  for 
their  tree  was  burnt.  We  have  been  so  happy  and  fortunate 
that  our  number  is  increased  to  that  degree  that  we  cannot  all 
be  shaded  by  one  tree,  and  therefore  desire  that  another  tree, 
besides  that  at  Skachkook,  may  be  planted  for  us,  for  we  are 
in  hopes  that  our  number  will  daily  increase  from  other  parts. 
It  is  now  ninety  years  ago  since  the  Christians  first  came  here, 
when  there  was  a  covenant  chain  made  between  them  and  the 
Mahikanders,  the  first  inhabitants  of  this  river,  and  the  chain 
has  been  kept  inviolable  ever  since.  We  have  been  so  happy 
as  never  to  have  had  the  least  flaw  or  crack  in  the  chain.  There 
have  been  breaches  round  about  us,  and  great  differences,  but 
that  chain,  wherein  the  Maquas  and  we  are  linked,  has  been 
kept  inviolate,  and  we  pray  that  our  father  will  keep  the  same 
so  forever."  "  We  will  plant  you  another  tree,"  responded 
Lieutenant  Governor  Nanfan,  "which  shall  be  so  large  and 
flourishing  that  the  branches  will  shade  and  cherish  as  many  of 
your  friends  as  will  be  persuaded  to  come  and  live  with  you. 
You  know  now  by  the  experience  of  ninety  years  that  we  have 
the  best  laws  and  government  in  the  world.,.  You  may  depend  ( 
upon  it  that  I  will  do  every  thing  to  maintain  the  covenant  chain 
firm  and  inviolate."3 

Similar  were  the  addresses  delivered  at  a  conference  held  by 
Governor  Cornbury,  on  his  first  visit  to  Albany  after  his  appoint 
ment  :  "  You  desired,"  said  Soquans,  "  to  know  the  number  and 
strength  of  our  people,  which  we  now  acquaint  you  with,  viz  : 
one  hundred  and  ten  Indians  at  Skachkook,  and  eighty-seven 

1  Colonial  History,  iv,  744.  on  the  east,  and  north    of  the  Katskill 

2  The  county  of  Albany  then  embraced     mountains  on  the  west. 

the  entire  country  west  of  the  Connecticut          8  Colonial  History,  ix,  902,  etc. 
river,  and  north  of  Roelof's  Jansen's  kill 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  185 

below  the  town  (i.  e.,  below  Albany),  in  all  one  hundred  and 
ninety-seven  fighting  men.  You  renewed  the  covenant  chain  two 
days  ago  (July  18,  1702),  and  we  come  now  and  ratify  the  same 
and  make  the  chain  stronger,  which  has  been  kept  inviolable, 
between  us  and  the  Christians  of  this  province,  these  ninety 
years.  About,  twenty-six  years  ago,  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  then 
governor  of  this  province,  planted  a  tree  of  welfare  at  Skachkook, 
and  invited  us  to  come  and  live  there,  which  we  very  luckily 
complied  with,  and  we  have  had  the  good  fortune  ever  since, 
that  we  have  increased  that  tree,  and  the  very  leaves  thereof 
have  grown  hard  and  strong  ;  the  tree  is  grown  so  thick  of 
leaves  and  boughs  that  the  sun  can  scarce  shine  through  it,  yea 
the  fire  itself  cannot  consume  it ;  and  we  now  desire,  that  our 
father  may  strengthen  that  tree  and  cause  the  leaves  to  grow  so 
thick  that  no  sun  at  all  may  shine  through  it." 

The  Pennacooks  who  had  found  refuge  in  Canada,1  sent  re 
peated  invitations  to  their  kindred  at  Schaticook  to  join  them, 
promising  them  "  houses,  land  and  provisions,"  in  the  name  of 
the  French  governor.  These  invitations  were  rejected,  and 
Paasquin  and  Ackkonepak,  two  young  Pennacook  sachems, 
accompanied  Soquans  to  Albany  to  acquaint  the  governor  of 
their  action.  They  were  kindly  received  and  their  determina 
tion  commended.  "  Tell  your  kindred,"  said  Governor  Corn- 
bury,  "  to  come  and  live  with  you.  They  shall  not  only  have 
land  assigned  them  gratis,  but  a  fort  shall  be  built  of  stockadoes 
to  secure  you  and  them  from  any  sudden  attempts  of  the  enemy  ; 
your  land  is  tough  and  hard,  I  will  order  next  spring  a  plow  to 
break  up  the  ground  for  them  to  plant  in,  and  they  shall  be  pro 
tected  and  secured  as  well  as  any  other  Indians  under  the  queen 
of  England's  protection.  If  they  are  inclined  to  be  instructed 
in  the  Christian  religion,  the  minister  here  shall  teach  them." 
And  the  Pennacooks  accepted  the  mission,  and  went  out  after 
their  'brethren. 

The  relations  existing  between  the  government  and  the  Ma- 
hicans  under  the  treaty  of  1664,  had  further  illustration  at  this 
time.  In  August,  1702,  Minichque,  one  of  their  sachems, 
while  visiting  Albany,  was  mortally  wounded  by  a  party  of  four 

1  Ante,  p.  63. 


186  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

negroes.  The  authorities  took  immediate  charge  of  him,  nursed 
him  tenderly,  and  arrested  the  offenders  and  brought  them  to 
trial.  Minichque  and  his  brethren  were  satisfied,  and  the  former, 
although  lamenting  that  his  death  should  have  been  caused  by 
those  who  had  "  no  courage  nor  heart,"  charged  Soquans  to 
make  intercession  for  his  murderers.  "  Upon  his  death-bed," 
said  Soquans,  in  performing  this  mission,  "  our  great  sachem 
desired  that  no  revenge  should  be  taken,  saying  that  he  forgave 
the  offenders,  and  prayed  that  they  might  be  reprieved."  "  Since 
blood  was  shed,  blood  must  be  shed  again,"  replied  Cornbury, 
and  on  the  iQth  of  August  the  principal  offender  was  executed 
in  atonement  for  the  wrong  which  he  had  committed. 

Through  all  these  conferences1  and  proceedings,  two  princi 
pal  facts  are  conspicuous :  the  equality  of  the  Mahicans  in  all 
treaties  with  the  authorities,  from  the  earliest  Dutch  adventurers 
at  Fort  Orange  to  the  more  powerful  occupation  by  the  English, 
and  the  duality  of  the  organization  called  the  Schaticooks^  in 
which  the  principals  appear  as  Mahicans  and  the  New  England 
fugitives  as  Pennacooks.  Had  equal  fullness  in  record  been  made 
at  earlier  periods,  the  first  point  would  not  have  so  long  been  in 
obscurity.  That  it  finally  appears  is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Go 
vernor  Bellomont  and  to  the  selection  of  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  — 
than  whom  the  Mahicans  had  no  more  sincere  friend  — as  secre 
tary  to  the  commissioners  of  Indian  affairs,  under  instructions, 
"  upon  any  message  from  any  or  all  of  the  Five  Nations  of 
Indians,  or  from  the  nation  of  Schakook  or  river  Indians,"  to 
immediately  call  the  commissioners  together,  and  "  to  keep  a 
record  of  all  proceedings  in  reference  thereto."  The  faithful 
ness  of  this  record  preserves  the  truth  of  history,  and  places  the 
Mahicans  in  the  position  which  they  justly  occupied,  but  which 
had  perhaps  been  clouded  by  the  destructive  wars  through 
which  they  had  passed,  and  the  demoralization  which  had  fallen 
upon  them  incident  to  their  proximity  to  the  marts  of  European 

1  Conferences  with  the  Indians  were  not  I  ever  endured  in  my  whole  life.     I  was 

the    most    pleasant    affairs.     They    were  shut  up   in   a  close    chamber  with   fifty 

almost  invariably  held  in  the  old  Albany  sachems,  who  besides  the  stink  of  bear's 

Court  House.     Gov.  Bellomont  writes  of  grease,  with  which  they  plentifully  daub'd 

one  which  he  held  with  the  Five  Nations  themselves,  were  continually  either  smok- 

in  October,  1700  :"  My  conference  lasted  ing    or  drinking." — Colonial  History,  iv, 

seven  days  and  was   the  greatest  fatigue  714. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  187 

traffic.  Yet  judged  by  this  standard,  their  ancient  rivals,  the 
Mohawks,  were  not  their  peers.  Zinzendorf  writes  of  the  lat 
ter  that  their  passion  for  strong  drink,  by  making  them  hope 
lessly  indolent,  had  rendered  them  unworthy  of  their  position 
as  head  of  the  Six  Nations  ;  that  though  chiefest  in  dignity,  they 
were  "  despised  because  of  their  levity  and  paid  off  with  the 
title,"  while  the  Onondagas  were  the  actual  "  Judahs  among 
their  brethren."  Years  of  intimate  association  with  the  Euro 
peans  had  made  the  one  "  prophets  without  honor  in  their  own 
country,"  while  the  absence  of  such  association  had  magnified 
the  dignity  and  prowess  of  the  others. 

The  peace  of  1698  was  of  short  duration.  James  II,  the 
dethroned  king  of  England,  died  in  exile  in  France  in  Septem 
ber,  1701,  and  Louis  acknowledged  the  son  of  James  as  the 
successor  to  the  throne.  The  death  of  King  William  followed 
in  March,  1702,  and  Anne  was  declared  his  successor.  The 
war  which  followed,  and  which  was  known  in  Europe  as 
the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession,  was  called  in  America, 
Queen  Anne's  war.  It  continued  until  the  peace  at  Utrecht, 
April  n,  1713.  New  York  scarce  knew  of  its  existence, 
although  the  province  was  put  in  condition  for  defense.  The 
Indians,  who  had  hitherto  been  the  principal  contestants  and 
principal  sufferers  in  these  wars,  were  at  peace.  The  Five 
Nations  refused  to  break  their  treaties  by  attacking  the  Abenaquls 
who  had  espoused  the  cause  of  France,  while  the  Abenaquis  in 
turn  refused  to  make  war  upon  the  Five  Nations.  But  while 
New  York  escaped,  New  England  was  ravaged  with  ruthless 
hand.  Casco,  Wells,  Deerfield,  and  Haverhill,  were  given  to 
fiame  and  sword  ;  the  aged  and  those  of  tender  years  shared  the 
fate  of  the  vigorous  and  manly  ;  death  hung  on  the  frontiers  ; 
the  prowling  Indian  seemed  near  every  farm  house.  "  There 
is,"  says  Bancroft,  "  no  tale  to  tell  of  battles  like  those  of 
Blenheim,  or  Ramillies,  but  only  one  sad  narrative  of  rural 
dangers  and  sorrows.  The  Indians  stealthily  approached  towns 
in  the  heart  of  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  along  the  coast,  and 
on  the  southern  and  western  frontiers.  Children,  as  they 
gamboled  on  the  beach  ;  reapers,  as  they  gathered  the  harvest ; 
24 


188  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

.mowers,  as  they  rested  from  using  the  scythe  ;  mothers,  as  they 
busied  themselves  about  the  household,  were  victims  to  an 
enemy  who  disappeared  the  moment  a  blow  was  struck.  Such 
were  the  sorrows  of  that  generation."  J 

Special  efforts  were  made,  early  in  1710,  to  induce  the  Five 
Nations  and  the  Mahicans  to  violate  their  neutrality  and  embark 
in  the  conflict.  The  success  of  the  French,  in  establishing 
themselves  among  the  northern  and  western  Indians,  annoyed 
the  English  of  New  York,  who  saw  in  embroiling  the  peaceful 
tribes  in  war  the  only  mode  of  arresting  more  formidable  al 
liances.  Nicholson,  who  had  been  appointed  governor  in  1688, 
and  who  had  fled  to  England  during  the  Leisler  revolution,  had 
met  with  some  successes  on  the  northern  coast,  and  was  anxious 
to  have  the  Indians  in  the  field  as  part  of  an  expedition  for  the 
reduction  of  Quebec,  which  he  had  planned  and  in  which  he 
hoped  to  win  unfading  laurels.  To  promote  the  ends  of  both, 
and  at  the  same  time  contribute  to  the  relief  of  New  England, 
he  sailed  for  Europe,  taking  with  him  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler  and 
representative  chiefs  of  the  Mohawks  and  Mahicans.  On  their 
arrival  in  England  this  delegation  was  received  with  marked 
distinction.2  "Clothed  like  tragedy  kings,  by  tailors  of  the 
theatre,  taken  in  the  coaches  of  state,  they  were  waited  upon 
by  Sir  Charles  Cottrell,  and,  on  the  iQth  of  April,  introduced 
to  her  majesty  by  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury.  They  were  en 
tertained  by  many  noble  persons,  particularly  the  Duke  of 
Ormond,  who  favored  them  with  a  review  of  the  life-guards. 
Their  portraits  were  taken  and  are  now  preserved  in  the  British 
Museum,  together  with  their  names."  3  So  much  attention,  so 

1  Bancroft,  in,  216.  chiefs  of  the  six  nations,  which  lie  between 

3  Bancroft,  in,  209.  New  England  and  New  France  or  Canada, 

8  The  best  and  most  methodical  account  who  lately  came  over  with  the  West  In- 

of  the  visit  of  these  chiefs  was  published  dia  fleet,  and  were  clothed  and  entertained 

in  the  great  annual  history  by  Mr.   Bo-  at  the    Queen's  expense,  had  a  public  au- 

yer,     entitled    "  The    Annals    of    ^ueen  dience   of  Her  Majesty  at   the  palace   of 

Anne's  Reign,  for  1 710,"  from  which  the  St  James.      They  made  a  speech  by  their 

following  is  an  extract :      "On  the  1 9th  interpreter,   which   Major  Pidgeon,    who 

of  April,  Te-Gee-Ncen-Ho-Ga-Proiv  and  was  one  of  the  officers  came  with  them, 

Sa-Ga-Yeau-Qua-Prah-Ton  (King  Hen-  read  in  English  to    Her  Majesty."     Sir 

drik,    Colonial  History,  v,    358),  of  the  Richard    Steele,    in    the    Tatler   of  May 

Maquas  ;   Elonu-Oh-Kaom  and  Oh-Yeath-  13,  1710,  gives   an   account  of  the   visit. 

Ton-No-Proiv,  of  the  river  sachems,  and  Miner,     in     his     History    of     Wyoming, 

the    Ganajohhore  sachem,  five    kings  or  endeavors  to   locate   one   of  the  visiting 


,  '    OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  189 

great  a  display  of  the  power  and  glory  of  England,  had  its  effect  ; 
the  chiefs  readily  promised  to  return  and  rally  their  clans  to  the  field; 
were  hurried  home  with  this  promise  fresh  on  their  lips,  and 
started  on  their  mission  of  war. 

Events  moved  slowly  in  the  wilderness  at  that  time,  and  a 
full  year  elapsed  before  the  response  came.  On  the  iyth  of 
August,  171 1,  the  chiefs  met  Governor  Hunter,  with  their  war 
riors.  The  sachem  of  Schaticook  brought  thirty-eight  men  ;  the 
Mabicans,  fifty-eight  under  Wampasa,  whom  they  had  chosen  as 
their  captain  ;  the  Shawanoes,  twenty-six  ;  the  Mohawks  one  hun 
dred  and  forty,  and  the  remaining  tribes  of  the  Five  Nations, 
about  five  hundred.  Each  delegation  was  separately  received, 
that  of  the  Five  Nations,  on  account  of  its  numbers,  being 
especially  honored  by  a  salute  of  five  guns  as  they  passed  in  review 
before  Fort  Albany.  The  conference  opened  on  the  24th 
when,  "  each  nation  seated  on  the  ground  by  themselves,"  Go 
vernor  Hunter  thanked  them  for  their  response  to  the  queen's  com 
mands,  and  informed  them  that  they  would  be  expected  to  join 
General  Nicholson  in  the  expedition  against  Canada,  which 
had  been  organized.1  This  expedition  had  already  sailed  from 
Boston,  with  seven  veteran  regiments,  and  was  to  be  met  by  the 
colonial  forces  of  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Connecticut, 
with  their  Indian  allies,  under  the  walls  of  Quebec.2  Roasted 
oxen,  barrels  of  beer,  the  firing  of  cannon,  and  some  "  private 
presents"  to  the  proper  chiefs,  completed  the  work,  and  all  pro 
fessed  their  readiness  to  march  at  the  queen's  command. 

The  French  were  not  idle  spectators  of  these  preparations, 
and  in  their  efforts  to  defeat  them  brought  out  in  strong  colors 
the  power  and  influence  which  they  had  established  over  their 
Indian  allies  through  their  priests.  A  great  war  festival  was 
held  at  Montreal,  and  the  war  song  chanted  by  seven  or  eight 
hundred  warriors,  many  of  whom  were  the  flower  of  the  Iro- 
quois  and  Mahican  nations,  whom  the  priests  had  drawn  thither. 

chiefs  among  the  Delawares,  but  is  not  chems  of  ye  Five  Nations  and  river  In- 
sustained    by  the  record.     The   Canajo-  dians,  particularly  those  lately  come  from 
harie   chief,  whose  name  is    not    given,  Great  Britain,  waited   upon   His   Excel- 
died   in   England   soon    after   his  arrival,  lency,     Gov.     Hunter,"     &c.  —  Colonial 
The  first   conference   after   their    return  History,  v,  217. 
was    held  at  Albany,    Aug.  10,   1711,  of  1  Colonial  History,  v,  267,  etc. 
which  the  record  says  :  "Some  of  ye  sa-  a  Bancroft,  in,  221,  etc. 


190  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES     * 

From  the  far  west  the  response  was  even  more  enthusiastic. 
Tribe  after  tribe,  even  the  Osages  and  Missouri*,  sprang  to  the 
relief  of  the  French.  "  Father,"  said  they  to  Vaudreuil,  "  be 
hold  thy  children  compass  thee  round.  We  will,  if  need  be, 
gladly  die  for  our  father  —  only  take  care  of  our  wives  and  our 
children,  and  spread  a  little  grass  over  our  dead  bodies  to  pro 
tect  them  against  the  flies." 

Circumstances  prevented  actual  collision.  The  fleet  sailed 
from  Boston,  after  many  delays,  only  to  be  invested  by  heavy 
fogs,  and  to  meet  with  the  wreck  of  eight  of  the  vessels  of 
which  it  was  composed  and  the  loss  of  eight  hundred  and  eighty- 
four  men  drowned.1  The  land  forces  were  moved  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  fleet.  "  On  the  2Qth  of  August,"  says  Governor 
Hunter,  "  I  left  them  all  upon  their  march  beyond  Albany 
towards  the  lakes,  completely  armed,  clothed,  accoutred  and 
victualled,  to  be  followed  next  day  by  eight  hundred  Indians 
of  the  Five  Nations  and  their  allies  from  Albany."  How 
far  the  march  extended  does  not  appear ;  it  was  arrested  by 
the  disaster  to  the  fleet,  and  became  a  successful  and  unmo 
lested  retreat. 

The  Tuscaroras,  of  North  Carolina,  one  of  the  southern 
tribes  of  Iroquois,  did  not  escape  from  the  war  so  fortunately. 
Resisting  the  encroachments  of  the  proprietaries  of  Carolina, 
who  had  assigned  their  lands  to  the  German  Palatines,  they 
were  almoy  destroyed  in  their  fort  on  the  river  Taw,  on  the 
26th  of  March,  1713,  having  lost  eight  hundred  in  prisoners, 
who  were  sold  as  slaves  to  the  allies  of  the  English.  The 
largest  portion  of  the  survivors  of  this  disaster,  "unwilling  to 
submit  and  unable  to  contend,"  removed  to  the  north,  joined 
the  confederated  tribes  of  New  York,  and  were  accepted  and 
established  as  the  sixth  nation,  or  "  children,"  of  the  Iroquois* 
They  were  located  immediately  west  of,  and  in  juxtaposition  to, 

1  Colonial  History,  v,  2771  promise  to  live  peaceably  among  us,  and 

3  At  a  conference  at  Albany,  Sept.  25,  since  there  is  peace  every  where,  we  have 

1714,  the  Five  Nations,  in  their  address  to  received  them.     We  desire  you  to  look 

Governor  Hunter,  said :  "We  acquaint  you  upon  the  Tuscarores  that  are  come  to  live 

that  the  Tuscarore  Indians  are  come  to  among  us  as  our  children  who  shall  obey 

shelter  themselves  among  the   Five  Na-  our  commands    and    live    peaceably  and 

tions.     They  were  of  us  and  went  from  orderly." — Colonial  Hhtory,  v,  387. 
us  long  ago  and  are  now  returned,  and 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  191 

the   OneidasJ  and  as  they  increased  in  strength  became  useful 
to  their  associates.2 

Peace  and  intimate  association  with  their  European  neighbors, 
which  had  proved  so  disastrous  to  the  Mahicam  in  former  times, 
did  not  improve  their  condition.  They  came  regularly  to  the 
conferences,  but  in  smaller  numbers  and  in  a  condition,, betoken 
ing  great  indulgence  in  intoxicating  liquors.  At  the  conference 
of  1720,  the  commissioners  specially  commended  their  faithful 
ness  to  their  covenant,  as  distinguished  from  the  Five  Nations, 
who  had  "  suffered  themselves  to  be  deluded  by  the  French  and 
their  emissaries,"  but  did  not  hesitate  to  ascribe  the  poverty  of 
which  they  complained  to  "  drinking  and  laziness,"  and  to  ad 
vise  them  to  "  be  sober  and  active  in  hunting  and  planting"  in 
the  future.3  In  1722,  Governor  Burnet,  in  renewing  the  an 
cient  covenant  with  them,  remarked  :  "  I  need  not  tell  you 
how  destructive  your  intemperance  has  proved,  and  how  much 
your  people  are  diminished  by  your  excessive  drinking  of  rum, 
the  women  as  well  as  the  men  being  guilty  of  being  often  drunk. 
Let  me  advise  you  to  be  more  sober  in  the  future,  and  not  to 
spend  what  you  get  by  hunting  in  strong  drink,  and  above  all 
not  squander  your  Indian  corn  for  rum."  But  was  it  the  fault  of 
the  Indians  that  the  assertions  of  the  governor  were  but  too  well 
founded  ?  Said  the  Mahicans  in  their  answer,  through  Ampamit  4 
their  speaker :  "  We  are  sensible  that  you  are  much  in  the 
right,  that  rum  does  a  great  deal  of  harm.  We  approve  of  all 
that  you  said  on  that  point,  but  the  matter  is  this,  when  our 
people  come  from  hunting  to  the  town  or  plantations  and  ac 
quaint  the  traders  and  people  that  we  want  powder  and  shot  and 
clothing,  they  first  give  us  a  large  cup  of  rum,  and  after  we  get 
the  taste  of  it  we  crave  for  more,  so  that  in  fine  all  the  beaver 
and  peltry  we  have  hunted  goes  for  drink,  and  we  are  left  de 
stitute  either  of  clothing  or  ammunition.  Therefore,  we  desire 
our  father  to  order  the  tap  or  crane  to  be  shut,  and  to  prohibit 
the  selling  of  rum,  for  as  long  as  the  Christians  will  sell  rum 

luThe  Oneidas,  the  proprietors  of  that          a  Schooler  of t\  Notes  on  the  Iroyuots,  104, 
country,  gave  you  a  settlement  then  out     etc.      Gallatin,  82,   83. 
of  kindness." — Johnson  to  Seth,  chief  of         3  Colonial  History,  v,  563. 
the   Tuscaroras  at  Oghkivaga.  „     4  Said  to  have   been   chief  of  an  island 

in  the  Hudson. 


192  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

our  people  will  drink  it.  We  acknowledge  that  our  father 
is  very  much  in  the  right  to  tell  us  that  we  squander  away 
our  Indian  corn,  but  one  great  cause  of  it  is  that  many  of 
our  people  are  obliged  to  hire  land  of  the  Christians  at  a  very 
dear  rate,  and  to  give  half  the  corn  for  rent,  and  the  other  half 
they  are  tempted  by  rum  to  sell,  and  so  the  corn  goes,  and  the 
poor  women  and  children  are  left  to  shift  as  well  as  they  can." 
And  he  might  have  added,  that  the  land  which  they  called  their 
own  was  not  unfrequently  mortgaged  to  those  who  had  furnished 
them  corn,  after  defrauding  them  of  that  which  they  had 
produced,  and  the  mortgages  very  promptly  foreclosed.  With 
out  this  addition,  however,  Governor  Burnet  felt  the  force  of 
the  argument  of  this  aboriginal  prohibitionist,  and  took  the 
point  from  his  rebuke  by  remarking,  in  reply,  that  they  "  looked 
better  "  and  were  "  better  clothed  "  "  than  the  other  Indians, 
who  do  not  live  among  the  Christians,"  and  that  therefore  they 
would  do  well  "  to  stay  among  them."  No  promise  did  he  give, 
however,  that  he  appreciated  and  ^would  enforce  the  divine 
command,  "  Lead  us  not  into  temptation,"  by  preventing  the 
sale  of  rum  and  the  consequent  plunder  by  which  the  Christian 
name  was  reproached.  Commanding  them  to  distribute  their 
presents  equally  between  those  living  above  Albany  and  those 
living  below  Albany,  he  dismissed  them. 

The  New  England  provinces  maintained  war  with  the  east 
ern  Indians  for  some  years  after  peace  had  been  established  with 
France.  The  doctrine  that  the  Indians  had  no  rights  which 
Christians  were  bound  to  respect,  was  firmly  held  by  the  suc 
cessors  of  Underbill  and  Church,  who  hesitated  not  to  provoke 
and  continue  hostilities  when  peace  was  within  their  reach.  But 
the  war  grew  tedious  as  well  as  disastrous,  and  the  authorities 
there  appealed  to  the  Iroquois  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in  their 
behalf.1  The  latter  made  loud  protestations  of  what  they  would 
do,  but  contented  themselves  with  hiding  the  hatchet  in  their 
bosoms  and  sending  messengers  to  the  Abtnaquit.  A  year  later 
(1724),  the  New  England  commissioners  remonstrated  with  them, 

1  This   overture   was  not  to    the    Five  were  there   entertained  with  a  feast  and 

Nations  alone,  but  embraced  the   Mahl-  presents,  as  was  customary  in  such  nego- 

cans  and  Schaticooks.     Delegates  from  the.,  tiations.  —  Niks'    History,    Massachusetts 

tribes  named  were  invited  to  Boston,  and  Historical  Collections^  v,  347. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  193 

and  charged  that  they  had  not  only  laid  the  hatchet  by  their 
side,  but  had  accomplished  nothing  by  negotiation.  The  reply 
was  pointed  :  "  The  matter  of  peace  rests  with  you,"  said  their 
speaker  ;  "  whenever  you  will  give  up  the  lands  which  you  have 
wrongfully  taken,  and  restore  the  hostages  which  you  have 
retained  without  cause,"  peace  can  be  secured.  They  had  made 
full  inquiry  and  were  satisfied  that  the  eastern  Indians  were  not 
the  aggressors,  and  they  knew  that  should  they  attempt  to  force 
them  to  peace,  a  general  war  would  ensue.  "  Though  the 
hatchet  lies  by  our  side,"  continued  their  speaker,  "  yet  the  way 
is  open  between  this  place  and  Canada,  and  trade  te  free  both 
going  and  coming,  and  so  the  way  is  open  between  this  place 
and  Albany  and  the  Six  Nations,  and  if  a  war  should  break  out 
and  we  should  use  the  hatchet  that  lays  by  our  side,  those  paths 
which  are  now  open  would  be  stopped  ;  and  if  we  should  make 
war  it  would  not  end  in  a  few  days  as  yours  doth,  but  it  must 
last  till  one  nation  or  the  other  is  destroyed.  We  have  been 
three  times  with  the  eastward  Indians  and  could  not  prevail,  and 
we  know  what  whipping  and  scourging  is  from  the  governor  of 
Canada.  The  eastern  Indians  seem  to  be  inclined  to  peace,  and 
inasmuch  as  we  have  tried  three  times  and  could  not  effect  it, 
we  would  have  you  try  them  yourselves."1  The  Iroquois 
were  in  no  humor  to  attack  so  formidable  a  foe  as  the  Abenaquis. 
Their  last  conflict  had  been  at.  least  a  drawn  battle,  and  having 
formed  a  peace  with  them  as  well  as  with  the  governor  of  Canada, 
whose  allies  they  were,  they  declined,  as  they  did  in  1704,  to 
reopen  a  conflict  which  might  involve  their  own  existence. 
The  name  of  Mohawk  !  if  it  once  had  terror 2  for  the  fugitive 
Pequot,  upon  whose  head  a  price  was  set,  had  none  for  those 
who  boasted  that  they  received  the  first  kiss  of  the  morning  sun — 
the  tribute  which  they  paid  was  not  to  the  Iroquois. 

The  record  of  the  years  immediately  subsequent  is  but  a 
disconnected  detail  of  migrations  and  reorganizations  among  the 
Indian  tribes.  In  1 726,  two  of  the  sachems  of  the  Pennacooks,  at 
Schaticook,  being  dead,  Governor  Burnet  appointed  Wawiachech 
in  their  place.  Instead  of  increasing  in  numbers^as^they  had 

1  Colonial  History,  v,  723,  725.  2  This  is   one  of  the  fables   of  history, 

which  is  quoted  by  almost  "every  writer. 


194  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

anticipated,  they  steadily  decreased  by  desertions  to  Canada. 
These  desertions  were  explained,  by  those  who  remained,  as 
being  caused  by  debts  which  they  had  incurred  and  were  unable 
to  pay,  or  the  payment  of  which  they  wished  to  escape.1  While 
this  explanation  was  not  without  some  truth,  the  overtures  made 
by  the  French,  and  the  entreaties  of  their  relatives,  were  pro 
bably  the  predominant  impelling  motives.  Houses,  lands,  pro 
tection,  and  a  more  complete  recognition  by  the  government, 
were  temptations  that  these  wanderers,  who,  like  Esau,  had 
parted  with  their  birthright  for  a  mess  of  pottage,  could  not 
resist. 

Nor  were  their  MMcan  neighbors  fully  satisfied  with  their 
condition.  A  considerable  number  of  the  better  classes  among 
them  felt  keerrly  the  devouring  curses  to  which  they  were 
exposed  by  their  proximity  to  the  established  centre  of  trade, 
and  fled  from  their  devouring  touch  to  the  friendly  embrace 
of  their  "  grandfathers,"  the  Lenapes,  and  settled  beside  the 
Minsis  and  Sbawanoes  in  the  valley  of  Wyoming  at  the  forks 
of  the  Susquehanna.2  Among  the  first  of  these  emigrants  was 
Keeperdo,  or  Mohekin  Abraham,  who,  in  1730,  left  his  lands 
at  the  mouth  of  Wood  creek  unoccupied.  Whether  he  was  the 
founder  of  the  Pennsylvania  organization  or  not  does  not  appear  ; 
but  the  organization  itself  maintained  a  separate  and  recognized 
existence  in  all  the  changes  of  the  Lenapes  and  their  confede 
rates.  In  those  changes  Keeperdo  shared  —  accepted,  with  his 
associates,  the  reproach  of  "  women,"  joined  in  the  ceremonies 
of  its  removal,  and,  in  1771,  was  found  in  the  Ohio  country.3 

1  Colonial  History,  v,  798,  799.  well  known  by  many  old  people  about 
3  "  We  reached  Skehandowa  (April  23,  Albany,  and  in  conclusion  says  :  "  It  may 
1737),  where  a  number  of  Indians  live, —  be  reported  that  I  am  dead,  as  it  is  forty 
Shawanos  and  Mahicanders." — Memorials  years  since  I  left  that  country."  Signed, 
Moravian  Church,  i,  69.  "  Mohekin  Abraham,  or  Keeperdo." 
3  In  the  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  The  tract  was  covered  by  a  patent  to 
Johnson,  in  the  State  Library  (vol.  ai,  Philip  Skene,  and  embraced  what  was 
p.  40),  is  a  letter  endorsed  :  "  Letter  from  known  as  Skenesborough,  now  White- 
Ohio  concerning  land  — rec'd  it  Oct.  1 6th,  hall,  in  the  present  county  of  Washington . 
1771."  This  letter  was  from  Mohekin  Skene  located  thirty  families  on  it  in  1761, 
Abraham,  who  writes  :  "  I  understand  The  Mahicans  at  Stockbridge  claimed 
the  Mohikans  at;  Stockbridge  are  wanting  the  ownership,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
to  sell  a  certain  tract  of  land  lying  above  the  tract  was  ever  paid  for.  The  letter 
Albany,  from  the  mouth  of  Wood  creek  of  Keeperdo  is  important  as  defining  more 
upwards."  This  sale  he  requested  to  have  clearly  the  extent  of  the  Mahican  country, 
stopped  as  he  was  the  owner,  that  he  was 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  ^          195 

As  this  band  retreated  towards  the  west,  another  appeared 
from  the  east  in  the  territory  of  the  Mabicans.  Gideon  x  Mau 
wehu,  a  Pequot  chief,  originally  of  some  prominence  in  that 
unfortunate  nation,  and  whose  natural  abilities  were  of  no 
ordinary  stamp,  with  a  few  of  his  followers  found  a  home  in 
the  present  town  of  Dover,  on  Ten  Mile  river,  in  the  county 
of  Dutchess.  Here  he  had  lived  but  a  short  time,  when,  on 
one  of  his  hunting  excursions,  he  came  to  the  summit  of  a 
mountain  in  the  present  county  of  Kent,  Connecticut.  Look 
ing  down  from  this  eminence  he  saw  the  Housatonic  winding 
through  a  narrow  but  fertile  valley,  shut  in  by  wooded  hills.- 
Delighted  with  the  scene,  he  returned  to  his  wigwam,  packed 
up  his  property,  and  journeyed  with  his  family  and  followers 
to  this  new  found  land  of  quiet  and  plenty.  From  here  he 
issued  invitations  to  his  old  friends  and  to  the  Mabicans  of  the 
Hudson.  Immigrants  flocked  in,  and  in  ten  years  from  the 
time  of  settlement,  it  was  thought  a  hundred  warriors  had 
collected  around  him.2  To  his  village  he  gave  the  name  of 
Pishgachtigok,  which  had  already  been  applied  to  that  of  the 
fugitive  Pennacooks  on  the  Hudson,  and  which  there  as  well  as 
on  the  Hudson,3  was  corrupted  into  Schaticook,  by  which  it  was 
known  to  the  authorities  of  Connecticut,  who  subsequently 
established  there  a  reservation  on, which  the  name  of  Mauwehu 
was  represented  for  five  generations.4  What  relation  this 
organization  sustained  to  the  Mabicans  does  not  appear,  although 
the  authority  of  the  latter  was  no  doubt  recognized,  so  far  as 
recognition  was  customary  under  tribal  laws.  With  the  authori 
ties  of  New  York,  Mauwehu  had  no  direct  connection. 

Almost  simultaneously  with  the  appearance  of  Mauwehu  in 
the  valley  of  the  Housatonic,  the  axe  of  the  pioneer  was  heard 
in  its  ancient  forests.  In  1722,  Joseph  Parsons  and  others 
purchased  from  the  Mabicans  there  a  tract  of  land  embracing 
territory  sufficient  for  two  townships,  and  prepared  to  locate  a 

1  A  name  given  to  him  by  the  Mora-          s  The  situations  were   similar  and  the 

vian  missionary,  Mack,  by  whom  he  was  name,    Pisgachtigok,    or   the   confluence 

baptized  in  1743. — Latrobis  Missions,  n,  of  two  streams,  was  applied  to  both. 
43,  44,  etc.  4  Eunice,  the  last  of  royal  line,  died  on 

3  De  Forests  History  Indians  of  Connecti-  the  reservation  in  1860. 
cut,  407,  etc. 

25  * 


196  *  THE  INDIAN  ITtlBES 

settlement.  That  which  the  people  of  New  England  then 
regarded  as  an  absolute  essential  in  such  enterprises  —  a  reserva 
tion  for  the  use  and  support  of  a  minister  —  was  included  in  their 
charter.  Subsequent  investigation  having  proved  that  the  loca 
tion  of  a  minister  among  them  could  be  greatly  promoted  by 
availing  themselves  of  the  aid  of  the  Society  for  the  Propaga 
tion  of  the  Gospel  in  Foreign  Parts,  and  that  the  prospect  of 
improving  the  condition  of  the  Mahicans  by  direct  association 
was  better  than  through  the  intercourse  had  with  them  at  the 
forts,  where  missionaries  had  been  stationed,  it  was  determined 
to  make  application  to  that  society  for  a  missionary.  The 
application  was  granted,  but  on  condition  that  the  consent  of 
the  Mahicans  should  be  first  obtained.  A  committee  accord 
ingly  visited  them  at  Westenhuck  in  July,  1734.  The  relations 
existing  between  the  Mahicans  and  the  Massachusetts  govern 
ment  being  intimate  and  friendly  — Konapot,  the  Mahican  chief, 
having  been  commissioned  captain,  by  Governor  Belcher,  and 
Umpachenee,  his  subordinate,  made  a  lieutenant,  in  the  colonial 
service  —  this  consent  was  readily  obtained.  In  September  fol 
lowing,  the  Rev.  John  Sergeant  was  appointed  to  the  mission 
and  entered  upon  its  duties  in  October.  In  1735,  the  mission 
was  definitely  located  on  the  W-nahk-ta-kook,  or  the  Great 
Meadow,  the  great  council  chamber  of  the  nation,  where  a 
township  six  miles  square  was  laid  out  by  the  legislature  as  a 
reservation  under  the  name  of  Stockbridge,  by  which  name  the 
Mahicans  who  were  then  located  there,  as  well  as  those  who 
subsequently  removed  thither,  were  known  to  the  authorities  of 
Massachusetts  and  New  York.1 

Following  closely  upon  the  establishment  of  the  Stockbridge 
mission,  the  Moravians  began  their  labors  in  the  Mahican  coun 
try.  With  a  zeal  remarkable  for  its  voluntarily  assumed  sacri 
fices,  and  more  pure  than  that  which  characterized  the  labors  of 
other  organizations,  because  without  political  interests  to  serve, 
they  had  pushed  their  way  into  the  territory  of  the  Creeks  and 

1  Stockbridge,  Past  and  Present.    Twenty  in  his  labors,  by  a  young  Mahican,  John 

miles  distant,  at  a    village    called    Kau-  Wauwaumpequnnaunt,  and  met  with  so 

naumeeky     David    Brainerd,    a     licentiate  muchsuccess  thathewas  enabled  to  induce 

acting    under    similar     authority,    esta-  his  people  to  remove  to  Stockbridge. 
Wished  a  mission  in  1743.      He  was  aided 
* 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  197 

Cherokees  of  Georgia,  in  1735.  Driven  thence  by  the  political 
troubles  with  the  Spaniards,  they  established  a  colony  at  Bethle 
hem,  on  the  Delaware,  and,  in  1740,  founded  a  mission  in  the 
present  county  of  Dutchess.  The  pioneer  in  the  latter  field  was 
Christian  Henry  Rauch,  who  arrived  in  New  York,  in  July  of 
that  year,  seeking  missionary  labor,  and  where  he  soon  after  met 
a  company  of  Mahicans  who  were  there  to  renew  their  covenant 
with  the  government.  Ascertaining  that  he  could  converse  with 
them  in  the  Dutch  language,  he  visited  them  repeatedly  at  their 
encampment,  but  found  them  almost  invariably  in  a  state  of 
beastly  intoxication  on  the  liquor  which  the  government  had 
given  them,  ferocious  in  appearance  and  but  little  disposed  to 
extend  the  encouragement  which  he  sought.  Finding  them 
sober  at  last,  he  addressed  two  of  their  chiefs,  TSchoop  and  Sha- 
bash,  and  obtained  their  consent  to  accompany  them  to  their 
village  as  a  teacher.  Led  by  them  he  reached  Shekomeko,  in  the 
district  now  known  as  Pine  plains,  on  the  i6th  of  August,  and 
immediately  commenced  a  work  which  was  not  without  en 
couraging  reward.  Tschoop,1  known  as  "  the  greatest  drunkard 
among  his  followers,"  was  converted  ;  Schabash  joined  him  soon 
after.  At  the  end  of  two  years  thirty-one  baptized  Indians 
attended  his  ministrations,  "  all  of  the  Mabikander  tribe,"  and 
in  1743,  the  number  had  reached  sixty-three. 

Rauch's  labors  were  not  confined  to  Shekomeko  alone.  At 
Pisgachtigok,  Mauwehu  and  his  brother  were  among  his  con 
verts,  while  at  Wechquadnach,2  or  Pachquadnach,  Totatik,3 
Westenhuck,  and  Wehtak,4  he  was  not  without  sincere  followers. 
At  Shekomeko,  Wechquadnach  and  Pisgachtigok,  mission 

1Schweinitz,  in   his   Life  and  Times  of  Loskiel,  n,  93,  94.      Schabash  received  in 

David  Zeisberger,  says  the  name  of  this  baptism  the  name  of  Abraham.     He  was 

chief  was  Wasarnapah  ;  his  English  name  subsequently  elected  chief  or  king  of  the 

prior  to  his  baptism,  Job ;   and  ijhe  name  Mahicans  on  the    Delaware,  and  died  at 

he  received   in    baptism,  John  j  that  he  Wyoming  in  December,    1762. — Memo- 

never  bore  the  name  of  Tschoop  among  rials  Moravian  Church^  i,  147. 

his  people,  but  that  it   originated  among  2  Now  North-east  Centre,  Connecticut, 

the   Moravians   in   consequence  of  their  The  name  is  preserved  in  Wachquadnach 

German  mode  of  pronouncing  Job.     Wa-  lake  or  Indian  pond, 

sarnapah  was  the  ruling  chief  at  Sheko-  3  On  the  east   side  of  the   Housatonic 

meko.     He  was  a  man    of  remarkable  opposite  the  mouth  of  Poughtatuck  creek, 

powers  of  mind,  and  in  whose  mien  "was  4Or  Wyatiack,  near  Salisbury,  Litch- 

the  majesty  of  a  Luther."     He   died  of  field  Co.,  Conn. 
small  pox  at  Bethlehem,  Aug.  2,7,  1746. 


198  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

houses  were  established,  the  success  at  the  latter  being  greater 
than  that  at  Shekomeko.  In  this  field  Rauch,  Gotleib,  Butt- 
ner  and  Samuel  Mack  labored  for  twenty  years,  and  until  driven 
out  by  persecutions  which  their  success  provoked.  In  the  war 
of  1755,  they  were  accused  of  being  emissaries  of  the  French  j 
subsequently  they  were  "arrested  under  the  law  of  1700,  forbid 
ding  the  presence  of  priests  in  the  province  without  a  license  from 
the  government  ;  the  traders,  whose  traffic  in  rum  was  mate 
rially  abridged  by  their  teachings,  lost  no  opportunity  to  misre 
present  them  and  accuse  them  falsely  ;  finally,  they  were  ejected 
from  the  lands  at  Shekomeko  under  a  claim  that  they  belonged 
to  the  white  people  and  not  to  the  Indians.  After  a  temporary 
rest  at  Wechquadnach  and  Pisgachtigok,  they  removed,  with 
many  of  their  followers,  to  Pennsylvania,  where  they  formed  a 
colony  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  Freidenshutten,  (tents 
of  peace).  Their  stay  here  was  short.  Gnadenhutten  (tents 
of  grace)  received  them  for  a  time,  and  from  thence  they  shared 
the  roving  fortunes  of  the  Moravians,  followed  in  all  their  wander 
ings  by  their  faithful  Mahican  converts.1 

Meanwhile  the  commissioners  of  the  society  in  Scotland  for 
Propagating  the  Gospel  had  entered  upon  the  work  of  diffusing 
Christian  knowledge  among  the  Indians,  and  had  commissioned 
the  Rev.  David  Brainerd  to  labor  among  the  Delawares. 
Having  transferred  his  mission  among  the  Mahicans  to  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Sergeant,  Brainerd  visited  the  Delaware  country  in  the 
spring  of  1744.  At  Minnisink  he  encountered  the  opposition 
of  the  Indians,2  but  established  himself  at  the  Forks  of  the  Dela- 

1  Hccke*welder*s  Narrative;     Life    and  and  after  some  discourse,  and  attempts  to 
Times  of  David  Zeisberger ;  LoskiePs  His-  contract    a    friendship  with  him,   I  told 
tory  of  the  Mission  of  the  United  Brethren  ;  him   I  had  a  desire   (for  his  benefit  and 
Memorials  of  the  Moravian  Church  ;    The  happiness)  to  instruct  them  in  Christianity. 
Moravians  in  Neiv  York  and  Connecticut ;  At    which    he    laughed    and  turned  his 
Documentary  History  of  Nc<w  York;  Stone's  back  upon  me  and  went  away.      I  then 
Life  of  Brant,  etc.  addressed  another  principal  man  in   the 

2  "I  then  set  out  on  my  journey  toward  same  manner,  who  sa;d  he  was  willing  to 
Delaware;  and    on  May   loth,   (1744),  hear  me.     After  some  time,  I   followed 
met  with  a  number  of  Indians  in  a  place  the    king    into   his    house,  and  renewed 
called  Minnissinks,  about  a  hundred  and  my    discourse    to  him  :  but   he   declined 
forty  miles  from  Kaunaumeek   (the  place  talking,    and  left   the  affair  to  another, 
where  I  spent  the  last  year),  and  directly  who  appeared  to  be  a  rational  man.     He 
in   my    way  to    Delaware    river.     With  began    and    talked   very  warmly  near  a 
these  Indians  I  spent  sometime,  and  first  quarter  of  an  hour  together;   he  enquired 
addressed  their  king  in  a  friendly  manner,  why  I  desired  the    Indians    to    become 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  199 

ware,  at  which  place,  and  at  Crossweeksung,  "  in  New  Jersey, 
towards  the  sea,"  he  met  with  considerable  success.1  His 
brother,  John  Brainerd,  about  the  same  time,  established  a 
mission  at  Bethel,  New  Jersey,  where  he  drew  together  a  per 
manent  congregation. 

But  the  changes  of  this  period  were  not  confined  to  the 
Mabicans  and  Lenapes.  It  is  said  that  in  1748,  a  band  of 
fugitive  Nanticokes^  under  their  chief  sachem,  White,  put  them 
selves  under  the  protection  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Conestoga 
on  the  Delaware.2  If  the  Moravian  missionaries  were  correctly 
informed,  their  presence  was  a  source  of  weakness  rather  than 
of  strength  to  their  allies.  Loskiel  states  that  they  "  instructed 
the  Delawares  and  Iroquois  in  preparing  a  peculiar  kind  of 
poison,"  which  was  capable  of  infecting  whole  townships  and 
tribes  with  "disorders  as  pernicious  as  the  plague,"  and  that  they 
"  nearly  destroyed  their  own  nation  by  it."  Their  history, 
until  their  final  disappearance  in  the  west,  was  not  particularly 
distinguished,  perhaps  for  the  reason  stated  by  Loskiel. 

A  more  important  acquisition  —  at  least  temporarily — by  the 
Iroquois  at  this  time,  was  that  of  the  Mississagies  as  the  seventh 
nation  of  the  confederacy.  The  Mississagies  were  a  northern 
Alqonquln  nation  whose  place  of  residence  was  on  the  waters  of 

Christians,  seeing  the  Christians  were  so  come  and  see  them  again.  He  replied, 
much  worse  than  the  Indians.  It  was  he  should  be  willing  to  see  me  again,  as  a 
they  first  taught  the  Indians  to  be  drunk,  friend,  if  I  would  not  desire  them  to 
and.  they  stole  from  one  another,  to  that  become  Christians.  I  then  bid  them  fare- 
degree,  that  their  rulers  were  obliged  to  well,  and  prosecuted  my  journey  towards 
hang  them  for  it,  and  that  was  not  suffi-  Delaware." —  BrainercTs  Mission. 
cient  to  deter  others  from  the  like  prac-  1  He  died  in  1747,  of  consumption,  a 
tice.  But  the  Indians,  he  added,  were  martyr  to  the  work  which  he  had  un- 
none  or  them  ever  hanged  for  stealing,  dertaken. 

and  yet  they  did  not  steal  half  so  much  5  2  The  Nanticokes,  or  tide  water  peo- 

and  he  supposed  that  if  the  Indians  should  pie,     had     their    seats,    when    the    Eu- 

become  Christians,  they  would  then  be  as  ropeans  first    met  them,  on  the  eastern 

bad  as  those,  and  hereupon  he  said,  they  shore  of  Maryland.     At  the  time  of  the 

would  live  as  their  fathers  lived,  and  go  removal  referred  to  in  the  text  they  were 

where  their  fathers  were  when  they  died,  not   considerable  in  numbers.     Gallatin 

I  then  freely  owned,  lamented,  and  joined  says    they    were    the  allies    of    the    Six 

with  him  in  condemning  the  ill  conduct  Nations.     Their  lands  in  Maryland  were 

of  some  who  are  called  Christians;  told  sold,  through  the  agency  of  Sir  William 

him  these  were  not  Christians   at  heart,  Johnson,  in  1760,  and  the  money  paid  to 

that  I  hated  such  wicked   practices,  and  the  chiefs. —  Colonial  History,  vin,    117. 

did  not  desire  the  Indians  to  become  such  They  were  repeatedly  represented  in  the 

as  these,  and  when  he  appeared  calmer,  conferences  with  the  Delawares  and  the 

I  asked  him  if  he  was  willing  that  I  should  Shawanoes. 


200 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


a  river  which  enters  the  north  shores  of  Lake  Huron,  between 
Point  Tessalon  and  La  Cloche.  In  pushing  the  policy  which 
the  government  of  New  York  had  established,  of  promoting 
trade  by  securing  the  alliance  of  Indian  tribes  with  the  Six  Na 
tions,  the  latter  had  been  induced  to  open  negotiations  with 
many  of  their  former  enemies.1  As  one  of  the  fruits  of  this 
policy,  the  Necariages,  a  remnant  of  the  once  powerful  Hurons, 
or  Wyandots,  had  been  induced  to  visit  Albany,  in  1723,  and  to 
ask  to  be  received  as  the  seventh  nation.  The  commissioners  of 
Indian  affairs  accepted  them  as  such,2  but  the  confederates  never 
acknowledged  them.  When  the  Mississagies  tendered  a  similar 
alliance,  however,  they  were  received  by  the  confederates,  and  at 
a  conference,  held  at  Albany  on  the  23d  of  August,  1746,  were 
publicly  acknowledged  by  them  as  the  seventh  nation.3  The  al 
liance  did  not  long  continue.  When  the  war  of  1 755  broke  out,  it 
W£S  found  that  the  Six  Nations  were  at  war  with  their  new  allies. 
A  more  permanent  acquisition  was  that  of  the  Ochtayhquana- 
wicroonsf  a  Tuscarora  clan,5  who  appeared  on  the  Susquehanna 
river,  in  the  present  county  of  Broome,  ih  1 722,  arM  around  whom 
subsequently  gathered  several  Mahican  families  who  had  previ 
ously  found  homes  with  the  Mohawks,  but  who  had  become  "  dis 
satisfied  with  the  ruling  politics  6  of  that  tribe ;  "  Skaniadaradigk- 


*In  1740,  George  Clark,  then  acting 
as  governor,  secured  the  assent  of  the 
Six  Nations  to  the  proposition  to  "  take 
into  the  covenant  chain  all  the  nations 
of  Indians  lying  to  the  westward  and 
southward  as  far  as  the  Mississippi,"  as 
the  "  most  likely  way  to  establish  an  uni 
versal  peace  among  all  the  Indians  and 
to  make  it  lasting." 

2  Colonial  History ,  v,  695.     Schoolcraft 
classes    the    Necariages    as    the    seventh 
nation,  but  admits  that  they  were  never 
so  received.     The  fact  appears  to  be  that 
no  nation  was  ever  received  into  the  con 
federate    compact  j    even   the  Tuscaroras 
had  no  such  relation.      In  all  their  na 
tional  action  but  five  tribes  were  repre 
sented. 

3  "  We,  the  Six  Nations,  are  now  assem 
bled  together  as  one  man,  and  we  take 
in  the  Mississagies  as  the  Seventh  Nation  j 
and  what  is  now  spoken  by  one  mouth, 
are    the   joint    and    sincere    thoughts  of 


every  heart." — Colonial  History,  vi,  321. 
The  Mississagies  numbered  at  that  time 
eight  hundred  warriors.  They  were  at 
treaty  conference  for  the  last  time  in 
1755. — Colonial  History,  vn,  259. 

4  Colonial  History,  v,  675.  They  were 
subsequently  called  the  Onoghquageys, 
Oghquagas,  Aughquages,  Ochquaquas, 
Onenhoghkwages,  Auquaguas,  Onehoh- 
quages,  etc.  —  Index  Colonial  History  ;  Pro 
ceedings  of  the  Provincial  Convention  of 
New  York,  n,  340,  419,  423,  etc. 

6  Dr.  O'Callaghan  says  they  were  chiefly 
Mohawks  (note,  Colonial  History,  v,  675), 
but  a  different  conclusion  is  clearly  dedu- 
cible  from  the  conference  minutes  of  Feb. 
2,  1756,  in  which  the  name  "Augh 
quages,  as  distinguishing  the  original  or 
ganization,  is  immediately  followed  by 
that  of  Tuscaroras  in  brackets. — Colonial 
History,  vn,  51.  It  is  quite  probable  there 
were  Mohawks  residing  among  them. 

6  Colonial  History,  vn,  278.     "A  party 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER. 


201 


roonas,  from  Maryland,1  a  portion  of  the  Cbugnuts*  a  Susque- 
hanna  family,  and  several  clans  of  the  Minsis  or  Esopus  Indians 
living  upon  the  east  branch  of  the  Delaware  river  ;  3  They  were 
not  without  favorable  record  in  the  wars  of  1745  and  I755,4 
but  derive  their  historic  interest  mainly  from  the  distinguished 
services  of  their  chief,  Thomas  King,5  and  from  the  fact  that 
through  them  the  history  of  the  Esopus  clans  is  linked  with  the 
war  of  the  Revolution.6 

At  a  later  period,  and  apparently  about  1746,  the  Oneidas 
sent  off  a  colony  from  their  principal  castle,  to  a  point  about 
twelve  miles  from  Oneida  lake,  where  they  established  a  settle 
ment  which  they  called  Canowaroghere  or  Onawaraghharee,7and 
which  was  subsequently  recognized  as  u  the  second  Oneida 
castle."  Several  families  of  the  Long  island  clans,  dispossessed 
of  their  lands  and  surrounded  by  European  settlers,  were  subse 
quently  added  to  the  colony,8  giving  to  it  influence  in  point  of 
numbers. 

Meanwhile  the  Esopus  clans  who  had  not  followed  the  for 
tunes  of  their  kindred,  the  Minsis,  maintained  their  succession  of 
sachems  and  held  annual  conferences  with  the  justices  at  Kings 
ton.9  Thither  came  Ankerop,  chief  sachem,  in  1722,  and 
complained  that  a  tc  white  man  had  offered  violence  to  an  Indian 


of  Aughquages  and  Mahicanders  under 
Thomas,  an  Aughquage  chief. —  Ibid, 
187.  The  Mahicans  here  spoken  of  were 
entirely  distinct  from  those  who  settled  at 
an  early  period  among  the  Lenapes,  or 
those  who  were  subsequently  located  at 
Otsiningo. —  Ibid.,  104. 

1  Colonial  History,  vi,  983.  Supposed 
to  be  a  remnant  of  the  Powhattan  con 
federacy,  who  were  removed  under  the 
treaty  with  Virginia  in  1722,  and  called 
by  Gallatin  Sachdagughroonas.  The  date 
of  their  settlement  at  the  north  corre 
sponds  with  that  of  the  treaty  with  Vir 
ginia. —  Gallatin,  58,  59. 

3  Their  village  was  on  the  south  bank 
of  the  Susquehanna,  opposite  Bingham- 
ton. 

3  "  The  Delaware  Indians,  who  live  on 
the  east  branch  of  the  Delaware  river, 
near  the  head  of  it,  have  given  us  the 
strongest  assurances  that  they  will  live 
and  die  with  us." —  Colonial  History,  vu, 
50. 


4  "  I  assure  your  excellency  I  never  saw 
a  people   better  inclined  to  assist  us  than 
they  are." —  Colonial  History,  vi,  361. 

5  This  chief  was  actively  employed  as 
the  principal  deputy  of  the  Five  Nations 
in  the  treaties  with  the  Lenapes  and  Sha- 
wanoes.     He   died   at  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  after  attending  the   congress  of 
Indian  nations  atScioto,  in  1771.     John 
son  speaks  of  him  as  a  man  of  "superior 
capacity  and  fidelity." —  Colonial  History, 
vni,  290,  300,  etc. 

6  Proceedings  of  the  Provincial  Conven 
tion  of  Neiu  York,  i,    339,    808;   ii,  340, 
419,  423,  etc. 

1  Colonial  History,  vn,  512,  6n,  etc. 

8  Ib.,  vni,  476. 

9  The  records  of  these   conferences  are 
scattered,  some  being  found  at  Kingston, 
others  in  the  Clinton  and  Johnson  papers 
in  the  State   Library,   and  others   in  the 
office  of  the  secretary  of  state. 


202  1HE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

whom  he  had  met  carrying  rum,"  and  the  justices  promised  the 
punishment  of  the  offender.  The  justices,  on  their  part,  charged 
that  the  Indians  "  had  hired  negroes  to  fight  against  the  Christ 
ians/'  which  the  sachem  denied.  Not  a  conference  passed 
without  a  claim  for  lands  taken  from  the  Indians  without  com 
pensation,  many  of  them  entirely  unfounded,  according  to  the 
English  interpretation  of  boundaries,  but  doubtless  well  founded 
in  the  absolute  knowledge  of  the  claimants,  who,  in  their  sales, 
had  designated  hills  and  not  intervening  valleys.  The  principal 
purpose  of  the  conferences,  however,  appears  to  have  been  to 
dismiss  the  Indians  with  assurances  of  friendship,  a  few  blankets 
and  considerable  rum.  If  they  rapidly  became  a  "  contemptible 
people,"  it  was  in  consequence  of  the  influences  by  which  they 
were  surrounded.  In  their  wanderings  a  few  of  them  came  un 
der  the  teachings  of  the  Moravians,  and  united  with  the  Mahican 
converts  in  Pennsylvania,  but  to  them  as  an  organization  no 
missionary  work  was  undertaken.  The  people  -  of  Kingston 
cared  little  for  their  own  improvement,  much  less  for  that  of  the 
Indians,  and  preferred  rather  to  earn  for  themselves  the  sobri 
quet  of  "  the  Sodom  of  New  York,"1  than  to  perform  those 
acts  of  charity  and  mercy  which  spring  from  a  proper  apprecia 
tion  of  the  Christian  character.  Had  they  followed  the  exter 
minating  policy  of  the  Puritans  it  would  have  been  more  to  their 
credit. 

The  Wappingers,  too,  maintained  an  organization  on  the 
Hudson  amid  all  the  changes  which  surrounded  and  attended 
them.  Many  of  them  had  been  drawn  off  to  new  homes  ;  a 
few  appeared  among  the  Moravians  and  at  Stockbridge,  but  the 
seat  of  the  tribe  remained  in  the  highlands.2  Nimham,  who 
was  made  chief  sachem  in  1740,  gave  them  prominence  by  ser 
vice  in  the  field  and  by  his  persistent  efforts  to  recover  lands  of 
which  they  had  been  defrauded. 

The  result  of  these  and  other  changes  was,  that  at  the  close 
of  the  half  century  the  Lenapes  had  an  active,  vigorous  organ 
ization  of  five  tribes  j  the  Iroquois^  one  of  seven  tribes,  and  the 

1  Memorials   of  the    Moravian   Church,  sions  with  the  addition  of  the  Shawanoes 

i,   58.  and  Mafricans.     There  were  also  several 

1  Colonial  History,  vn,  869.  detached  clans  of  minor  importance  asso- 

8  Including  the-  original  Lenape   divi-  elated  with  them. 


O.F  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  203 

Mohicans,  although  divided  by  provincial  lines,  one  that  could 
still  call  its  followers  from  Quebec  to  Manhattan.  Although 
the  changes  which  had  produced  these  new  combinations  were 
in  a  great  degree  the  result  alike  of  the  selfish  efforts  of  the 
European  nations  who  were  contesting  the  supremacy  of  the 
continent,  and  of  the  pressure  of  an  incoming  civilization,  they 
were  not  less  the  work  of  aboriginal  diplomats  who  had  pur 
poses  of  their  own  to  serve.  The  lessons  which  Philip  had 
taught  his  people  and  his  allies  were  deeply  impressed.  Fugi 
tives  from  the  fields  on  which  he  had  met  disaster,  bore  them  to 
congenial  soil  among  the  Lenapes  and  Skawanoes ;  to  the  north, 
among  the  Abenaquis,  sharpening  their  desire  for  revenges  which 
were  unatoned  ;  on  the  prairies  of  the  west  and  amid  the  wilder 
nesses  of  Canada,  they  were  the  theme  of  thought  and  prepara 
tion.  The  English  saw  the  gathering  storm  and  sought  shelter 
behind  their  allies,  the  Iroquois ;  the  French  welded  its  gathering 
folds,  and  bade  the  avengers  -onward. 

The  war  of  1744,  while  without  positive  results  to  the  prin 
cipal  contestants,  was  the  turning  point  in  the  supremacy  of  the 
Iroquois,  as  well  as  in  the  ardor  of  their  attachment  to  the  Eng 
lish.  At  the  opening  of  the  war  a  conference  was  held  with 
them  at  Albany,  in  which  Governor  Clinton  informed  them  of  the 
condition  of  affairs,  and  asked  their  cooperation  in  promoting  the 
mutual  safety  and  defense  of  the  English  and  themselves,  "  and 
the  annoyance  of  the  common  enemy."  The  chiefs  hesitated. 
"  We  cannot  answer  to  every  particular  concerning  the  war," 
said  they,  "  but  do  promise  that  we  will  keep  all  our  people  at 
home  and  there  await  orders.  We  are  inclined  to  peace,  till 
the  enemy  attack  some  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  and  then  we 
will  join  together  to  defend  ourselves  against  them.1 

The  conference  with  them  in  October  of  the  following  year 
was  not  more  successful.  The  chiefs  thanked  the  governor 
for  the  information  which  he  had  given  them  concerning  the 
war,  but  the  hatchet  which  they  accepted  they  would  keep  in 
their  bosoms.  "  We  are,"  said  they,  "  in  alliance  with  a  great 
many  nations,  and  if  we  should  suddenly  lift  the  hatchet  with 
out  acquainting  them,  they  would  perhaps  .take  offense  at  it. 

1  Colonial  History,  vi,  265. 

26 


204  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

We  will,  therefore,  before  we  make  use  of  the  hatchet,  send 
four  of  our  people  to  Canada,  to  demand  satisfaction  for  the 
wrongs  they  have  done,  and  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  be 
ready." 

In  a  word,  they  had  determined  to  remain  neutral,  and  to 
that  end  had  had  consultation  with  their  allies  as  well  as  with 
the  French.  The  general  character  of  these  consultations  may 
be  inferred  from  that  which  they  held  with  the  Mahicans  at 
Stockbridge,  in  1744,  when,  Mr.  Sergeant  states,  the  embassa- 
dors  were  met  in  the  most  cordial  manner.  "  Uncle,"  said  the 
Mahican  chief,  "  I  ask  you  a  question.  I  hear  you  have  agreed 
with  the  French  Mohawks  to  sit  still,  in  case  of  war  between 
their  friei.ds  and  ours.  You  well  know  how  that  matter  is.  I 
desire  you  to  tell  me  what  we  are  to  do  in  that  affair.  If  you 
say  we  must  sit  still,  we  will  sit  still.  If  we  are  to  see  those 
Indians  help  their  friends,  we  must  help  ours."  "  Cousin," 
replied  the  Mohawk,  "  the  information  you  have  received  of  our 
engaging  with  the  French  Mohawks  to  stand  neuter  in  case  of 
war  between  the  French  and  English,  is  very  true.  Those 
Indians  have  promised  us  that  they  would  not  meddle  with  the 
war,  but  sit  still  in  peace,  and  let  the  white  people  determine 
the  dispute  themselves.  We  have  promised  them  the  same, 
and  desire  you  to  join  with  us  in  the  same  peaceable  disposition." 

Neutrality  was  maintained  until  1746,  when  the  French  and 
their  Indians  became  the  aggressors.  Meanwhile  the  New 
England  authorities  had  erected  a  chain  of  stockades  and  block 
houses  along  the  frontier  from  Maine  to  the  Connecticut  river, 
and  from  thence  across  the  Hoosic  mountains  to  the  territory 
of  New  York.  Upon  the  Hoosic  river,  within  the  bounds  of 
what  is  now  the  town  of  Adams,  one  of  these  blockhouses, 
known  as  Fort  Massachusetts,  was  attacked  in  August,  1746, 
by  a  force  under  Vaudreuil,  consisting  of  French  troops  and 
Indians  numbering  nine  hundred  and  sixty-five  men.  The  fort 
had  but  eleven  effective  defenders,  who  were  compelled  to  sur 
render  after  a  few  hours'  active  resistance.  The  significance 
of  this  result  was  not  in  the  loss  of  the  fort,  but  in  the  fact  that 
the  enemy  had  crossed  the  Westenhuck  and  invaded  neutral 
territory. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  205 

At  the  time  of  this  occurrence  a  conference  was  being  held 
at  Albany,  with  the  Six  Nations,  who  as  yet  had  given  no  evi 
dence  of  intention  to  lift  the  hatchet.  Governor  Clinton  had 
exhausted  persuasive  appeal ;  had  told  them  that  the  king 
expected  and  ordered  them  to  join  with  their  whole  force  in  the 
contest,  thereby  giving  them  "  a  glorious  opportunity  of  establish 
ing  their  fame  and  renown  over  all  the  Indian  nations  in  America,' 
by  the  conquest  of  their  cc  inveterate  enemies,  the  French,  "who, 
however  much  they  might  "  dissemble  and  profess  friendship," 
would  never  forget  the  slaughter  which  the  Five  Nations  had 
inflicted  upon  them  in  former  years,  and  who,  for  the  purpose 
of  their  destruction,  were  "caressing  the  nations"  who  had 
been  their  "  most  inhuman  enemies,"  and  who  desired  "  nothing 
so  much  as  to  see  the  name  of  the  Six  Nations  become  decayed 
and  forgot  forever."  The  issue,  as  it  was  understood  by  the 
French  and  the  Indians,  was  fairly  stated,  but  it  awoke  no 
response. 

When  the  news  came  that  Hoosic  had  been  attacked,  the 
aspect  of  affairs  was  immediately  changed.  Three  days  after 
the  governor's  last  appeal  (August  23d),  the  chiefs  replied : 
"Last  year  you  gave  us  the  hatchet  to  be  made  use  of  against 
your  enemies.  We  accepted  it  and  promised  to  make  use  of 
it  if  they  should  commit  further  hostilities,  which  they  have  now 
done  by  destroying  Saraghtoga1  and  shedding  a  great  deal  of 
blood.  Hitherto  we  have  made  no  use  of  the  hatchet,  but  as 
you  now  call  upon  us  we  are  ready,  and  do  declare,  from  the 
bottom  of  our  hearts,  that  we  will  from  this  day  make  use  of  it 
against  the  French  and  their  children."  To  this  determination 
the  Mabicans  and  the  Schaticooks  gave  their  assent. 

But  nothing  more  than  a  petty  warfare  followed.  In  New 
England  the  English  suffered  some  disasters,  but  in  New  York 
they  escaped,  with  the  exception  of  an  engagement  near  Sche- 
nectady,  July  2ist,  1748,  the  account  of  which  is  much  con 
fused,  and  the  destruction,  about  the  same  time,  of  the  residence 
of  Mr.  Keith,  near  Schaticook,  and  the  slaughter  of  several  of 
the  members  of  his  family,  by  a  company  of  St.  Francis  In- 

1  A  settlement  on  the  Hudson  in  the  lerville,  from  which  the  present  name  of 
vicinity  of  the  present  village  of  Schuy-  Saratoga  is  derived. 


206  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

dians.1  On  the  part  of  the  English,  the  Mobawhand  Mah  Jeans 
appear  to  have  taken  the  field  in  some  numbers,  and  to  have 
lost  warriors  by  death  and  captivity.  At  the  Cedars  they  made 
a  successful  attack  in  the  summer  of  1 747,  but  at  the  Cascades 
they  were  defeated  with  loss. 

Pending  formidable  aggressive  movements  against  the  French, 
the  war  was  closed  by  the  treaty  of  peace  at  Aix  la  Chapelle. 
The  news  of  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty  reached  Governor 
Clinton  on  the  eve  of  the  assemblage  at  Albany  of  a  grand  con 
ference,  with  the  Six  Nations  and  their  allies.  Great  effort  had 
been  made  for  the  success  of  this  conference,  and  in  point  of 
numbers  these  efforts  were  rewarded.  If  the  Six  Nations 
could  do  nothing  else,  they  could  always  rally  a  host  at  a  dis 
tribution  of  presents  ;  the  flow  of  rum  was  an  attraction  which 
they  could  not  resist.  Albany  never  saw  such  a  gathering  of 
painted  warriors  ;  a  larger  number  never,  perhaps,  assembled 
in  one  place,  or  one  in  which  there  were  more  tribes  represented. 
The  enmities  of  years  seemed  to  be  forgotten ;  Mabicans 
and  Minsis  joined  hands  with  the  Senecas ;  the  descendants  of 
Miantonimo  smoked  the  pipe  with  the  Mississagies.  Except 
in  numbers,  however,  the  conference  was  a  failure.  The 
"  covenant  chain  "  was  brightened  in  ancient  form,  but  instead 
of  the  command,  "  Onto  Canada  ! "  which  Clinton  had  expected 
to  issue,  "  Peace  !  "  was  the  injunction  which  fell  upon  the  ears 
of  the  assembled  chiefs. 

The  Mohawk's,  and  Mahicans,  the  representative  tribes  ad 
dressed,  were  disappointed.  While  the  other  tribes  in  the  English 
alliance  had,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  their  warriors,  ab 
stained  from  hostilities,  they  were  seriously  compromised.  They 
had  lost  friends  whose  deaths  were  unavenged ;  the  axe  of  the 
French  was  sticking  in  the  heads  of  their  people ;  in  Canada 
prisons  their  brethren  were  rotting  in  irons  ;  they  had  taken  up 
the  hatchet  with  reluctance,  and  would  not  lay  it  down  until 
their  friends  were  released  and  a  definite  proposal  made  guaran 
teeing  their  protection  in  the  future.  "We  will  still  keep  the 
hatchet  in  our  hands,"  said  the  former  ;  "  we  will  still  keepour  hands 
on  the  cocks  of  our  guns,"  said  the  latter.  With  them  the  question 

1  Stone's  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  i,  350,  354. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  207 

of  peace  remained  an  open  one  until  the  exchange  of  prisoners 
was  completed  in  June,  1750.*  For  two  or  three  years  later 
the  Mohawks  carried  the  hatchet  in  their  hands,  the  English 
having  neglected  to  call  them  together  and  remove  it  by  a  dis 
tribution  of  presents,  a  custom  for  which  they  had  a  most  tena 
cious  regard. 

In  the  meantime,  five  tribes  of  the  confederacy  made  peace 
with  the  French,  asserting  thereby  not  only  their  national  in 
dependence  but  subscribing  their  totems  to  the  declaration 
"  that  they  had  not  ceded  to  any  one,  their  lands  ;"  that  they 
"were  not  subjects  of  England."2  To  the  French  this  was 
an  important  declaration.  If  the  nations  represented  claimed 
independence,  then  could  treaties  be  made  with  them  and  the 
foundation  of  territorial  lines  established  ;  but  if  already  under 
allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  the  question  of  boundaries  was  still 
an  open  one.  The  Mohawks  alone  took  their  rank  with  the 
English  ;  the  practical  division  of  the  confederacy,  upon  a  very 
vital  point,  was  established,  and  a  new  element  added  to  the 
controversy  which  had  so  long  existed  between  the  Indian  na 
tions  and  the  English. 

1  Colonial  History ,  x,  an.  *  Colonial  History,  x,    187. 


208  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE  WAR  OF    1755  —  REHABILITATION   OF   THE  LENAPES 
AND  SHAWANOES  —  THE  CONSPIRACY  OF  PONTIAC. 

| HE  treaty  of  Aix  la  Chapelle  was  a  very  imperfect 
paper.  By  its  stipulations  "all  Nova  Scotia,  or 
Acadia,  with  its  dependencies,"  was  ceded  to 
Great  Britain  ;  the  "  subjects  of  France,  inhabit 
ants  of  Canada,"  were  not  to  "  disturb  or  molest  in  any  man 
ner  whatever,"  the  Five  Indian  Nations  which  were  "  subject  to 
Great  Britain,"  nor  the  "  other  American  allies"  of  that  govern 
ment  ;  the  boundaries  between  the  English  and  French  posses 
sions,  along  the  rivers  St.  Lawrence  and  Mississippi,  and  the 
limits  even  of  Nova  Scotia,  one  of  the  original  causes  of  the 
war,  were  left  entirely  undetermined,  and  no  provision  was 
made  for  the  removal  of  the  forts  which  the  French  had  erected 
at  Crown  point,  or  Lake  Champlain,  and  at  Niagara.  The 
key  to  its  interpretation,  if  such  it  had,  was  the  status  of  the 
"  Five  Indian  Nations"  claimed  as  "  subjects  to  Great  Britain." 
If  the  nations  referred  to  were  not  "  subjects  to  Great  Britain," 
then  were  the  prohibitions  of  the  treaty  void,  so  far  as  they 
circumscribed  the  operations  of  the  French  or  defined  the 
boundaries  of  their  possessions.  Availing  themselves  of  this 
interpretation,  the  French  forstalled  the  English  by  securing 
from  the  Onondagas,  Senecas,  Cayugas^and  Qneidas,  the  declara 
tion  already  quoted  that  they  were  independent  tribes,  and  re 
sumed  the  prosecution  of  the  policy,  which  they  had  inaugurated 
as  early  as  1731,  of  connecting  the  St.  Lawrence  with  the  gulf 
of  Mexico  by  a  chain  of  forts  along  that  river  to  Detroit  and 
down  the  Ohio  to  the  Mississippi.  While  the  English  were 
disputing  with  them  in  regard  to  the  Nova  Scotia  peninsula,  La 
Galissoniere  was  sent  out,  in  1749,  with  three  hundred  men  to 
trace  and  occupy  the  Ohio  valley,  and  faithfully  did  he  perform 
his  work.  At  the  mouth  of  every  principal  river  plates  of  lead 


CXF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  209 

were  deposited  in  the  soil  bearing  the  inscription,  that,  from 
the  farthest  ridge  whence  water  trickled  towards  the  Ohio,  the 
country  belonged  to  France,  and  the  lilies  of  the  Bourbons 
were  nailed  to  forest  trees  in  token  of  possession.1 

The  determination  of  the  French  reopened  the  original  con 
troversy.  The  establishment  of  the  contemplated  forts  was 
fraught  with  danger  to  the  English  colonies.  Not  only  would 
they  cut  off  the  western  Indian  trade,  but  would  build  up  a 
power  behind  the  English  settlements  which  would  be  to  them 
a  perpetual  menace,  even  if  it  did  not  involve  their  very  exist 
ence  as  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  Self-interest  as  well  as  self- 
defense  demanded  that  their  construction  should  be  anticipated 
if  possible  —  if  not,  that  their  occupation  by  the  French  should 
be  resisted.  The  colonies  were  themselves  divided  in  regard  to 
the  jurisdiction  to  which  they  were  respectively  entitled  by  their 
charters  ;  but,  without  waiting  for  the  determination  of  the  dis 
pute,  Virginia  organized  what  was  known  as  the  Ohio  com 
pany,  for  the  ostensible  purpose  of  securing  the  Ohio  valley 
for  the  English  world.  Obtaining  a  patent  in  March,  1749, 
for  five  hundred  thousand  acres,  this  company  sent  out,  in  Oc 
tober,  1750,  Christopher  Gist  to  make  treaties  with  the  Indians 
and  select  locations  for  colonies,  while  Pennsylvania,  for  a 
similar  purpose,  dispatched  George  Croghan.  At  Logstown, 
these  agents  met  and  together  prosecuted  surveys,  and  consum 
mated  treaties,  covering  a  broad  expanse  of  territory,  resting 
from  their  labors  finally  in  the  heart  of  the  territory  of  the 
Miamis. 

The  Senecas,  the  Lenapes,  and  the  Shawanoes,  whose  territory 
was  thus  invaded  by  the  rival  civilizations  of  Europe,  at  first 
received  their  visitors  approvingly  ;  but  at  length  comprehending 
that  they  were  to  be  the  ultimate  sufferers,  remonstrated. 
"  Where,"  said  Tanadiarisson,  the  Half-King,  as  the  ruling 
Seneca  chief  was  called  ;  "  where  lie  the  lands  of  the  Indians  ? 
The  French  claim  -all  on  one  side  of  the  river,  and  the  English 
all  on  the  other  j  "  and,  repairing  to  the  French  commandant  at 
Erie,  he  declared  that  it  was  the  wish  of  his  people  that  both 
parties  should  withdraw.  Met  with  open  refusal,  he  returned 

1  Bancroft,  iv,  43  etc. ;  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Wm,  Johnson,  i,  386,  etc. 


210  1HE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

to  his  council,  and  added  to  the  pending  conflict  a  third  party  in 
interest  —  the  aboriginal  proprietors  who  were  resolved  to  defeat 
the  purposes  of  their  European  neighbors  in  such  manner  as 
opportunity  should  develop. 

Strong  in  all  the  resources  of  civil  and  military  centralization, 
the  government  of  Canada  moved  with  a  resolution  and  celerity 
that  for  a  time  set  at  defiance  the  efforts  of  their  slow-footed 
and  divided  adversaries.  By  the  end  of  1753,  they  had  a  con 
nected  line  of  forts,  extending  from  Montreal  to  what  is  now 
called  French  creek,  in  Pennsylvania,  but  to  which  they  gave 
the  name  of  the  Riviere  aux  Boeufs.1  To  this  latter  fort, 
Virginia  sent,  in  December,  Major  George  Washington,  to 
demand  the  reason  "  for  invading  the  British  possessions  in  time 
of  peace,"  and  to  warn  the  trespassers  to  retire.  Civilly  was 
he  treated  ;  the  answer  which  he  received  was  not  unexpected. 
The  French  commandant  knew  no  law  but  the  orders  of  his 
general  ;  to  those  orders  he  should  u  conform  with  exactness 
and  resolution."  The  casus  belli  which  Virginia  sought  was 
supplied. 

Promptly  voting  £10,000,  Virginia  dispatched,  in  May,  a 
force  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  under  Washington,  to  the 
invaded  territory,  instructed  "  to  make  prisoners,  kill  or  destroy 
all  who  interrupted  the  English  settlements."  Not  a  moment 
too  soon  did  he  reach  the  field.  The  French,  sweeping  down 
from  Venango,  had  compelled  the  English  to  evacuate  the  trad 
ing  post  which  they  had  established  at  the  Fork,2  and  had  occu 
pied  the  place  with  fortifications.  Warned  by  the  Half-King, 
Washington  hurried  to  the  Great  Meadows,  where  he  held  a 
conference  with  the  friendly  Lenape  and  Seneca  chiefs.  Before 
the  rising  sun  of  another  day  the  French  were  attacked  in 
ambush.  An  action  of  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  ensued  ; 
ten  of  the  French  force  were  killed,  including  Jumonville,  their 
commander,  and  twenty-<one  wounded.3  Bearing  tidings  of  the 

1  On  account  of  the  number  of  Buffalo     other   to  the   west.     Hence    the    name, 
found  in  its  vicinity. —  Sfarkis  Washing-     the  Fork. 

ton,  n,  436.  8  Washington  was  severely  criticised  for 

2  Now  the  city  of  Pittsburg,  Pa.     It  this  attack,  and    was  charged   with  the 
was  here  that  the  Indian  path  separated,  murder  of  Jumonville. —  Memoirs    Hist. 
one  leading  to  the  Seneca  country  and  the  Soc.  Penn.,  v,  45,  etc. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  211 

disaster,  a  soldier  reached  the  headquarters  of  the  French  com 
mandant  ;  a  council  of  war  was  instantly  assembled  ;  its  deli 
berations  almost  as  instantly  resulted  in  sending  out  an  over 
whelming  force  to  meet  and  crush  the  advancing  English. 
Washington  fell  back  to  the  Great  Meadows,  where  he  threw 
up  the  breastworks  of  Fort  Necessity  and  manned  its  feeble 
ramparts.  But  resistance  was  hopeless.  Without  supplies  of 
ammunition  or  of  food,  capitulation  was  a  necessity.  Accept 
ing  permission  to  retire  with  his  forces,  Washington  turned  his 
face  homeward.  On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  of  July,  1754, 
the  French  flag  waved  in  triumph  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 

Not  alone  in  the  celerity  of  their  movements  had  the  French 
anticipated  the  English.  With  a  zeal  as  remarkable  as  it  was  con 
tagious  among  the  Indians,  they  had  pushed  the  alliances  and 
strengthened  the  tribes  immediately  dependent  upon  them  to  an 
extent  which  had  transferred  to  them  the  active  power  which 
had  formerly  been  exercised  by  the  Five  Nations,  when,  armed 
by  the  English,  they  had  first  been  commissioned  a  roving  police 
over  their  contemporary  tribes.  In  this  respect  the  change  had 
been  wonderful  indeed  since  the  confederates  rallied  in  the  war  of 
1688.  The  liberality  of  the  French  had  removed  much  of  the 
ancient  prejudice  against  them  ;  the  labors  of  the  priests  had 
won  converts  until  in  Canada  the  Iroquois  were  represented  by 
as  many  organizations  as  they  were  in  New  York,  who  com 
pletely  neutralized  the  action  of  the  parent  stocks  ;  the  Mississa- 
gies,  the  seventh  tribe  of  the  confederacy,  had  dropped  from 
their  ranks  ;  the  Senecas  were  estranged,  and  at  Onondaga  the 
council  fire  of  the  nation  was  constantly  attended  by  the  emis 
saries  of  France.  As  early  as  1720,  they  began  to  appear  in 
the  character  of  mediators,  rather  than  that  of  aggressive  allies, 
and  in  1745,  they  had  with  great  difficulty  indeed  been  brought 
out  in  even  inconsiderable  force  in  behalf  of  the  English. 

Perhaps  this  result  was  due  in  a  great  measure  to  the  policy 
of  the  English  in  seeking  through  their  alliances  the  promotion 
of  trade  ;  in  neglecting  to  supply  them  with  priests  as  self- 
sacrificing  as  were  those  sent  out  by  France  ;  in  supplying  the 
more  immediate  tribes  with  intoxicating  liquors  to  their  destruc 
tion,  and  in  failing  to  cultivate  the  intimate  relations  with  them 
27 


212  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

which  formed  so  conspicuous  a  feature  of  the  policy  of  the 
French.  Whatever  the  cause,  the  French  experienced  little 
difficulty  in  transferring  to  themselves  the  moral  support  of  the 
Senecas,  and  in  securing  the  active  alliance  of  the  Lenapes  and 
Shawanoes,  as  well  as  of  the  more  western  tribes,  and  to  direct 
their  blows  for  the  possession  of  the  Ohio  valley  against  the 
English  as  their  worst  enemies. 

For  their  negative  rather  than  their  positive  power,  continued 
alliance  with  the  confederates  was  desirable  to  the  English. 
As  enemies,  they  would  be  dangerous  fr6m  their  familiarity  with 
the  English  settlements;  as  allies,  they  would  still  interpose  a 
barrier  to  the  incursions  of  their  relatives  in  the  Canada  alliance. 
Their  threats x  intimidated  Clinton ;  the  rapidity  with  which  events 
were  culminating  in  hostilities,  aroused  the  reluctant  assembly ; 
the  funds  necessary  to  provide  presents  for  a  renewal  of  the 
ancient  alliance  with  them  was  voted,  and  Colonel  Johnson 
dispatched  to  their  castles  to  invite  their  attendance  at  a  confer 
ence  at  Albany.  The  Mohawks  responded  sullenly  :  "  Had 
any  other  person  been  sent,  we  would  not  move  a  foot ; "  at 
Onondaga,  the  king  declared  he  did  not  understand  what  the 
French  and  English  intended  to  do  in  reference  to  the  Ohio 
country,  but  for  his  people  he  could  say,  that  they  were  already 
"  so  hemmed  in  by  both,  that  hardly  a  hunting  place  was  left, 
so  that  even  if  they  should  find  a  bear  in  a  tree,  there  would 
immediately  appear  an  owner  of  the  land  to  challenge  the  pro 
perty.'/ 

The  conference  at  Albany  was  appointed  for  the  fourteenth 
of  June,  1754,  and  was  to  be  held  in  conjunction  with  a  con 
vention  of  delegates  from  the  several  colonies,  called  to  consider  a 
plan  for  a  general  union  for  mutual  protection.  The  attendance 
was  not  large  ;  the  colonies  were  not  fully  represented  ;  the  con 
federates  were  still  halting  between  two  opinions.  The  proceed 
ings  were  opened  with  an  address  by  acting  governor  De  Lancey, 
in  which  the  tribes  were  invited  to  "  renew  and  strengthen  their 
ancient  covenant  "  with  the  English,  and  to  call  back  the  clans 
who  had  removed  to  the  territory  of  the  French.  "  The 
French,"  said  he,  "  profess  to  be  in  perfect  friendship  with  us 

1  The  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  i,  422. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  213 

as  well  as  with  you.  Notwithstanding  this  they  are  making 
continual  encroachments  upon  us  both.  They  have  lately  done 
so  in  the  most  insulting  manner,  both  to  the  northward  and 
westward.  They  are  endeavoring  to  possess  themselves  of  the 
whole  country,  although  they  have  made  express  treaties  with 
the  English  to  the  contrary.  It  appears  to  us  that  their  mea 
sures  must  necessarily  soon  interrupt  and  destroy  all  trade  and 
intercourse  between  the  English  and  the  several  Indian  nations 
on  the  continent,  and  will  block  up  and  obstruct  the  great  roads, 
which  have  hitherto  been  kept  open,  between  you  and  your  allies 
and  friends  who  live  at  a  distance.  We  want,  therefore,  to 
know  whether  these  things  appear  to  you  in  the  same  light  as 
they  do  to  us,  or  whether  the  French,  taking  possession  of  the 
lands  in  your  country,  and  building  forts  between  the  lake  Erie 
and  the  Ohio,  be  done  with  your  consent  or  approbation." 

Hendrik  accepted  the  belt,  and  replied  that  it  should  be  taken 
to  Onondaga  for  consultation.  The  confederates  had  been 
shamefully  treated  by  their  allies,  while  the  French  had  used 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  bring  them  over  in  their  favor. 
"  This,"  said  he,  "  is  the  ancient  place  of  treaty,  where  the  fire 
of  friendship  always  used  to  burn  ;  and  'tis  now  three  years 
since  we  have  been  called  to  any  public  treaty  here.  'Tis  true 
there  are  commissioners  here,  but  they  have  never  invited  us  to 
smoke  with  them.  But  the  Indians  of  Canada  come  frequently 
and  smoke  here,  which  is  for  the  sake  of  their  beaver.  But  we 
hate  them.  We  have  not  yet  confirmed  the  peace  with  them. 
'Tis  your  fault,  brethren,  that  we  are  not  strengthened  by  con 
quest  ;  for  we  would  have  gone  and  taken  Crown  point,  but 
you  hindered  us.  We  had  concluded  to  go  and  take  it,  but  we 
were  told  that  it  was  too  late  and  that  the  ice  would  not  bear 
us.  Instead  of  this,  you  burnt  your  own  fort  at  Saratoga,  and 
run  away  from  it,  which  was  a  shame  and  a  scandal  to  you. 
Look  about  your  country,  and  see,  you  have  no  fortifications 
about  you  ;  no,  not  even  to  this  city.  Look  at  the  French  ; 
they  are  men  ;  they  are  fortifying  everywhere.  But,  we  are 
ashamed  to  say  it,  you  are  all  like  women,  bare  and  open  with 
out  any  fortifications."  r 

1  Colonial  History  y  vi,  870  ;    Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  i,  456,  etc. 


214  THE  INDIAN  7RIBES 

The  Mahicans  who  acknowledged  the  jurisdiction  of  the  au 
thorities  of  New  York,  as  well  as  those  living  under  the  go 
vernment  of  Massachusetts,  were  present,  and  also  the  Schaticooks. 
The  latter,  replying  to  the  governor,  said ;  u  Your  honor  may 
see  that  we  are  young  and  inexperienced,  our  ancient  people 
being  almost  all  dead,  so  that 'we  have  nobody  to  give  us  ad  vice, 
but  we  will  do  as  our  fathers  have  done  before  us."  The  re 
ception  of  the  Mabicans  from  Stockbridge  was  delayed,  the 
governor  regarding  them  as  belonging  to  Massachusetts.  The 
records  of  the  Indian  commissioners  were  examined,  and  the 
fact  made  apparent  that  while  under  the  territorial  jurisdiction 
of  Massachusetts,  they  were  not  the  less  the  representatives  of 
the  Mabican  nation  ;  that  they  had  always  been  present  at  the 
treaties  with  the  Five  Nations,  and  had  been  included  therein.1 
Their  address  was  historical  and  forcible.  Their  fathers  had 
first  welcomed  the  Europeans  and  given  them  lands  ;  had 
formed  with  them  a  covenant  chain  which  had  never  been 
broken.  That  chain  they  would  now  renew,  rub  bright  and 
defend  its  links.2 

The  conference  closed  on  the  eighth  of  July.  Every  effort 
had  been  made  to  conciliate  the  chiefs,  and  presents  and  promises 
were  lavished  upon  them.  The  heart  of  Hendrik  grew  happy. 
"  We  are  highly  pleased  that  all  things  have  been  so  amicably 
settled,"  said  he,  "  and  hope  that  all  that  has  passed  between 
us  may  be  strictly  observed  on  both  sides.  If  we  do  not  hold 
fast  by  this  chain  of  friendship,  our  enemies  will  laugh  us  to 
scorn."  Thirty  wagons  conveyed  to  Schenectady  the  rum  and 
other  presents  which  he  had  received  for  his  people  ;  in  full 
faith  that  his  lands  would  be  protected,  and  a  church  built  at 
Canajoharie,  in  which  should  be  taught  the  principles  of  peace 
and  good  will,  he  departed. 

While  the  conference  with  the  Six  Nations  was  as  satisfactory 
as  could  have  been  expected,  proceedings  not  directly  connected 
therewith  were  had  which  ultimately  destroyed  not  only  the 
good  which  was  anticipated,  but  plunged  the  confederates  them 
selves  into  greater  discord,3  and  aroused  the  Lenapes  to  war. 

1  Colonial  History ,  vi,   865.  *  Colonial  History,  vn,  956. 

3  Colonial  Hittory,  vi,  88 1. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  215 

Sundry  individuals  of  Connecticut  had,  after  exploring  the  Sus- 
quehanna  valley,  determined  to  locate  a  settlement  at  Wyoming. 
The  territory  being  regarded  as  the  property  of  the  Six  Nations, 
although  in  the  occupation  of  the  Lenapes  and  their  confederated 
clans,  a  deputation  was  sent  to  Albany  to  confer  with  them  and 
effect  its  purchase.  The  governor  of  Pennsylvania  promptly 
interposed  objections  to  the  procedure,  and  the  delegates  from 
that  province  were  instructed  to  prevent  its  consummation  if 
possible.  The  motive  was  entirely  selfish.  The  proprietaries 
of  Pennsylvania  were  also  in  attendance  seeking  the  purchase  of 
the  same  lands.  The  Connecticut  agents  succeeded,  through 
the  aid  of  Colonel  Lydius.  The  tract  purchased  extended  about 
seventy  miles  north  and  south,  and  from  a  parallel  line  ten  miles 
east  of  the  Susquehanna,  westward  two  degrees  of  longitude, 
and  included  the  whole  valley  of  Wyoming  and  the  country 
westward  to  the  sources  of  the  Alleghany.  Failing  to  secure 
this  tract  for  themselves,  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  added 
to  their  purchase  of  1737,  "a  tract  of  land  between  the  Blue 
mountain  and  the  forks  of  the  Susquehanna  river."  These 
purchases  were  not  made  in  open  council  with  the  representatives 
of  the  Iribes,  but  from  a  few  of  the  chiefs,  several  of  whom 
were  in  a  state  of  intoxication  when  they  signed  the  deed  of 
conveyance;  but  the  purchasers,  and  especially  the  Connecticut 
company,1  insisted  upon  their  validity.2 

The  convention  of  deputies  from  the  several  colonies  was 
continued  in  session  until  July  nth.  A  plan  of  union  was 
agreed  to  and  referred  to  the  several  colonial  assemblies,  and 
a  declaration  adopted  recommending  that  the  Indians  in  alliance 
with  the  English  should  be  placed  under  a  competent  superin- 
tendency  ;  that  forts  should  be  built  for  the  security  of  .each 
nation;  that  vessels  of  war  should  be  placed  on  the  lakes,  and  that 
any  further  advances  of  the  French  should  be  prevented.  The 
latter  only  was  approved  ;  the  union  of  the  colonies  failed. 
Regarding  the  transfer  of  powers  to  a  confederate  organization 
as  too  much  of  an  encroachment  upon  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
the  colonial  assemblies  refused  their  assent,  while  the  parent 

1  Known  as  the  Susquehanna  company.  2  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson, 
It  was  organized  in  1753.  i,  468,  etc. 


216  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

government  rejected  the  plan  on  the  ground  that  it  favored 
the  democratic  at  the  expense  of  the  aristocratic  element. 

The  echo  of  Washington's  guns  on  the  Ohio  meadows  was 
speedily  wafted  to  Canada,  and  scarcely  had  the  last  commis 
sioner  departed  from  Albany  before  the  forests  became  alive 
with  savage  hordes  let  loose  by  the  French  upon  the  settlements. 
On  the  28th  of  August,  the  St.  Francis  Indians  fell  upon 
Schaticook  and  Hoosic  ;  killed  several  persons,  destroyed  houses, 
barns  and  cattle,  and  swept  off,  either  as  prisoners  or  willing 
attendants,  the  remnant  of  Pennacooks  residing  there.1  Bakers- 
town,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  next  visited,  and  there,  as  well 
at  other  points,  men  and  women  fell  under  the  blows  of  .their 
assailants,  or  were  carried  away  captive. 

Even  more  disastrous  results  were  inaugurated  in  Pennsyl 
vania  and  the  Ohio  country  when  the  Albany  purchases  became 
known.  The  Senecas  openly  repudiated  the  contract.  The 
lands  which  had  been  sold  were  theirs  ;  were  occupied  by  their 
children  and  their  allies,  and  they  would  not  listen  to  its  sale. 
Their  principal  chief,  who  had  been  one  of  the  intoxicated 
grantors,  was  driven  out  from  their  cantons  ; 3  the  Lenapes  and 
Skawanoes  were  urged  to  hostilities.  The  latter  required  but 
little  encouragement.  To  them  the  famous  "  walking  treaty," 
had  been  a  sore  grievance,  a  shameless  fraud.  That  treaty  was 
drawn  by  Penn  in  1686,  and  conveyed  an  immense  tract  on  the 
Delaware,  the  boundaries  of  which  were  described  as  beginning 
at  a  certain  tree  above  the  mouth  of  Neshamony  creek  \  thence 
by  a  course  west-north-west  to  the  Neshamony  ;  thence  back 
into  the  woods  "as  far  as  a  man  could  walk  in  a  day  and  a 

1  On    the  z8th    of  August  a  party  of  fidelity. —  Report  of  Gov.  DeLancy,  Colo- 

French    Indians,    said  to  be  of   Bekan-  nlal  History,  Vi,  909. 

court,  a  place  between  Quebeck  and  Mont-  2  Johnson  says  that  this  chief  fled  to 

real,  made  an  incursion  into  this  province  the  French  for  protection  against  his  in- 

and   burnt  the  houses  and  barns  full  of  censed  people,  but  immediately  adds  :  "A 

grain     at    Hoosic,    a    place    lying    about  powerful  party  who  followed  his  fortunes, 

eighteen  or  twenty  miles  east  from  that  took   up   arms  shortly  after,   attacked  a 

part  of  Hudson's  river  which  is  ten  miles  body  of  provincials  at  Lake  George,  whom 

above  Albany.     They  carried  off  with  he  totally  defeated,  and  killed  forty-five, 

them  the  few  remaining  Indians  at  Scha-  Since  which   he    was  concerned  in    the 

ticook,     being   between    fifty    and    sixty  most  important  services  against  us,  cut  off 

in  number,  men,  women    and  children,  some  of  our  settlements,  and  occasioned 

They  had  a  little  while  before,   when  I  the  deaths  of  more  than  four  hundred  of 

was    in     Albany,    assured    me    of    their  our  people." —  Colonial  History ,  vn,  956 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  217 

half ;  "  thence  to  the  Delaware  again,  and  so  down  to  the  place 
of  beginning.  Sixty  years  later,  Penn's  successors  were  the 
surveyors  of  this  tract,  and,  in  order  to  secure  as  good  a  bargain 
as  possible,  prepared  a  road  for  the  "  walk,"  provided  expedi 
tious  means  of  crossing  the  intersecting  streams,  and  selected 
the  swiftest  pedestrians  in  the  province,  that  thereby  might  be 
accomplished  as  great  a  distance  as  possible  within  the  time 
limited.  The  line  on  the  Delaware  was  not  fixed  by  the  treaty, 
and  advantage  was  taken  of  the  omission  to  run  the  course  not 
parallel  with  the  river,  but  by  one  which  extended  north-east 
for  a  hundred  miles  and  more,  till  it  struck  the  Delaware  near 
the  mouth  of  Laxawaxen  creek,  far  above  Easton.  A  million 
acres  of  land  were  thus  embraced,  when,  by  a  fairer  computa 
tion,  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  would  have  confined 
their  claim.1 

This  was  the  largest,  but  not  the  least  of  the  frauds  which 
the  Lenapes  had  suffered.  In  the  Minnisink  country  they  had 
also  been  defrauded.  The  famous  Minnisink  patent  covered 
lands  which  had  been  purchased  from  them  but  never  paid  for, 
the  purchasers  having  made  the  grantors  drunk  pending  the 
execution  of  the  deed,  obtained  their  signatures  when  they  knew 
not  what  they  were  doing,  and  then  refused  the  promised  com 
pensation  on  the  plea  that  it  had  already  been  given.2  The 
Esopus  chiefs,  and  the  Hackinsacks  and  Tappans,  joined  in  the 
complaint ;  the  borders  of  New  Jersey  and  New  York,  as  well 

1  Memoirs  Historical  Society  of  Pcnnsyl-  Moravians,  his  residence  being  on  the 

•vania,  v,  68.  old  Mine  Road,  which  they  traveled. — 

2 "  An  elderly  man  who  lived  in  the  Memorials  of  Moravian  Churchy  i,  46. 
Highlands,  and  at  whose  house  I  dined  "  The  examinant  (John  Morris)  says  he 
on  my  way  from  New  York  some  years  often  heard  the  Delawares  say  that  the 
ago,  told  me  that  he  lived  with  or  in  the  reason  of  their  quarrelling  with  and  kill- 
neighborhood  of  one  Depuy,  and  was  ing  the  English  in  that  part  of  the  coun- 
present  when  the  said  Depuy  purchased  try  was  on  account  of  their  lands  which 
the  Minnisink  lands  from  the  Indians ;  the  Pennsylvania  government  cheated 
that  when  they  were  to  sign  the  deed  of  them  out  of,  and  drove  them  from  their 
sale  he  made  them  drunk  and  never  paid  settlement  at  Shamokin  by  crowding  upon 
them  the  purchase  money  agreed  upon,  them,  and  by  that  means  spoiled  their 
He  heard  the  Indians  frequently  com-  hunting,  and  that  the  people  of  Minnisink 
plain  of  the  fraud,  and  declare  that  they  used  to  make  the  Indians  always  drunk 
would  never  be  easy  until  they  had  satis-  whenever  they  traded  with  them,  and 
faction  for  their  "lands." — Manuscripts  of  then  cheated  them  out  of  their  furs  and 
Sir  JVm.  Johnson,  xxiv,  14.  Depuy  was  skins,  also  wronged  them  with  regard  to 
probably  the  agent  employed  to  make  the  their  lands." — Colonial  History ,  vii,  332. 
purchase. .  He  was  well  known  to  the 


218  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

as  the  wilderness  of  Pennsylvania,  were  filled  with  the  threatening 
protestations  of  disfranchised  proprietors  animated  by  a  common 
determination  to  hold  possession  of  their  ancient  homes. 

Hitherto  their  protestations  had  been  without  favorable  result. 
The  authorities  of  Pennsylvania,  to  provide  against  evil  conse 
quences,  had  appealed  to  the  Five  Nations  to  send  delegates  to 
a  council  at  Philadelphia,  when  they  had  complained  of  the 
"  walking  "  boundaries  in  1742.  The  Iroquois  delegates  heard 
the  complaint,  as  well  as  received  private  presents  from  the 
proprietaries.  Subsidized  by  rum  and  trinkets,  they  commanded 
the  Lenapes  to  yield  possession  of  the  lands.  u  We  conquered 
you ;  we  made  women  of  you  ;  we  charge  you  to  remove  in 
stantly  ;  we  don't  give  you  liberty  to  think  about  it ;  we  assign 
you  two  places  to  go  to,  either  to  Wyoming  or  Shamoking,"  was 
their  answer,  and  the  debate  was  closed. 

The  Lenapes  had  removed  as  they  were  bidden,  and  settled 
in  the  valley  of  Wyoming,  but  with  that  removal  and  settlement 
the  "  undisciplined  feeling  of  natural  equity  "  was  fully  developed 
in  them.  Whatever  of  doubt  hung  over  their  right  of  pos 
session  to  the  lands  from  which  they  had  been  ejected,  there 
was  none  in  regard  to  those  to  which  they  had  been  assigned. 
The  Five  Nations  had  given  them  the  latter,  and  they  were 
theirs.  In  the  sale  to  the  Connecticut  company  these  lands 
were  included  ;  in  that  to  the  agents  of  the  Pennsylvania  pro 
prietaries,  their  more  western  hunting  grounds  were  cut  off 
without  their  consent.  Remembering  that  by  precisely  similar 
means  they  had  been  despoiled  of  their  former  homes,  they 
resolved  to  fight  to  the  last  in  defense  of  their  rights  ;  to  revenge 
this  last  and  crowning  outrage,  and  to  wipe  away  with  blood 
the  well  remembered  wrongs  which  had  rankled  in  their 
bosoms  for  years.  The  chiefs  of  the  east  met  those  of  the 
west  in  council  at  Alleghany,  rehearsed  the  wrongs  which  they 
had  suffered,  and  declared  that  wherever  the  white  man  had 
settled  within  the  territory  which  they  claimed,  there  they  would 
strike  him  as  best  they  could  with  such  weapons  as  they  could 
command  ;  and,  that  the  blow  might  be  effectually  dealt,  each 
warrior-chief  was  charged  to  scalp,  kill  and  burn  within  the 
precincts  of  his  birthright,  and  all  simultaneously,  from  the 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  219 

frontiers,  down  into  the  heart  of  the  settlements,  until  the 
English  should  sue  for  peace  and  promise  redress.1 

The  summer  was  spent  in  hostile  preparations  and  in  establish 
ing  alliances.  The  Senecas  gave  them  arms,  removed  from 
them  the  petticoat,  and  bade  them  take  the  hatchet ;  the  "  six 
.  different  nations  of  French  Indians  " 2  plead  their  cause  with  the 
Mohawks,  and  "  advised  and  entreated  them "  to  break  the 
Albany  sales,  and  to  "  have  some  consideration  for  those  they 
'called  brothers;"3  the  council  at  Onondaga  repudiated  the 
offensive  contracts.  October  came,  and  no  sooner  had  the 
biting  frost  reddened  the  maple  and  hardened  the  yellow  corn  in 
the  husk,  than,  with  their  allies,  painted  black  for  war,  in  bands 
of  two  or  four  abreast,  they  moved  eastward  with  murderous 
intent,  and  the  line  of  the  Blue  mountain,  from  the  Delaware 
to  the  Susquehanna,  became  the  scene  of  the  carnival  which 
they  held  with  torch  and  tomahawk  during  many  coming  months. 
The  defenseless  settlers  were  harassed  by  an  unseen  foe  by 
day  and  by  night.  Some  were  shot  down  at  the  plow,  some 
were  killed  at  the  fireside  ;  men,  women  and  children  were 
promiscuously  tomahawked  or  scalped,  or  hurried  away  into 
distant  captivity,  for  torture  or  for  coveted  ransom.  There 
was  literally  a  pillar  of  fire  by  night  and  a  pillar  and  cloud  by 
day  going  up  along  the  horizon,  marking  the  progress  of  the 
relentless  Indians,  as  they  dealt  out  death,  and  pillage,  and  con 
flagration,  and  drove  before  them,  in  midwinter's  flight,  hundreds 
of  homeless  wanderers,  who  scarce  knew  where  to  turn  for 
safety  or  for  succor  in  the  swift  destruction  thatswas  come  upon 
them.4 

The  attacking  force  appeared  in  two  distinct  yet  united  or 
ganizations  —  that  of  the  eastern  Lenapes,  under  the  lead  of 
Teedyuscung ;  that  of  the  western  under  Shingas.5  Both 

1  Thompson's  Alienation.  ploits  on  record   they  would   form  an  in- 

2  These  were  representatives  of  the  Six  teresting   document,   though   a  shocking 
Nations  who  had  removed  to  Canada  at  one.      His  person  was  small,  but  in  point 
the  instigation  of  the  French  priests.  of  courage  and  activity,  he  was   said   ne- 

3  Colonial  History,  vi,  938.  ver  to  have   been  exceeded  by  any  one." 

4  Memorials  Meravian  Church,  i,  193.        (Hcckciu elders  Narrative,  64).     Pennsyl- 
6 "  Shingask    was     his     proper     name,     vania  offered   £200   for  his   scalp.      His 

which  interpreted  is  a  bog  meado<w.  brother,  Tamaque,  or  King  Beaver, 
This  man  was  the  greatest  Delaware  was  also  a  distinguished  warrior  and 
warrior  of  that  time  j  were  his  war  ex-  chief. —  Ib,,  61,  64. 

28 


220  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

were  equal  in  determination,  though  perhaps  unequal  in  strength, 
the  western  being  the  most  formidable  in  numbers,  in  position, 
and  in  the  direct  aid  which  they  could  obtain  from  the  French. 
The  defeat  of  Braddock  in  July,  was  the  signal  for  the 
aggressive  action  already  outlined  in  general  terms.  The 
western. organization  was  first  to  strike.  On  the  i6th  of  Oc 
tober  they  fell  upon  the  whites  of  John  Penn's  creek,  four 
miles  south  of  Shamokin.  Here  they  killed  or  took  captive 
twenty-five  persons ;  and  it  was  only  the  twenty-third  of  the' 
month  when  all  the  settlements  along  the  Susquehanna,  between 
Shamokin  and  Hunter's  mill,  for  a  distance  of  fifty  miles,  were 
hopelessly  deserted.  Early  in  November  the  Great  and  Little 
Cove  were  attacked  and  the  inhabitants  either  put  to  death  or 
taken  prisoners,  and  the  settlements  totally  destroyed. 

These  blows  were  promptly  seconded  by  the  eastern  organ 
ization  under  Teedyuscung.  Assembling  his  allied  Lenape, 
Shawanoe  and  Mabican  warriors  at  Nescopec,  he  marked  out 
the  plan  of  the  campaign  for  the  coming  autumn  and  winter. 
Its  operations  were  to  be  restricted  to  the  ct  walking  purchase," 
within  which  it  was  resolved  to  chastise  the  English  first,%y 
waging  against  them  a  war  of  extermination.  From  their  lurk 
ing  places  in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Great  Swamp,  the  wronged 
warriors,  led  by  Teedyuscung  in  person,  sallied  forth  on  their 
marauds,  striking  consternation  into  the  hearts  of  the  settlers. 
Falling  upon  the  farms  along  the  Susquehanna  and  Delaware, 
they  fired  the  harvested  grain  and  fodder  in  barns  and  in  barracks, 
destroyed  large  numbers  of  cattle  and  horses,  and  killed  thirteen 
persons.  On  the  24th  of  November  the  Moravian  mission  at 
Gnadenhutten  was  surprised  and  ten  of  its  converts  scalped,  or 
shot,  or  tomahawked,  or  burned  to  death  in  their  dwellings. 
This  was  but  the  prelude  to  the  tragedy  which  was  to  be  per 
formed.  Along  the  northern  line  of  the  tract  which  had  been 
so  fraudulently  surveyed,  the  tide  of  devastation  rolled  its  black 
ening  current.  Within  a  month,  fifty  farm  houses  were  plun 
dered  and  burned,  and  upwards  of  one  hundred  persons  killed 
on  the  frontiers  on  both  sides  of  the  Kittatinny,  or  endless 
hills.  "  All  our  border  country,"  writes  a  chronicler  of  the  day, 
"  extending  from  the  Potomac  to  the  Delaware,  not  less  than  one 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  221 

hundred  and  fifty  miles  in  length  and  between  twenty  and  thirty 
in  breadth,  has  been  entirely  deserted,  its  houses  reduced  to 
ashes,  and  the  cattle,  horses,  grain  and  other  possessions  of  the 
inhabitants  either  destroyed,  burned  or  carried  off  by  the  Indians  ; 
while  such  of  the  poor  planters  who,  with  their  wives,  children 
and  servants,  escaped  from  the  enemy,  have  been  obliged,  in 
this  inclement  season  of  the  year,  to  abandon  their  habitations 
almost  naked,  and  to  throw  themselves  upon  the  charity  of  those 
who  dwell  in  the  interior  of  the  province."' 

The  Minsis,  unleashed,  performed  their  part — for  each  tribal 
clan,  it  will  be  borne  in  mind,  was,  by  the  terms  of  the  compact, 
required  to  strike  within  the  territory  which  they  claimed  as  their 

birthright  —  and  on  the  borders  of 
Ulster  and  Orange  counties  in  New 
York,  and  in  the  western  settle 
ments  of  New  Jersey,  were  repeated 
the  fearful  ravages  of  the  more 
remote  districts  of  Pennsylvania. 
Except  in  the  town  of  Goshen, 
the  settlements  here  were  at  con 
siderable  distance  from  each  other 
and  much  exposed  to  the  surprises 
of  the  Indian  enemy.  The  incur 
sions  of  the  Indians  were  frequent ;  the  people,  especially  in  the 
northern  part  of  Orange  and  southern  part  of  Ulster,  were  kept  in 
almost  perpetual  alarm  and  under  such  "  continued  military  duty 
as  to  be  rendered  incapable  of  taking  care  of  their  private  affairs 
for  the  support  of  their  families."  An  extent  of  country,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Wallkill,  of  fifteen  miles  in  length  and 
seven  or  eight  in  breadth,  which  was  "well  and  thickly  settled, 
was  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants,  who,  for  their  safety,  removed 
their  families  to  the  east  side  of  the  river,  and  became  a  charge 
on  the  charity  of  their  neighbors,"  while  others  "  removed  to 
distant  parts,  and  some  out  of  the  province.1 

"  Fatigues  of  body,  in  continually  guarding  and  ranging  the 
woods,  and  anxiety  of  mind  which  the  inhabitants  could  not 

1  Neiv  Tork  Manuscripts,  LXXXII,  107,  etc. 


222  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

avoid  by  their  being  exposed  to  a  cruel  and  savage  enemy, 
increased  by  the  perpetual  lamentations  and  cries  of  the  women 
and  children,"  were  not  the  only  evils  which  the  inhabitants 
suffered.  Three  men  were  killed  at  Cochecton  ;  five  men  at 
Philip  Swartwout's  ;  Benjamin  Sutton  and  one  Rude,  two  of 
the  Goshen  militia,  were  killed  at  Minnisink  ;  Morgan  Owen 
was  killed  and  scalped  about  four  miles  from  Goshen  ;  a  woman, 
taken  prisoner  at  Minnisink,  was  killed  and  her  body  cut  in  halves 
and  left  by  the  highway  ;  Silas  Hulet's  house  was  robbed  and 
he  himself  narrowly  escaped.  "  From  about  the  drowned  lands 
for  fifteen  miles  down  the  Wallkill,  where  fifty  families  dwelt, 
all  save  four  abandoned  their  fields  and  crops."  * 

Meanwhile  General  Edward  Braddock,  whose  defeat  has  bee/i 
incidentally  noticed,  had  arrived  in  Virginia  with  two  regiments 
of  English  troops,  and  at  a  conference  with  the  royal  governors, 
on  the  14-th  of  April,  had  planned  four  expeditions  against  the 
French  ;  the  first  was  to  effect  the  complete  reduction  of  Nova 
Scotia,  the  second  was  to  recover  the  Ohio  valley,  the  third  was 
to  expel  the  French  from  Fort  Niagara  and  form  a  junction 
with  the  expedition  to  the  Ohio,  and  the  fourth,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Colonel  Johnson,  was  to  have  for  its  object  the  capture 
of  Crown  point,  for  which  purpose  he  was  to  have  the  militia  of 
New  York,  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  and  the  warriors 
of  the  Six  Nations  under  his  command.  To  aid  in  securing 
the  services  of  the  latter,  as  well  as  to  effect  a  more  complete 
organization  of  the  Indian  alliances,  he  was  appointed  superin 
tendent  of  Indian  affairs,  with  full  power  to  make  treaties  in  the 
interest  of  the  crown.2 

Returning  from  Alexandria,  where  the  conference  had  been 
held,  Johnson  entered  upon  the  work  which  had  been  assigned 
to  him.  From  Mount  Johnson,  to  which  he  removed  the 
council-fire  which  had  for  so  many  years  been  kept  burning  at 
Albany,  he  sent  a  belt  to  each  of  the  confederate  tribes, 

lu  All  the  families  between  the  depo-  which  was,  last  year,  fifteen   or   sixteen 

nent's  house  and  Minnisink,  to  the  amount  miles  within  the  settlements  at  Minnisink, 

of  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,   have  is    about    sixteen     miles    from    Hudson's 

deserted  those  settlements  and  come  into  river." — Affidavit  of  James  Hoivell,  New 

four  frontier  houses,  one  of  which  is  the  York  Manuscripts,  LXXXII,    107,  etc. 

deponent's:   that  deponent's  house,  which  2  Colonial  History,  vi,  961. 
is  now  a  frontier  house  on  that  side,  and 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  223 

acquainting  them  of  his  appointment  and  asking  them  to 
come  and  meet  him.  Over  a  thousand  sons  of  the  forest 
accepted  the  invitation,  and,  on  the  2ist  of  June,  seated  them 
selves  before  him  in  council.  While  ready  to  do  him  personal 
service  and  honor,  they  had  many  complaints  to  make  —  were 
deeply  entangled  by  their  pledges  to  the  French  as  well  as  to 
their  tribal  blood  in  Canada.  Johnson  listened  to  them  with 
patience,  and,  after  answering  all  their  inquiries,  delivered  to 
them  a  ringing  appeal  to  join  him.  The  chtefs  listened  and 
applauded  ;  drank  the  rum  which  had  been  provided,  accepted 
the  presents,  and  danced  the  war  dance,  but  that  was  all.  To 
march  with  him  to  the  frontiers  they  were  not  prepared,  and 
plead  the  shortness  of  the  warning,  the  want  of  time  to  call  in 
their  scattered  people,  the  disgraceful  termination  of  the  con 
test  of  1745,  their  relations  with  their  Canada  brethren  ;  indeed, 
there  was  apparently  no  end  to  the  reasons  which  they  could  not 
assign  to  conceal  their  indifference  to  the  English  cause  and  the 
divisions  which  existed  among  themselves. 

From  this  boasted  "  bulwark  "  against  the  French,  turn  for  t 
a  moment  to  the  conduct  of  the  nations  in  the  French  alliance, 
led  by  the  flower  of  the  Hudson  river  tribes.  At  the  call  of 
Vaudreuil  three  and  thirty  nations  rallied  to  his  ranks.  From 
the  rivers  of  Maine  and  Acadia,  and  the  wildernesses  of  Lake 
Huron  and  Lake  Superior,  the  martial  airs  of  France  were 
shouted  in  the  many  tongues  of  the  allied  nations  as  they  pressed 
with  swift  destruction  upon  the  border  settlements  and  returned 
laden  with  the  trophies  of  the  fray. 

Hendrik  and  his  Mohawks,  bound  by  personal  ties  to  John 
son,  with  here  and  there  a  warrior  from  the  other  tribes,  to  the 
number  of  fifty,  left  Albany  with  Johnson  on  the  8th  of  Au 
gust.  At  the  "  carrying  place  "  some  two  hundred  warriors 
joined  him,1  giving  to  him,  with  the  militia,  a  force  of  about 
thirty-five  hundred  men.  The  French,  marching  in  about 
equal  force  to  attack  Oswego,  were  called  back  and  sent,  under 
Baron  Dieskau,  to  the  defense  of  Crown  point.  Leaving  the 
largest  portion  of  his  forces  at  that  Fort,  Dieskau  pushed  on 

JThe  French  report  says:  "All  the  Tharhkarorin,  some  Mahicans,  and  one 
Mohawks  were  there,  some  Oneidas,  some  Onondaga." —  Colonial  History,  x,  32,2. 


224  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

intending  to  attack  Fort  Edward,  cut  off  Johnson's  retreat,  and 
annihilate  his  army.  Misled  by  his  guides,  he  found  himself 
on  the  road  to  Lake  George  and  only  four  miles  distant  from 
Johnson's  encampment  at  Ticonderoga.  Leaving  his  position, 
Johnson  detached  one  thousand  men  and  two  hundred  Indians 
to  bring  on  an  engagement.  The  opposing  forces  met  on  the 
8th  of  September.  Finding  the  French  too  powerful,  the  Eng 
lish  fell  back  to  Ticonderoga  ;  the  French  pursued  and  re 
sumed  the  battle  under  the  walls  of  Johnson's  position.  After 
a  severe  engagement,  from  twelve  until  four  o'clock,  the  French 
retreated.  The  losses  on  both  sides  were  heavy,  that  of  the 
English  being  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  killed,  including  King 
Hendrik  and  thirty-eight  of  his  warriors,  ninety-two  wounded 
and  sixty-two  missing,  while  that  of  the  French  was  .between 
three  ^nd  four  hundred.1  Johnson  was  wounded  slightly,  and 
Dieskau  mortally.  The  French  retreat  was  unmolested  ;  Crown 
point  was  not  reduced.  Such  was  the  victory  which  gave  to 
Johnson  a  baronetcy,  and  to  American  history  Fort  Ticonderoga. 
«.  Johnson  returned  to  his  residence  in  November,  and  was 
met  at  Schenectady  by  a  message  from  the  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  asking  his  aid  in  arresting  the  depredations  of  the  Lenapes 
in  that  province.  Summoning  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations 
(Jan.  yth),  he  informed  them  that  u  the  Shawanoes  and  Dela 
ware*  and  river  Indians2  were  committing  hostilities  in  the 
southern  part  of  New  York,  as  well  as  in  New  Jersdy  and 
Pennsylvania  ;"  that  they  had  "  burned  several  out  settlements 
and  killed  many  people  who  had  never  offended  them  ;"  that 
as  the  offenders  were  "  looked  upon  as  allies  and  dependents  of 
the  Six  Nations,"  and  living  within  the  limits  of  their  country, 
it  was  expected  that  they  would  reprimand  them  "  for  what 
they  had  already  done,  prevent  their  doing  any  more  mischief, 
and  insist  on  their  turning  their  arms  against  the  French."3 

The  mission  was  promptly  undertaken  by  the  Mohawk, 
Oneida  and  Tuscarora  chiefs.4  They  had  already  sent  a  belt 
to  the  Lenapes  and  their  allies  desiring  that  they  would  not 

1  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson.  8  Colonial  History,  vn,  44. 

2  The    reference    is    to    Mahican    and          4  These  were  the   only  nations  repre- 
other  clans  residing  on  the  Delaware.  sented  at  the  conference. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  225 

join  with  any  but  the  Five  Nations  j1  now  they  would  "  appoint 
with  them  a  conference  at  Tiyoga  and  endeavor  to  put  a  stop 
to  any  more  bloodshed."  The  loyal  Seneca  villages2  exercised 
their  influence  in  the  same  direction.  Visited  by  a  party  of 
Lenapes  on  their  way  to  Niagara,  they  tried  to  persuade  them 
to  stop,  and  called  to  their  aid  their  most  venerable  chief;  but 
neither  belts  nor  personal  appeals  had  any  effect  upon  the  fol 
lowers  of  Shingas.  Replying  to  the  loyal  Senecas  they  ex 
claimed  :  "  We  have  once  been  women  and  ashamed  to  look 
down  at  our  petticoats,  but  as  you  have  taken  off  our  petticoats, 
and  encouraged  us  to  begin  a  quarrel  with  the  English,  we  are 
determined  never  to  submit  agaiA  to  that  ignominious  state  while 
there  is  one  of  us  alive.  It  seems  to  us  that  you  now  want  to 
throw  all  the  blame  on  us,  and  make  peace,  which  we  will  not 
hearken  to,  but  will  go  to  our  father  the  French,  who  will  assist 
and  protect  us."3  Thither  they  went,  and  to  the  commandant 
at  Niagara  declared  :  "  Father  —  We  are  now  at  war  with  the 
English.  When  we  first  began,  being  very  poor,  we  struck 
them  with  billets  of  wood."  In  reply,  the  commandant  gave 
them  a  hatchet,  and  arms  and  ammunition,  and  lighted  afresh 
the  torch  of  war  which  they  had  waved  along  the  borders. 

Not  more  successful  were  the  direct  appeals  of  Johnson's 
embassadors  to  Shingas.  "  Get  sober,"  said  they  to  him,  in 
the  metaphorical  language  of  Indian  speech  ;  u  Get  sober — your 
actions  are  those  of  a  drunken  man."  But  the  days  of  yore 
were  gone,  when  the  trembling  Lenape  stood  cowering  in  the 
presence  of  the  Mengwe.  Unhesitating  submission  to  the  man 
dates  of  the  tribes  that  had  so  long  oppressed  and  insulted  his 
nation,  was  no  longer  written  on  his  heart.  Of  the  old  con 
federacy  the  most  powerful  part  were  now  his  friends,  while 
around  him  had  gathered  his  grandchildren  in  formidable  num 
bers.  To  the  words  of  the  embassadors  he  returned  scoff  for 
scoff,  and  scorn  for  scorn.  '*  We  are  men,"  said  he  ;  "  we  are 
men  and  warriors.  We  will  acknowledge  no  superiors  upon 

1  When    speaking    of    themselves    in  of  two    Seneca    villages    who    remained 
official    transactions    Five    Nations    only  loyal  to  the  English.     As  already  stated, 
were    recognized.     The    Tuscaroras   had  the  great  bulk  of  the  Senecas  were  ac- 
no  territorial  rights  or  authority.  tively  aiding  the  French. 

2  The  Onondagas,  Cayugas  and  Senecas          *  Manuscripts  of  Sir  William  Johnson^ 
preferred  neutrality,    with  the  exception  iv,  131. 


226  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

earth.  We  are  men,  and  are  determined  to  be  no  longer  ruled 
over  by  you  as  women.  We  are  warriors,  and  are  determined 
to  cut  off  all  the  English  save  those  that  make  their  escape  from 
us  in  ships.  So  say  no  more  to  us  on  that  head,  lest  we  make 
women  of  you  as  you  have  done  of  us."  V 

At  Otseningo  the  embassadors  were  more  successful,  the 
Lenapes  and  their  allies  there  being  more  immediately  under  the 
influence  of  the  Oneidas.  From  thence  they  returned,  on  the 
27th  of  December,  bearing  with  them  the  message  that  the 
offending  chiefs  there  had  promised  to  "  stop  and  repent,"  but 
as  a  condition  thereto  the  English  must  return  the  captives 
which  they  had  taken  ;  that  they  "  must  see  every  one  of  them 
returned  again  "  or  it  "  would  not  be  well  ;"  for  this  they  would 
wait  -two  months,  and  if  the  captives  were  then  returned,  they 
would  "  corttrive  to  make  up  the  matter  and  settle  affairs,  and 
not  till  then  ;"  meanwhile  they  promised  that  their  young  men 
who  were  on  the  war  path  should  be  called  back."2 

In  February,  1756,  Johnson  again  called  the  attention  of  his 
allies  to  the  matter,  and  reminded  them  that  unless  they  exerted 
themselves  to  "  maintain  their  superiority,"  they  would  "  not 
only  lose  that  authority  "  which  had  been  hitherto  acknowledged, 
but  would  have  the  Lenapes  their  enemies.  Red  Head,  the 
Onondaga  sachem,  replied,  that  when  first  requested  to  do  so  a 
message  had  been  dispatched  to  the  Lenapes,  which  had  subse 
quently  been  "  backed  with  a  second  message ; "  that  both 
messages  having  proved  abortive,  they  had  u  obtained  an  inter 
view,"  through  the  Oneidas,  at  which  the  Lenapes  had  promised 
that  hostilities  should  cease.  They  would  cheerfully  renew 
their  efforts,  and  would  appoint  a  meeting  at  Otseningo,  at  which, 
by  a  full  representation  of  the  tribes,  they  would  endeavor  to 
exercise  that  influence  in  which  they  had  hitherto  failed. 

Pending  this  new  mission,  a  delegation  of  friendly  Lenapes 
met  Johnson  in  conference,  on  the  2Qth  of  February.  The 
Oneida  and  Tuscarora  embassadors  opened  the  proceedings,  and 
stated  that  the  Shawanoes  were  on  their  way  to  Chugnut 3  where 

1  Thompson's    Alienation,  77  j    Memoirs          3  On  the  south  side  of  the  Susquehanna 

Historical  Society  Pennsylvania,  v,  98.  river,    opposite    Binghamton.      It    was   a 

3  Colonial  History,  vii,  44,  49.  very  small  portion  of  the  Shawanoes  that 

were  represented. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  227 

they  would  live  under  the  protection  of  the  Six  Nations;  that 
the  Lenapes  had  given  the  strongest  assurances  of  peace,  and  that 
they  earnestly  desired  that  a  fort  might  be  erected  for  their  pro 
tection.  Johnson  expressed  his  gratification  at  the  disposition 
of  the  chiefs  in  attendance  ;  promised  that  a  fort  should  be 
built  for  the  protection  of  the  Lenapes  and  that  they  should  be 
cared  for  and  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition.  Adam,  on 
the  part  of  the  latter,  expressed  his  appreciation  of  the  kindness 
which  they  had  received,  and  promised  never  to  forget  it.  The 
visit  was  of  no  significance  touching  the  action  of  the  Lenapes 
proper,  but  appears  to  have  been  gotten  up  to  indicate  that  the 
Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  still  had  the  influence  which  they  claimed. 

On  the  2  ist  of  April,  the  embassadors  of  the  second  mission 
made  their  report.  They  had  visited  the  Lenapes  and  Sha- 
wanoes,  and  had  succeeded,  they  said,  in  "  convincing  them  that 
they  had  acted  very  foolishly  and  very  unjustifiably,"  and  that 
they  had  "promised  and  agreed"  to  unite  with  them  against 
the  "  common  enemy  ;  "  but  at  the  same  time  had  expressed 
the  desire  that  they  might  have  a  hearing  at  Onondaga  to  con 
vince  them  that  harmony  and  friendship  with  them  was  desired, 
in  which  request  the  embassadors  united.  Johnson  accepted 
the  proposition;  he  would  hold  a  council  at  Onondaga  twenty 
days  hence,  and  charged  the  chiefs,  then  present  with  the  duty 
of  extending  the  invitation. 

About  the  same  time  an  important  change  took  place  in  the 
Lenape  government.  Tadame,1  their  king,  was  treacherously 
murdered,  but  by  whom  is  not  stated,  and  Teedyuscung,  that 
"  lusty,  raw-boned  man,"  whose  voice  had  already  been  heard 
in  the  wilderness,  became  his  successor.  Enjoying  the  confi 
dence  of  his  people,  as  well  as  possessing  great  native  ability,  he 
had  already  become  a  power  to  be  both  feared  and  conciliated. 
For  peace  with  the  English  he  was  ready,  but  it  must  be  a 
peace  which  recognized  the  rights  of  his  nation ;  to  no  other 
would  he  listen,  and  spurned  alike  the  threats  and  the  blandish 
ments  of  those  who  would  influence  him  to  a  different  policy. 

1  We  have  not  met  with  a  more  spe-  long  out  lived  his  activity. —  Minor's  His- 

cific  reference  to  this  chief.      He  appears  tory      Wyoming  •     Memorials     Moravian 

to    have   been  the  successor  of  Allum-  Church^  i,   67. 

panees  who  died  in   I747>    after  having  ft 

29 


228  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

In  the  meantime,  Pennsylvania  declared  war  against  the 
Lenapes  and  Shawanoes^  and  sent  out  a  force  of  three  hundred 
men,  under  the  charge  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  to  build  a  fort  at 
GnadenhutteR1  or  Shamokin,  and  restore  the  fugitive  Moravian 
Indians  and  their  missionaries  to  their  lands.  Johnson  doubted 
the  policy  of  these  movements,  regarding  it  as  the  part  of  wis 
dom  to  have  awaited  the  result  of  the  negotiations  which  he 
had  inaugurated,  and  which  he  believed  only  awaited  the  council 
which  Jie  had  appointed  at  Onondaga  for  their  consummation. 
That  council  assembled  in  June,  but  Teedyuscung  did  not 
attend,  nor  were  his  subordinate  chiefs  present  in  numbers  suffi 
cient  u  to  enter  upon  business  and  conclude  affairs  relating  to 
them  with  proper  authority."2  To  entertain  and  conciliate 
them  special  effort  had  been  made.  Thirty  Indians  from  the 
Delaware  river,  who  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  English, 
and  whose  release  had  been  insisted  upon,  were  taken  up  in  full 
clothing  and  armament,  as  a  peace  offering,  and  ample  presents 
were  provided  for  distribution.  On  the  last  day  of  the  session 
Teedyuscung  made  his  appearance,  but  would  do  nothing,  and 
the  conference  was  adjourned  to  Mount  Johnson.3 

The  adjourned  conference  was  more  successful.  Teedyus 
cung,  having  satisfied  himself  that  the  English  were  not  only 
sincere  in  their  desire  for  peace,  but  had  been  convinced  that 
the  Six  Nations,  in  their  present  condition,  were  wholly  unable 
to  control  his  people,  made  his  appearance,  and  was  urged  to 
explain  the  reason  for  the  hostilities  which  had  been  committed, 
and  to  enter  upon  a  covenant  of  peace.  But  he  was  not  pre 
pared  to  comply.  "  I  cannot  take  upon  me  at  this  time  to  give 
a  determinate  answer  to  you,"  said  he,  "  but  I  shall  punctually 
deliver  your  speech  to  all  my  nation  on  my  return  home,  and 
you  shall  have  our  fixed  resolutions  and  positive  answers  as  soon 
as  possible."  Dismissing  him,  Johnson  called  the  confederate 

1  Fort  Allen.      It  was  located  at  the  2  There  were  only  two  young  warriors 

Moravian  town  of  Gnadenhiitten,  on  the  of  the  Delaware  nation  present. —  Colonial 

Lehigh  river,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  History,  vii,  146. 

Mahoning,    and     adjoined     the     Lenape  3  Neither  did  the  deputation  from  the 

town  of  Shamokin  where    Teedyuscung  Delawares    come    till    that  meeting  was 

had  his  residence.     It  was  built  in  Janu-  near  upon  a  conclusion. —  Colonial  History, 

arv»    *7$6j    by    Benjamin     Franklin. —  vu,  153. 
Pennsylvania  Colonial  Records,  vu,  15. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  229 

chiefs  to  advise  with  him  what  further  course  to  pursue,  and 
it  was  agreed  that  the  latter  should  visit  Teedyuscung  in  his 
tent  and  persuade  him  to  declare  his  intentions  at  the  session 
of  the  following  day.  To  this  the  king  consented,  and,  at  the 
appointed  time,  stated  that  he  could  only  agree  for  himself  and 
his  people  at  Tiyoga  ;  that  his  brethren  on  the  Ohio  must 
determine  for  themselves,  but  for  himself  and  those  whose 
representative  he  was,  he  promised  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
Six  Nations  —  a  promise  at  that  time  of  very  doubtful  import. 
Paxinos,  the  Shawanoe  king,  made  similar  pledge,  and  Abraham, 
on  behalf  of  the  Mahicans  at  Otsiningo,  united  in  the  assurance 
of  harmony.  A  formal  declaration  or  covenant  of  peace  and 
friendship  was  then  made,  and  the  war  dance  celebrated. 

Still  Johnson  was  not  altogether  satisfied  that  his  work  was 
well  done.  He  knew  that  the  Lenapes^  and  their  allies,  aspired 
to  if  they  did  not  possess  the  independence  which  they  claimed, 
and  that  so  long  as  this  was  denied,  peace  would  not  be  possible. 
The  necessities  of  the  English  were  great,1  the  determination  of 
the  Lenapes  and  their  allies  undisguised.  Selfishness  became 
the  ally  of  justice  —  the  diplomacy  of  Teedyuscung  secured  the 
triumph  of  his  people.  In  the  watches  of  the  night  Johnson 
meditated,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  1 2th  of  July,  after  con 
sultation  with  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations,  declared  to  the 
Lenape  king,  and  the  representatives  of  the  Shawanoes  and 
Mabicans,  that,  in  consideration  of  the  promise  they  had  made, 
and  in  full  confidence  of  their  future  suitable  behavior,  they 
were  "  hereafter  to  be  considered  as  men,"  by  all  their  brethren 
the  English,  u  and  no  longer  as  women,"  and  expressed 
the  hope  that  the  Six  Nations  would  follow  his  example  and 
remove  the  "invidious  distinction."2  Decking  the  chiefs  with 
medals,  and  the  kings  with  silver  gorgets,  he  covered  the  em 
bers  of  the  council-fire,  and  sent  from  his  presence  a  rehabi 
litated  race. 

1  The    good    consequences    that    will  Shawanese  that  are  settled  on  the  Ohio 

attend    the    accommodating  of  this  un-  from  the  French  interest.     I  doubt  their 

happy  breach  are  great.     It  will  give  a  present  connections  are  too  strong  to  hope 

great  turn  to  the  affairs  of  the  present  war  for  this  success  now. —  Hardy  to  Lords  of 

in  North  America,  and  I  trust  may,  by  a  Trade,  May  10,  1756. 

little  time  and  proper  management,  en-  2  Colonial  History,  vii,  151,  160. 
able  us  to  withdraw  the  Delawares  and 


230  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

While  the  attention  of  Johnson  was  mainly  devoted  to  the 
pacification  of  the  more  important  Indian  nations,  the  domestic 
clans  of  Minsis  and  Mahicans,  who  remained  in  the  valley  of  the 
Hudson,  were  not  neglected.  To  the  former,  proclamation  was 
made  in  December,  1755,  through  the  justices  of  Ulster, 
inviting  them  to  remove  from  the  "  back  settlements,  where 
they  might  be  taken  for  enemies  and  destroyed,"  to  the  "  towns 
where  they  would  be  protected  and  assisted."  Accepting  these 
assurances,  many  of  them  came  forward  ;  but  the  promised  pro 
tection  and  assistance  was  not,  in  all  cases,  extended.  At  Wile- 
mantown,  in  Ulster  county,1  at  the  house  of  Charles  Stevenson, 
where  a  number  of  them  assembled,  they  were  attacked,  on  the 
second  of  March,  by  a  party  of  armed  men,  headed  by  Samuel 
Slaughter,  and  a  man  and  his  squaw  killed.  Moving  from 
thence  to  a  wigwam  about  a  mile  and  a  half  distant,  three  In 
dians,  two  squaws  and  two  children  fell  victims  to  Slaughter's 
misguided  zeal.2  Those  who  reached  Kingston,  while  spared 
hostile  attack,  were  suffered  to  remain  dependent  upon  such 
charity  as  was  usually  extended  to  their  race.  Under  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  they  were  placed,  they  readily  accepted 
the  offer  which  was  made  to  them  to  remove  to  the  Mohawk 
country.  To  that  end  Mohawk  chiefs  were  sent  to  them,  with 
an  interpreter,  and  provision  made  for  their  transportation. 
On  the  22d  of  May  they  appeared  before  Johnson,  were  ad 
dressed  and  assigned  to  lands  in  the  Schoharie  county.3 

Many  of  the  Mahicans  of  the  upper  Hudson  and  Wapplngers 
of  Dutchess  followed  in  the  same  direction.  On  the  28th  of 
May,  Johnson  writes  :  "  The  river  Indians  whose  families  a$e 
at  Fishkill,  have  had  a  meeting  with  the  Mohawk  Indians,  and 
it  is  agreed  that  they  shall  remove  and  live  with  the- Mohawks. 
Two  of  those  Indians  are  going  down  to  fetch  up  their  women, 
children,  etc.,  and  I  send  an  interpreter  with  them.  As  the 
removal  of  these  Indians  and  their  incorporation  with  the  Mo 
hawks  is  an  affair  that  will  be,  I  hope,  of  happy  consequence 
towards  the  public  tranquillity  at  this  juncture,  I  must  desire  you 


1  Near  Walden,  Orange  county,  in  the     Documentary    History  of  New    York,    H, 
ate  of  New  York.  763,764. 

2  New    York  Manuscripts,  LXXXII,  88;          3  Colonial  History,  ¥11,94/96,  100,113. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  231 

will  give  all  assistance  in  your  power  to  the  Indians  who  are 
going  down,  and  take  care  that  no  just  cause  of  dissatisfaction  be 
given  to  them."1  When  Johnson  returned  to  his  residence  on 
the  gth  of  July,  he  found,  as  the  fruit  of  this  order,  one  hundred 
and  ninety-six  "  Mobicander  or  river  Indians,"  men,  women  and 
children,  awaiting  his  pleasure.  In  the  afternoon  he  clothed  the 
men  "  from  head  to  foot,  gave  them  ammunition,  paint,  etc.,  in 
!he  presence  of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  Shawanoes  and  Delaware 
kings."2  They  were  warmly  greeted  by  their  brethren  who 
had  left  them  many  years  before,  and  who  were  then  present, 
as  well  as  by  the  Nanticokes,  in  whose  immediate  vicinity  they 
were  assigned  lands  at  Otsiningo.3  Thither  they  went,  and  in 
the  subsequent  assemblies  of  the  tribes  took  their  place  as  the 
allies  of  the  Senecas,  After  serving  Johnson  faithfully  for  a 
time,  and  especially  in  his  expedition  against  Crown  point,  they 
joined  the  fortunes  of  their  brethren  in  the  Lenape  confederation 
and  lost  their  identity  in  their  subsequent  wars. 

The  peace  which  Johnson  had  made  with  Teedyuscung  was 
only  partial.  In  consenting  to  it  the  latter  had  defined  his  authority 
as  limited  to  the  territory  which  he  specially  represented.  For 
himself,  and  those  who  acknowledged  his  authority,  he  had 
promised  —  the  Lenapes,  Shawanoes  and  Mabicans  of  the  Ohio 
country — he  would  influence  if  he  could.  To  attend  any  peace 
conference  with  Johnson,  they  had  refused,  as  also  had  the 
Minsis.  Said  the  latter:  "  We  have  murdered  the  English  from 
Canastota  to  Esopus.  Warraghiyagy  (Johnson)  may  pretend 
to  make  peace,  but  peace  is  not  in  his  power.  The  governor 
of  Pennsylvania  is  master  this  way,  and  will  not  listen  to  peace," 
and  such  was  the  interpretation  which  Teedyuscung  himself 

1  Manuscripts  of  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  iv,     and   the  Senecas  appointed  lands  for  you 
54.  to    cultivate.       Call     all    your    dispersed 

2  Colonial  History ,  vn,  153.  brethren  together  and  sit  down  here  with 
8  "Last  spring,"   said   Jonathan,    who     them  as  their  habitation,  and  we  Nanti- 

represented   them   at   the    conference    of  cokes  assure  you  that  whoever  shall  pinch 

April  23d,  1757,  "  last  spring,  with  this  or  hurt  you,  we  shall  feel  it,  and  the  Six 

belt  the  Nanticokes  took  us  by  the  hand  Nations  shall  do  the  same.'     This  belt 

and  bid  us  sit  down  by  them.      They  said  we  propose  to  send  among  all  our  dispersed 

to  us,  '  you  Mohikanders  and  we  Nanti-  people  5  we  acquaint  you  herewith,  and 

cokes  will  be  one  people  and  take  you  whenever  you   see  any   of  our  scattered 

Mohikanders  by  the  hand  as   brethren,  people  passing  up  the  river,  you  will  know 

and  fix  you  here  at  Otsiningo,  where  the  they  are  removing  to  Otsiningo." — Colo- 

Six  Nations   have   lighted   a   council  fire  nial  History,  vu,  253. 


232  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

gave  to  Johnson's  jurisdiction.  Monakadook,1  the  Seneca  Half- 
King,  who  had  been  sent  to  the  Ohio  Lenapes  to  invite  them  to 
Onondaga,  was  the  bearer  of  a  message  from  them  to  the 
governor.  On  his  arrival  he  found  that  Teedyuscung  had  pre 
ceded  him,  and  had  informed  him  that  he  had  been  empowered 
by  ten  nations  2  to  conclude  a  peace,  and  was  prepared  to  nego 
tiate.  Monakadook  could  give  the  governor  no  information  on 
the  subject,  and  was  made  the  bearer  to  Johnson  of  the  inquiry  : 
"  Who  is  this  Teedyuscung  who  claims  to  be  king  of  the 
Delawares  ?  "  coupled  with  the  declaration  that  his  protestations 
of  a  desire  for  peace  must  be  false,  "as  the  Delaware  Indians 
were  still  murdering"  his  people.3 

Johnson  professed  entire  ignorance  in  regard  to  the  commis 
sion  whiqh  Teedyuscung  claimed  he  had  received,  and  it  is  not 
probable  that  he  had  any  information  on  the  subject.  The 
inference  is  that  the  chiefs  who  were  negotiating  in  his  interest, 
having  failed  to  control  the  Lenapes,  had  concealed  from  him 
their  further  action  in  the  matter,  hoping  to  effect  the  end  which 
he  sought  by  other  means,  with  a  view  to  maintain  a  reputation 
which  they  no  longer  possessed.4  Johnson  promised  to  make 
inquiry  at  Onondaga  in  regard  to  the  matter.  What  the  result 
of  this  inquiry  was  does  not  appear;  but  the  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  was  convinced,  and  modified  his  declaration  of  war, 
making  it  applicable  only  to  u  implacable  and  obstinate  enemies, 
and  not  against  any  that  now  are  or  hereafter  may  be  disposed 
to  hearken  to  the  Six  Nations  in  our  favor."  By  November  he 

aSo  called  by  the  Iroquois.  coats  on  them.      A  long  time  after  that, 

2  Including,  as  subsequently  appeared,  they  lived  among  you,  and,  upon  some 

his  own  immediate  tribes  and  the  Six  differences  between  them  and  you,  we 

Nations.  •  thought  proper  to  remove  them,  giving 

8  Colonial  History,  vii,  197.  The  go-  them  lands  to  plant  and  hunt  on  at 
vernor  sent  a  more  formal  message  by  Wyoming  and  Juniatta.  But  you,  cove- 
Captain  Newcastle,  in  October,  inquiring  tous  of  land,  made  plantations  there  and 
into  the  character  and  credentials  of  spoiled  their  hunting.  They  complained 
Teedyuscung,  and,  it  is  said  was  informed  to  us,  and  we  found  their  complaints  true, 
by  one  of  the  Six  Nations  that  the  Dela-  You  drove  them  into  the  arms  of  the 
ware  chief  "did  not  speak  the  truth  when  French.  It  is  our  advice  that  you  send 
he  told  the  governor  that  he  had  authority  for  the  Senecas  and  them,  treat  them 
from  the  Six  Nations  to  treat  with  Onas."  kindly,  and  give  them  back  some  part  of 

4  This  inference  is  strengthened  by  the  their  lands,  rather  than  differ  with  them, 

speech  of  the  Mohawk  orator  at  Lancas-  It  is  in  your  power  to  settle  the  difference 

ter.  "In  former  times  our  forefathers  with  them  if  you  please." — Gallatin,  78 
conquered  the  Delawares,  and  put  petti- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  233 

had  fully  learned  who  Teedyuscung  was,  and  at  Easton  held  a 
formal  conference  with  him.  The  Lenape  king  stated  his  com 
plaint  boldly  and  plainly.  To  the  governor's  inquiry  for  speci 
fications  in  regard  to  alleged  wrongs  in  the  sale  of  lands,  he 
replied  :  "  I  have  not  far  to  go  for  an  instance.  This  very 
ground  under  me  (striking  it  with  his  foot),  was  my  land  by 
inheritance,  and  is  taken  from  me  by  fraud.  When  I  say  this 
ground,  I  mean  all  the  land  lying  between  Tohiccon  creek  and 
Wyoming,  on  the"  river  Susquehanna.  I  have  not  only  been 
served  so  in  this  government,  but  the  same  thing  has  been  done 
to  me  as  to  several  tracts  in  New  Jersey,  over  the  river." 
When  asked  what  he  meant  by  u  fraud,"  he  gave  instances  of 
forged  deeds,  under  which  lands  were  claimed  which  were  never 
sold.  "  This,"  said  he,  "  is  fraud."  "  Also,  when  one  chief  has 
land  beyond  the  river,  and  another  chief  has  land  on  this  side, 
both  bounded  by  rivers,  mountains  and  springs,  which  cannot  be 
moved,  and  the  proprietaries,  ready  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one 
chief  what  belongs  to  another,  this  likewise  is  fraud."  In  regard 
to  the  lands  on  the  Delaware,  he  said  his  people  had  never  been 
satisfied  since  the  treaty  of  1737.  The  boundary  of  the  land 
then  sold  was  to  have  gone  only  "as  far  as  a  man  could  walk 
in  a  day  and  a  half  from  Nashamony  creek,"  yet  the  person 
who  measured  the  ground  did  not  walk  but  ran.  He  was,  more 
over,  as  they  supposed,  to  follow  the  winding  bank  of  the  river, 
whereas  he  went  in  a  straight  line.  And  because  the  Indians 
had  been  unwilling  to  give  up  the  land  as  far  as  the  "  walk  " 
extended,  the  governor  sent  for  their  cousins,  the  Six  Nations, 
to  come  down  and  drive  them  from  the  land.  When  the  Six 
Nations  came  down,  the  Lenapes  met  them  for  the  purpose  of 
explaining  why  they  did  not  give  up  the  land  ;  but  the  English 
made  so  many  presents  to  the  Six  Nations  that  their  ears  were 
stopped.  They  would  listen  to  no  explanations ;  and  Canasa- 
teego x  had  abused  them,  and  called  them  women.  The  Six 
Nations  had,  however,  given  to  them  and  the  Shawanoes  the 
lands  upon  the  Susquehanna  and  Juniatta  for  hunting  grounds, 
and  had  so  informed  the  governor  ;  but  notwithstanding  this  the 
white  men  were  allowed  to  go  and  settle  upon  those  lands. 

1 A  viceroy  chieftain  jwho  had  been  set  over  them  by  the  Six  Nations. 


234  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Two  years  ago,  moreover,  the  governor  had  been  to  Albany  to 
buy  some  land  of  the  Six  Nations,1  and  had  described  the 
boundaries  by  points  of  compass,  which  the  Indians  did  not 
understand,  by  which  the  deeds  were  made  to  include  lands  both 
upon  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Juniata  which  they  did  not  intend 
to  sell.  When  all  these  things  were  known  to  the  Indians, 
they  had  declared  that  they  would  no  longer  be  friends  to  the 
English,  who  were  trying  to  get  all  their  country  away  from 
them.  He  had  come  now  to  smoke  the  pipe  of  peace  with 
them,  and  hoped  that  justice  might  be  done  to  his  people.  2 

The  conference  continued  nine  days,  and  was  the  occasion 
for  the  display  of  no  little  tact  and  good  judgment  on  the  part 
of  Governor  Denny,  as  well  as  on  that  of  Teedyuscung.  The 
former,  as  some  of  the  Iroquois  chiefs  expressed  it,  "  put  his 
hand  into  Teedyuscung's  bosom,  and  was  so  successful  as  to 
draw  out  the  secret,  which  neither  Johnson  nor  the  Six  Nations 
could  do  ;"  while  tne  latter  secured  a  truce  at  least  involving 
peace  on  the  basis  that  himself  and  his  people  were  to  remain  on 
the  Wyoming  lands,  and  that  houses  should  be  built  for  them 
by  the  Pennsylvania  proprietaries.  He  was  to  go  to  Johnson's 
council-fire  and  explain  what  had  been  done,  obtain  his  confirm 
ation  and  take  advice  as  to  the  future.  Several  matters  were 
left  unadjusted,  Teedyuscung  declaring  that  he  was  not  empow 
ered  to  consider  them,  and  that  the  parties  interested  were  not 
properly  represented  to  make  action  binding.  He  proposed 
that  a  meeting  should  be  held  at  Lancaster  in  the  spring,  at 
which  all  the  matters  in  dispute  should  be  definitely  adjusted, 
and  with  that  understanding  the  council  closed. 

But  at  the  meeting  which  was  then  appointed,  Teedyuscung 
was  not  present,3  and  it  was  not  until  the  2ist  of  July  that  the 
adjourned  council  was  held.  On  its  assemblage  the  Lenape 
king  presented  his  credentials  as  the  representative  of  the 
Lenapes,  Minsis,  Mabicans,  Sbawanoes&n&Nanticokes,  east  of  the 
Alleghany  mountains,  fully  empowered  by  them  and  by  the 
Senecas^  Onondagas,  Gayugas,  Qneldas  and  Mohawks,  "  to  set- 

1  At  the  congress  of  1754.  8The  attendance  of  the   Indians  was 

2  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Pfm.  Johnson  ;      prevented  by  the   severity  of  the   winter, 
Colonial  History,  vn,  260,  etc.  the  snow  being  too  deep  to  permit  them 

to  travel. "  «, 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  235 

tie  all  differences  subsisting  between  them  and  their  brethren, 
the  English."  George  Croghan  represented  Johnson,  as  super 
intendent  of  Indian  affairs.  A  patient,  earnest  and  honest  in 
vestigation  was  had.  Surrounded  by  three  hundred  of  his 
people  ;  counselled  by  Paxinos,  chief  of  the  Shawanoes,  and  Abra- 
ham^  chief  of  the  Mahicans^  and  advised  by  a  delegation  of 
Quakers,  one  of  whom,  Charles  Thompson,  acted  as  his  clerk,1 
Teedyuscung  conducted  his  case.  "  The  land  is  the  cause  of 
our  difference,"  said  he,  "  and  if  I  can  now  prevail  with  you,  as 
I  hope  I  shall,  honestly  to  do  what  may  be  consistent  with  jus 
tice,  then  will  I  with  a  loud  voice  speak,  and  the  nations  shall 
hear  me.  The  complaint  I  made  last  fall,  I  yet  continue.  I 
think  some  lands  have  been  bought  by  the  proprietor  or  his 
agents  from  Indians  who  had  not  a  right  to  sell,  and  to  whom 
the  lands  did  not  belong.  I  think  also  when  some  lands  have 
been  sold  to  the  proprietor  by  Indians  who  had  a  right  to  sell  to 
a  certain  place,  whether  that  purchase  was  made  by  miles  or 
hours'  walk,  the  proprietors  have,  contrary  to  agreement  or  bar 
gain,  taken  in  more  lands  than  they  ought  to  have  done,  and 
lands  that  belonged  to  others.  I  therefore  now  desire  that  you 
will  produce  the  writings  and  deeds  by  which  you  hold  the  land 
and  let  them  be  read  in  public  and  examined,  that  it  may  be 
fully  known  from  what  Indians  you  bought  the  lands  you  hold 
and  how  far  your  purchase  extends.  What  is  fairly  bought  and 
paid  for,  I  make  no  further  demands  about,  but  if  any  lands  have 
been  bought  of  Indians  to  whom  they  did  not  belong,  and  who 
had  no  right  to  sell  them,  I  expect  satisfaction  for  those  lands  ; 
and  if  the  proprietors  have  taken  in  more  lands  than  they  bought 
of  true  owners,  I  expect  likewise  to  be  paid  for  that.  But  as 
the  persons  to  whom  the  proprietors  may  have  sold  those  lands 
which  of  right  belong  to  me,  have  made  some  settlements,  I 

1(1  At  this  council  Teedyuscung  insisted  Philadelphia,    was    appointed.     He    was 

upon  having  a  secretary  of  his  own  selec-  afterwards    secretary   to  the  Continental 

tion  appointed,    to    take    down    the  pro-  congress,  and  filled  that  station  for  many 

ceedings  in  behalf  of  the    Indians,     The  years.      He  died   in  1824,  aged  94  years, 

demand  was  considered  extraordinary  and  full  of  honors.     The  Delawares  adopted 

was  opposed  by  Governor  Denny.   Teedy-  him  and  gave    him    a    name    signifying, 

uscung  persisted  in   his   demand,  and   it  the  man    of  truth.  —  Life  and    Times  of 

was  finally  acceded  to.      Charles  Thomp-  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  n,  14. 
son,  master  of.  the  free  Quaker  School  in 

30 


236  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

don't  want  to  disturb  them  or  force  them  to  leave  them,  but  I 
expect  a  full  satisfaction  shall  be  made  to  the  true  owners  for 
these  lands." 

The  deeds  which  he  questioned,  it  was  proposed  should  be 
sent  to  Johnson  to  examine  ;  but  to  this  he  objected  :  "  We  do 
not  know  Colonel  Johnson ;  he  may  be  an  honest  and  sincere 
man.  We  do  understand  he  treats  his  Indians  very  well,  but 
we  are  sensible  that  some  of  the  nations  are  there  that  have 
.been  instrumental  to  this  misunderstanding  in  selling  lands  in 
this  province,  having  in  former  years  usurped  that  authority  and 
called  us  women,  and  threatened  to  take  us  by  the  foretop, 
and  throw  us  aside  as  women.  But  after  a  long  space  I  believe 
it  is  evident,  nay  there  are  witnesses  present  who  can  prove 
that  it  is  otherwise.  Let  the  deeds  be  produced  here  and  put 
down  with  the  minutes."  The  governor  complied  with  the 
request,  and  the  deeds  were  compared  by  Thompson,  who 
certified  to  the  correctness  of  the  transcripts  which  were  made. 
They  were  five  in  number.1  It  was  agreed  that  they  should  be 
sent  to  Johnson  for  transmission  to  the  king,  and  that  awaiting 
his  decision  upon  the  questions  which  the  Indians  had  raised, 
there  should  be  peace. 

These  matters  having  been  made  satisfactory,  Teedyuscung 
announced  his  purpose.  "I  shall,  as  I  promised,"  said  he, 
"  speak  to  the  different  nations  with  a  loud  voice.  I  will  faithfully 
let  them  know  what  you  have  promised,  and  as  we  are  wit 
nesses  that  you  are  wealthy  and  powerful,  and  well  disposed  to 
assist  such  as  shall  come  in  as  brothers,  I  will  let  them  know 
it.  Those  who  come  to  me  with  hostile  intent,  I  will  stop, 
and  if  they  will  not  by  reasonable  terms  turn  about  and  join 
with  me,  I  will  then  make  an  end  of  them  or  they  of  me  ;  and 
if  there  is  a  great  number,  so  that  I  may  not  be  able  to  with 
stand  them,  I  will  take  all  prudent  steps  to  let  my  brethren 
the  English  know."  "  Now,"  said  he,  in  conclusion,  "  you 

1  I.  A  paper  copy  of  the  last  Indian  pur-  from  the  Six  Nations  of  lands  eastward  to 

chase,    July,    28,    1686       2.   A    release  Delaware  river,  dated  October  25,  1736, 

from  the   Delaware  Indians,  August  25,  with  another  endorsed,  "  Dated  July  9, 

1757.      3.  A  release  from  the  Five  Na-  1754."      5-   A    deed    of  release  for  In- 

tions  for  the  lands  on   the  Susquehanna  dian  purchase,  dated  August,  22,1749. — 

river,  October,  n,   1736.     4.  A  release  Colonial  History,  vu,  313. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  237 

may  remember  I  was  styled  by  my  uncles,  the  Six  Nations,  a 
woman  in  former  years,  and  had  no  hatchet  in  my  hand,  but  a 
pestle  or  hominy  pounder.  But  now,  brethren,  here  are  some 
of  my  uncles  who  are  present  to  witness  the  truth  of  this.  As 
I  had  np  tomahawk  and  my  uncles  were  always  styled  men  and 
had  tomahawks  in  their  hands,  they  gave  me  a  tomahawk  ;  and 
as. my  uncles  have  given  me  a  tomahawk  and  appointed  and 
authorized  me  to  make  peace  with  a  tomahawk  in  my  hand,  I 
take  that  tomahawk  and  turn  the  edge  of  it  against  your  enemies 
the  French." 

The  papers  which  were  transmitted  to  Johnson  were  imme 
diately  sent  by  him  to  the  lords  of  trade,  accompanied  by  the 
statement  that  "  some  of  the  Six  Nations  were  disgusted  with 
the  deed  which  had  been  given  at  Albany,  while  others  were 
conniving  at  the  hostilities  which  were  being  committed,  and 
that  he  conceived  the  "most  effectual  method  of  producing  tran 
quillity,"  would  be  the  voluntary  and  open  surrender  of  that 
deed,  leaving  the  proprietaries  to  fix  with  the  Indians,  in  the 
best  manner  they  could,  "  the  bounds  for  their  settlements." 
This  opinion  he  had  other  reasons  for  entertaining.  The  Six 
Nations,  whose  consequence  he  never  forgot  to  magnify,  would 
never  be  satisfied  "  unless  the  deeds  of  the  Albany  purchase  "  were 
"  surrendered  up,  and  the  claims  founded  thereon  in  a  great  mea 
sure  set  aside  ; "  the  Lenapes  were  equally  determined,  testimony 
having  been  furnished  him  that  they  had  been  heard  to  declare 
"  most  solemnly"  that  "  they  would  never  leave  off  killing  the 
English  as  long  as  there  was  one  on  their  lands  ;  that  they  were 
determined  to  drive  them  all  off  their  lands,  naming  Minnisink 
almost  to  the  North  river  east  (in  the  provinces  of  New  York 
and  New  Jersey)  ;  also  Bethlehem  and  the  lands  on  a  parallel 
line  to  it  west,"  which  the  English  had  cheated  them  out  of.1 

In  this  conclusion  he  was  most  amply  justified  by  the  results 
which  had  been  experienced.  Peace  had  been  declared,  but  no 
exchange  of  prisoners  had  taken  place,  and  while  Teedyuscung 
himself  maintained  the  truce  which  had  been  agreed  to  at  Easton, 
on  the  Ohio,  his  allies  and  kindred  spurned  the  overtures  made 
to  them  and  maintained  their  alliance  with  the  French.  Send- 

1  Colonial  History ,  vn,  331.  ^ 


238  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

ing  their  emissaries  eastward,  the  latter  propagated  prejudices 
against  the  good  intentions  of  the  English,  magnified  the  prowess, 
kindness  and  generosity  of  the  French,  and  successfully  plead 
the  wrongs  which  had  been  committed  against  them  in  the  sale 
and  occupation  of  their  lands.1  The  Minsis  were  ready  listeners 
to  these  appeals,  and  active  participants  in  the  hostilities  which 
were  continued.2  Indeed,  hostilities  were  not  suspended  in  any 
direction.  In  August,  1757,  says  Niles,3  "one  James  Tidd 
was  scalped  in  the  Minnisinks.  About  this  time,  also,  one 
James  Watson,  with  James  Mullen,  went  out  on  some  business 
and  were  fired  upon  by  a  party  of  Indians.  Watson  was  found 
killed  and  scalped  j  Mullen  was  carried  off,  as  was  concluded, 
not  being  found  or  heard  of.  About  the  igth  of  September, 
Patrick  Karr  was  killed  and  scalped  at  a  place  called  Minnisink 
bridge. 

cc  Some  time  in  the  first  part  of  October,  in  Ulster  county, 
the  Indians  fired  into  the  furthermost  house  in  Rochester,  and 
killed  two  women,  but  were  repulsed  by  two  men.4  Just  before 
the  other  Indians  came  up,  one  of  the  company  that  was  fore 
most  seized  a  young  woman  as  she  was  washing  at  the  door ;  upon 
which  she  screamed  out ;  another  woman  rescued  her,  beat  ofF 
the  Indian  and  shut  the  door. 

"On  the  1 6th  of  May,  1758,  about  two  clock  in  the  after 
noon,  about  thirteen  Indians  rushed  into  the  house  of  one  Nicho 
las  Cole,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Jerseys,  if  I  mistake  not.  Cole 
not  being  at  home,  they  immediately  pinioned  his  wife,  and 
tomahawked  their  son-in-law,  about  eighteen  years  old,  and 
dragged  her  out  of  doors,  where  her  eldest  daughter,  about 
thirteen  years  old,  lay  murdered,  and  a  boy  aged  eight,  and  her 
youngest  daughter,  aged  about  four.  At  last,  the  poor,  helpless 

1  Colonial  History,  vn,  87.  *  The  official  account  states  that  this  raid 

2  History  of  the  French  and  Indian  War,  was  by  a  party  of  Senecas  and  river  (Dela- 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  v.  ware)  Indians.     The  attack  here  spoken 

3  "  I  am  inclined  to  think  the  Minnisink  of,  was  on  the  house  of  Peter  Jan,  in  the 
Indians  who  formerly  lived  on  those  lands,  south-western  part  of  Rochester.     Jan's 
if  not  the  only  are  at  least  the  chief  per-  house  was  turned  and  one  of  his  daugh- 
petrators  of  those   hostilities  and  ravages  ters,  and  two  men  who  acted  as  scouts, 
which  the  frontiers  of  your  province  and  were  killed.     Jan's  wife  and  two  daugh- 
that  of  New  York,  have  and  are  daily  suf-  ters,  and  himself  and  two  sons  who  were 
fering." — Johnson  to  Gov.  of  New  Jer-  in  the  field,  escaped. —  Documentary   His- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  239 

old  woman  saw  the  cruel  savages  thrust  their  spears  into  the 
body  of  her  gasping  infant.  They  rifled  the  house,  and  then 
carried  her  and  her  son  off,  after  they  had  scalped  the  slain 
above  mentioned. 

"  Soon  after  they  were  joined  by  two  Indians  with  two  Ger 
man  captives  they  had  taken  that  day,  and  killed  and  scalped 
another,  in  one  Anthony  Westbrook's  field,  near  Minnisink,  so 
called,  in  Susquehanna  county,  if  I  mistake  not.  Not  long 
after  Cole  returned  home  ;  where  to  his  great  surprise  he  found 
his  four  children  murdered,  and  his  wife  and  other  son  missing. 
Upon  which  he  went  to  Minnisink  (Napanochj  fort,  and  got 
a  few  soldiers  to  assist  him  in  burying  his  children  and  the  Ger 
man.  The  soldiers  joined  with  some  of  the  neighbors  that 
evening  to  cross  Delaware  river  at  day-light,  and  waylay  the 
road  to  Wyoming  ;  and  as  four  of  them  were  going  to  one 
Chambers's,  about  two  o'clock  at  night,  they  heard  the  Indians 
coming  down  the  hill,  to  cross  the  Delaware,  as  was  supposed, 
when  one  of  the  four  fired  on  them.  They  immediately  fled, 
giving  a  yell  after  their  manner.  The  woman  they  led  with  a 
string  about  her  neck,  and  the  boy  by  the  hand  ;  who,  finding 
themselves  loose,  made  their  escape  along  the  road,  and  happily 
met  at  James  McCarty's  house,  the  boy  first,  and  afterward 
the  woman. 

"  The  daughter  of  one  widow  Walling,  living  near  Fort 
Gardiner,  between  Goshen  and  Minnisink,  going  out  to  pick  up 
some  chips  for  the  fire,  was  shot  at  -by  three  Indians.  Her 
shrieks  alarmed  the  people.  Her  brother,  looking  out  at  a  gar 
ret  window,  and  seeing  a  fellow  dispatching  and  scalping  his 
sister,  fired  at  them,  and  was  pretty  certain  he  wounded  one  of 
them.  The  old  woman,  during  this,  with  her  other  daughter 
and  her  son,  made  off  and  escaped. 

"  About  this  time  (beginning  of  June),  a  sergeant  went  from 
Waasing1  to  Minnisink  with  a  party  of  men,  but  returned  not  at 
the  time  they  were  expected.  Upon  which  a  larger  party  went 
out  in  search  of  them,  and,  at  their  arrival  at  Minnisink,  found 
seven  of  them  killed  and  scalped,  three  wounded,  and  a  woman 
and  four  children  carried  off.  Near  about  the  same  time,  in 

1  Wawarsing  probably. 


240  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

the  frontiers  of  the  Jerseys,  a  house  was  beset  by  a  party  of  In 
dians,  where  were  seventeen  persons,  who  were  killed,  as  I 
remember  the  account.  A  man  and  a  boy  traveling  on  the  road 
with  their  muskets  were  fired  on  by  some  Indians  in  ambush. 
The  man  was  killed  ;  but  the  boy  escaped,  having  first  killed 
one  of  the  Indians.  Not  far  from  this  time — whether  before  or 
after  I  am  not  certain — the  Indians  killed  seven  New  York 
soldiers.  This  slaughter  was  committed  at  a  place  called  West- 
falls,  in  the  frontiers  of  New  Jersey."1 

Such  is  the  imperfect  record  of  these  hostilities.  That  they 
were  not  more  numerous  is  due  to  the  erection,  by  Governor 
Hardy,  in  the  summer  of  1757,  of  a  number  of  blockhouses 
along  the  frontiers  of  Orange  and  Ulster  county,  covering 
a  distance  of  thirty  miles.2  and  affording  a  refuge  to  the 
settlers.  At  these  blockhouses  garrisons  of  regular  troops 
or  militia  were  constantly  stationed,  and  moved  to  the  defense 
of  more  exposed  situations.  They  were  far  from  being  a  per 
fect  protection,  however,  and,  as  already  shown,  were  themselves 
the  object  of  hostile  attack. 

There  was  some  excuse  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  for  the 
continuance  of  hostilities.  The  proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania 
had  manifested  no  willingness  to  relinquish  their  claim  to  the 
lands  which  they  had  so  fraudulently  acquired,  nor  had  New 
Jersey  made  overtures  of  restitution.  To  Johnson's  letter  to 
the  lords  of  trade,  the  proprietaries  had  entered  a  remonstrance, 
denying  that  any  cause  of  complaint  existed  in  reference  to  the 
lands  which  they  held,  and  at  home  were  unsparing  in  their 

1  A  party  of  Indians  lay  in  ambush  to  the  soldiers  were  killed. — History  Orange 

get  an  opportunity  to  take  the  lower  fort  County,  381. 

at    Mr.    Westfall's.     They   sent   two  of         2 "  From  a  place  called  Machakamak 

their  party  to  espy  it,  who  discovered  that  to  the  town  of  Rochester."  (Cov.  Hardy's 

there  were  only   two  women  in   the  fort.  Message}.     Machakamak,    is    now     the 

While  the  two  spies  returned   to   inform  village  of  Port  Jervis.     The  blockhouse 

their  party,  a  small  company  of  soldiers,  at  this  point  was  called  Col.  Jersey  fort, 

marching   from    New  Jersey  to   Esopus,  and  was  still  standing    at    the  outbreak 

came    along    and    stopped    at    the    fort,  of  the    war    of    the   Revolution.     The 

They  were  scarcely  seated  before  the  In-  location  of  the  other  blockhouses  is  not 

dians  rushed  in  and  fell  on  the  men  with  marked  on  Sauthier's  map.    These  block- 

their   tomahawks.      The  soldiers   fled  to  houses    were    joined    on     the    south    by 

the  chamber  from  which  they  shot  at  the  those  erected    by  New  Jersey  of  which 

Indians,  and  after  a  desperate  fight  com-  one  was    known    as    Westfall's   fort,    at 

pelled  them  to  retire,  though   several  of  the  lower  neighborhood. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  241 

denunciations  of  the  Quakers  for  having,  as  they  asserted, 
assisted  the  Indians  against  the  interests  of  the  province.  The 
papers  forwarded  by  Johnson,  however,  were  too  plain  a  state 
ment  of  facts  to  sustain  them  in  their  position,  and  the  order 
was  returned  directing  him  to  appoint  a  commission  to  make 
an  examination  of  the  case.  Anticipating  the  action  of  this 
commission,  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  appointed  a  confer 
ence  with  the  Indians  at  Easton,  in  October,  1758.  Teedyus- 
cung  attended  as  the  representative  of  thirteen  nations,1  assumed 
the  position  which  he  had  formerly  occupied,  and  sustained 
himself  with  eloquence  and  dignity.  Finding  that  nothing 
could  be  done  unless  the  land  question  was  satisfactorily  dis- 
*posed  of,  the  proprietaries  came  forward  and  surrendered  the 
confirmatory  deed  which  had  been  received  from  the  Six  Nations 
at  Albany  in*  1 754,2  and  recognized  1:he  right  of  the  government 
to  arrange  the  boundaries  of  the  lands  included  in  the  treaty  of 
1742.  A  treaty  was  concluded,  after  a  session  of  nineteen  days. 
All  that  Teedyuscung  had  asked  was  granted  ;  the  boundary 
lines  were  agreed  to  ;  New  Jersey  paid  the  Mlnsis  <£i,ooo  for  the 
lands  which  they  claimed  in  that  province,  and  received  a 
concurrent  deed  from  all  the  Lenape  tribes  ;  an  exchange  of 
prisoners  was  agreed  to,3  and  peace  folded  her  wing  over  the 
long  harassed  frontiers. 

The  divisions  which  existed  among  the  Six  Nations,  so  ap 
parent  in  the  early  stages  of  the  controversy  with  France,  in 
creased  as  the  war  progressed.  In  April,  1757,  the  Senecas, 

1  The  tribes  represented  were  classified  acquainted   that    at    the    late    treaty    at 
as  the  Mohawks,  Oneidas,   Onondagas,  Easton,  in  Pennsylvania,  the  proprietary 
Cayugas,  Senecas,  and  Tuscaroras,  com-  agents,  .in    behalf  of  their    constituents, 
prising  the  Six  Nations,  the  Nanticokes,  gave  up  their  claims  to  the  lands  on  the 
Conoys,  Tuteloes,  and  Chugnuts,  of  the  Ohio,  which  were  sold  to   the    proprie- 
Susquehannah  j  the  Lenapes,  Minsis,Sha-  taries    in   1754,  at  Albany,   and  here  I 
wanoes,  Mahicans,    and    Wappingers  of  have    in    my    hands    the    instrument   of 
the  Delaware.     In  the  Wappingers  will  release  and  surrender." 

be    recognized    the    families  gathered  at          3  It  is  said  that  a  portion  of  the  pri- 

Fishkill  in   1756,  and  in  the  Mahicans  soners  taken    by    the  Lenapes  had  been 

the  clans  of  that  nation  whose  removal  given     to     the     Six   Nations,    but     the 

to  the  Delaware  country  had  commenced  confederate  title  is  probably  used  in  this 

in  1730  (ante,  p.  194).  as  in  many  other  cases  when  the  desig- 

2  Not  the  deed  to  the  Connecticut  com-  nation  should   have  been  specific  to  have 
pany.      (Documentary    History,   n,    775)5  properly  recorded  the    fact.      These  pri- 
also    Colonial   History,    vn,    388,    where  soners    were     returned     at     Canajoharie, 
Johnson  says  :  "  Brethren,  you  have  been  April  13,  1759. 


242  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Qnondagas,  and  Gayngas,  threw  off  the  disguise  of  active  friend 
ship  which  they  had  professed  for  the  English,  and  sent  a  large 
belt  to  Canada  to  make  peace  with  the  French.  "  Our  promise," 
said  they,  "  to  remain  firm  to  the  English  was  given  with  the 
understanding  that  the  war  should  be  prosecuted  vigorously  ;" 
now  that  they  saw  the  French  victorious  on  every  side,  and  the 
English  army  retreating  as  it  were,  they  considered  themselves 
released  from  all  previous  obligations  and  determined  to  make 
peace  for  themselves,  and  thenceforth  to  remain  neutral.  With 
them  the  victorious  party  were  desired  as  friends  ;  besides,  so 
many  of  their  number  were  already  in  the  ranks  of  the  French, 
that  those  who  remained  attached  to  the  English  had  no  security 
from  destruction  but  neutrality. 

The  advantages  of  this  neutrality  were  in  favor  of  the  French. 
Although  by  its  terms  the  English  were  not  deprived  of  any 
numerical  force,  yet  the  fact  that  the  confederacy  was  divided 
in  its  allegiance  had  its  influence  at  home  as  well  as  among  the 
nations  more  remote.  The  Mohawks  were  compromised  by  it, 
and  became  idle  spectators  to  the  numerous  incursions  of  the 
French  Indians,  whjle  to  the  Indians  of  the  Ohio  country  it  was 
an  encouragement  to  continue  their  revolt.  Eventually  it 
drifted  into  war  in  behalf  of  the  French  ;  for  the  time  being  it 
was  turned  by  Johnson  to  the  best  advantage  possible.  "  As  you 
have  declared  yourselves  neutrals,"  said  he  to  the  three  tribes, 
tc  I  shall  expect  you  to  act  as  neutrals  and  not  permit  either 
the  French  or  their  Indians  to  pass  through  your  settlements  to 
make  war  upon  the  English,  and  that  you  do  not  directly  or 
indirectly  give  our  enemies  or  their  Indians  information  to  our 
prejudice.  Should  you  violate  these  rules  of  behavior,  we  shall 
Ipok  upon  the  covenant  chain  as  absolutely  broken  between  us." 
This  promise  they  gave,  and  their  neutrality  was  confirmed. 

With  war  rolling  its  folds  of  fire  on  the  north  and  west,  and 
allies  within  their  bosom  who  were  indifferent  if  not  willing 
spectators  to  its  progress,  the  English  had  no  mean  task  before 
them  to  retain  their  supremacy.  At  one  time,  indeed,  even 
this  seemed  hopeless  ;  x  but,  better  counsels  prevailing  in  the  pro- 

1  "  For  God's  sake,"  wrote  the  officer  of  Massachusetts,  in  1757,  "  exert  yourself 
in  command  at  Albany,  to  the  governor  to  save  a  province  j  New  York  itself  may 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  243 

vinces  as  well  as  on  the  part  of  the  home  government,  the  lost 
ground  was  recovered  and  the  banners  of  England  floated  in 
undisputed  possession  of  Canada. 

In  the  Ohio  country  the  conflict  was  continued  long  after  its 
close  at  the  north,  and  developed  the  strength  of  the  ties  which 
had  been  formed  between  the  western  Indians  and  the  French. 
Usually  the  first,  they  were  now  the  last  to  yield.  The  Senecas 
joined  them  ;  the  Lenapes  saw  all  their  ancient  wrongs  repeated 
and  riveted  upon  them  in  the  success  of  the  English.  Already 
had  the  advanced  couriers  of  the  latter  penetrated  the  Ohio 
valley  ;  here  and  there  in  convenient  proximity  forts  had  been 
erected  to  overawe  them  and  protect  their  enemies.  Every 
promise  which  the  English  had  made  having  been  apparently 
violated,  the  war-belt  of  the  Senecas  invited  the  nations  in  the 
French  alliance  to  take  up  the  hatchet  in  their  behalf.1 

The  plot  was  discovered  in  time  to  arrest  immediate  hostili- 
ties,  but  not  to  defeat  the  formation  of  a  more  formidable  con 
spiracy.  As  the  tribes  felt  the  chain  of  English  domination 
drawing  closer  and  closer  around  them,  one  among  their  number, 
Pontiac,  the  king  of  the  Ottawas^  counseled,  in  the  summer  of 
1762,  the  formation  of  a  league  to  drive  the  English  from  the 
continent.  The  great  interior  tribes  responded.  The  Senecas 
gave  to  the  movement  one  thousand  warriors  ;  the  Lenapes 
and  Shawanoes,  nine  hundred  ;  the  Mahicans  and  Wyandots, 
two  hundred  ;  the  Ottawa  confederacy  under  Pontiac  a  num 
ber  equal  to  their  allies.2  Moving  quickly  to  their  work,  one 
after  another,  LeBoeuf,  Verrango,  Presque  Isle,  Sandusky,  St. 
Joseph,  Miami,  and  Michillimackinac  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  conspirators. 

fall  ;  save  a  country  ;  prevent  the  down-          Friendly   Indians. — MoAa-wks,  two  vil- 

fall  of  the  British  government  upon   this  lages,  1 60  warriors  j  Oneidas,  two  villages, 

continent." — Bancroft.  250;  Tuscaroras,  one  village,  140;  Qnon- 

IUI  understood  and  was  told  by  them  dagas,  one  large    village,    1.50;    Cayugas, 

(the  Delawares)  that  the  breaking  out  of  one  large  village,    200 — total,   900  war- 

this   war  was   occasioned   by  the  Seneca  riors. 

Indians  who  went  about  with  a   bloody          Hostile  Indians — Scnecas,  tw«  villages, 

belt  and  tomahawk  to  all  the  nations  en-  1050;    Delawares,    of   the    Ohio,   600; 

gaged    m   this  trouble  " —  Manuscripts  of  Shaiuanoes,  300  ;  Wyandots  and  Mohicans, 

Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  vm,  14.  near    Fort   Sandusky,    200 — total    2150 

2  The  following  is  Johnson's   estimate:  warriors. — Manuscripts,  xxiv,  186. 

31 


244  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

The  Mohawks^  Oneidas,  Tuscaroras^  Onondagas  and  Cayugas 
held  to  their  covenant  with  the  English,  but  only  as  neutrals. 
Teedyuscung  followed  their  example,  having,  in  a  treaty  at 
Easton,  in  May,  1762,  fully  adjusted  his  dispute  with  the  pro 
prietaries.  It  was  his  last  treaty.  The  Senecas  and  the  western 
Lenapes  were  alike  offended  by  his  course,1  and  determined  to 
advance  their  ends  by  his  destruction.  Resorting  to  a  mode  of 
warfare  favorite  among  the  Indians  and  especially  calculated  to 
serve  a  double  purpose,  a  party  of  Senecas*  ostensibly  on  a  mis 
sion  of  peace,  visited  Wyoming  in  April,  1763,  and  after  linger 
ing  about  for  several  days,  in  the  night  time  treacherously  set 
fire  to  the  house  of  the  unsuspecting  king,  which,  with  the 
veteran  himself,  was  burnt  to  ashes.  Remaining  on  the  ground, 
they  inspired  the  followers  of  the  murdered  king  with  the  belief 
that  the  work  had  been  done  by  the  Connecticut  settlers.  Stim- 
ulated  by  these  representations,  the  infuriated  Lenapes  fell  upon 
the  unsuspecting  whites,  on  the  I4th,  and  massacred  about 
thirty,  drove  off  their  cattle,  rifled  their  stores,  and  at  night 
applied  the  torch  to  dwellings  and  barns,  and  lighted  up  the  val 
ley  with  their  destruction. 

The  fall  of  Teedyuscung  accomplished  the  purpose  which 
its  perpetrators  had  designed, —  the  Lenapes  were  consolidated  in 
interest,  and  the  alliances  of  the  Senecas  made  complete.  The 
governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  troops  to  the  scene  of  conflict, 

xThe   Indians  went  away  much  dissa-  known.      His  successor,     Nctaivaticives, 

tisfied,  especially  the  Six  Nations,  /.  «.,  the  held  the  throne  untill  1776,  when  by  his 

Senecas.     The   Shaivanoes  and  Delaware*  death,  it    devolved    upon  Coquehagechton, 

left  most  of  their  presents  on  the  road  to  alias  White  Eyes,  who,   during  the   early 

the  Ohio. — Manuscripts,  vi,  144.  part  of  the  Revolution,  was  distinguished 

2  Stone  and  other   writers  use  the  term  for  his  friendship  to  the  colonists  and  for 

Iroquois,    implying   the    participation   of  his  efforts  to  keep  his  people  neutral.  He 

the  confederacy  in   the   transaction,  and  died    at  Tuscorawas    (Fort  Laurens)    of 

assuming  that   they  were  offended  at  the  small-pox    in    1778.     "The   person    on 

growing   power   of  Teedyuscung.     Such  whom,  by  lineal  descent,  the   station  of 

an  interpretation  does  not  correspond  with  head-chief  of  the  nation  devolved,  being 

the   apparent   facts.     The   Indians   were  yet  young  in   years,  the   surviving  chiefs 

Iroquois  it  is  true,  but  it  is  also  true  that  Gelellmand,    alias    Killbuck,  Machingive 

they   were   Senecas   or    those    engaged  in  Pushis,   alias  Large   Cat,  and    Tetepachksi 

stirring  up  hostilities  in  the  west.     Heck-  officiated  in  his  stead."     The  young  king 

ewelder  says  :     "  Fearing  that  he   might  was   killed  in  the  massacre  of  peaceable 

not  fall  into  their  measures  of  joining  in  Indians    by   Williamson  at   Pittsb'urg,  in 

a  new  war  against  the  English,  they  per-  1781. — Hcckeivclder's    Narrative,     153, 

haps  concerted    the    plan    of  destroying  193,  198,  etc. 
him."     Nothing      was     ever     positively 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  245 

but  the  immediate  participants  in  the  massacre  anticipated  their 
arrival  and  withdrew  to  Tioga,  while  the  Moravian  Indians, 
who  had  taken  no  part  in  the  transaction,  removed  to  Gnaden- 
hiitten.  Failing  to  reach  the  guilty,  a  band  of  lawless  whites 
determined  to  punish  the  innocent,  and  with  a  hatred  born  of 
the  pernicious  teachings  of  Church,  banded  together  to  exter 
minate  the  whole  Indian  race,  "  that  the  saints  might  possess 
the  land."  Sixty  in  number,  these  maddened  zealots  fell  upon 
the  CanestogoesJ  a  small  clan  of  Onelda  dependents  residing 
upon  their  reservation  in  the  most  inoffensive  manner,  hacked 
their  chief  in  pieces  in  his  bed,  murdered  three  men,  two 
women  and  a  boy,  and  burnt  their  houses.  But  few  of  the 
Indians  were  at  home,  being  absent  selling  their  little  wares 
among  the  people.  On  their  return  the  magistrates  of  Lancas 
ter  collected  them  and  placed  them  in  one  of  the  public  build 
ings  for  protection.  Thither  they  were  followed  by  the  fanatics, 
the  building  broken  open  and  the  massacre  commenced. 
"  When  the  poor  wretches  saw  they  had  no  protection,  and  that 
they  could  not  escape,  and  being  without  the  least  weapon  of 
defense,  they  divided  their  little  families,  the  children  clinging 
to  their  parents  ;  they  fell  on  their  faces,  protested  their  inno 
cence,  declared  their  love  for  the  English,  and  that  in  their 
whole  lives  they  had  never  done  them  any  harm,  and  in  this 
posture  they  received  the  hatchet.  Men,  women  and  children, 
infants  clinging  to  the  breast,  were  all  inhumanly  butchered  in 
cold  blood." z 

The  Moravian  Indians  at  Gnadenhiitten  fled  to  Philadelphia, 
and  were  followed  thither  by  their  maddened  persecutors,  whose 
numbers  now  swelled  to  an  insurgent  army.  The  governor 
called  the  troops  for  the  protection  of  the  fugitives  ;  the  Indians 
begged  that  they  might  be  sent  to  England.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  send  them  to  the  Mohawk  country,  but  after  proceeding  as 
far  as  Amboy,  they  were  recalled.  Another  season  of  terror 

1  The  Conestogoes  are  presumed  to  have  when     they    were    sent    to     Conestoga. 

been  the  remnant  of  the  old  Susquehan-  Their  name  would   seem  to  have  been 

nocks,    whose    destruction    was    accom-  derived    from   that    of  the    chief   under 

plished  by  the  English  of  Maryland  aided  whose  charge  they  were  placed. —  Gallatin, 

by  the  Five  Nations.    They  were  removed  55. 

from  Maryland  and   settled    among  the  *  Proud ;  see  also  Life  and  Times  of  Sir 

Oneidas  until  they  lost  their   language,  Wm.  Johnson. 


246  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

ensued,  and  the  governor  hid  himself  away  in  the  house  of  Dr. 
Franklin.  The  Quakers  were  alone  equal  to  the  occasion, 
and  firmly  resisted  the  intended  bloodshed.  Persuaded  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  reason,  the  insurgents  at  length  abandoned  their 
murderous  purposes  and  returned  to  their  homes,  and  the  be 
sieged  Indians  again  sought  rest  in  the  wilderness.1 

The  combination  under  Pontiac  failed,  but  not  from  any  lack 
of  courage  and  determination  on  the  part  of  the  confederates. 
While  maintaining  the  siege  of  Detroit,  belts,  which  had  been 
sent  in  all  directions  by  the  French,  assured  the  tribes  which 
had  been  in  alliance  with  them  that  their  power  had  departed. 
The  courier  who  took  the  belt  to  the  north,  offered  peace  to  all 
the  tribes  wherever  he  passed  ;  and  to  Detroit,  where  he  arrived 
on  the  last  of  October,  he  bore  a  letter  in  the  nature  of  a  pro 
clamation,  informing  the  inhabitants  of  the  cession  of  Canada  to 
England  ;  another  addressed  to  twenty-five  nations  by  name,  and 
particularly  to  Pontiac,  and  a  third  to  the  commander,  express 
ing  a  readiness  to  surrender  to  the  English  all  the  forts  of  the 
Ohio  and  east  of  the  Mississippi.2  The  next  morning  Pontiac 
raised  the  siege,  accepted  "  the  peace  which  his  father  the 
French  had  sent  him,"  and  departed  with  his  followers,  disap 
pointed  but  unrelenting. 

The  Lenapes  and  their  allies  had,  in  the  meantime,  performed 
their  allotted  work.  Ruined  mills,  deserted  cabins,  fields  wav 
ing  with  the  harvest  but  without  reapers,  attested  their  ruthless 
warfare  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  while  at  Fort  Pitt  they  held  suc 
cessful  siege.  The  Virginia  troops  under  Boquet,  who  had  been 
sent  out  against  them,  barely  escaped  destruction.  At  Edge  hill, 
on  the  5th  and  6th  of  August,  1763,  stratagem  alone  saved  him. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  intrepidity  of  his  assailants,  he  feigned 
a  retreat.  The  allies  hurried  to  charge  with  the  utmost  daring, 
when  two  companies,  that  had  been  purposely  concealed,  fell 
upon  their  flank  ;  others  turned  and  met  them  in  front  ;  and  the 
Indians,  yielding  to  the  irresistible  shock,  were  routed  and  put 

1  It  is  a  singular  fact,  that  the  actors  in  consideration   that  the  press   did  not  dis- 

this  strange  and   tragic  affair  were  not  of  close  their    names,   nor   the  government 

the    lower   orders  of  the   people.     They  attempt  their  punishment. — Stone. 
were    Presbyterians,    comprising   in  their          a  Bancroft ',  v,  133,  164. 
ranks  men  of  intelligence,  and  of  so  much 


O.P  HUDSON'S  RWER.  247 

to  flight.  The  loss  to  the  English  of  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
men,  or  about  one-fourth  of  their  force,  attested  the  bravery  of 
the  assailants.1 

During  the  winter  of  1764,  Johnson  succeeded  in  persuading 
some  of  the  warriors  of  the  neutral  nations  to  unite  with 
a  company  of  militia  under  his  son,  John  Johnson,  for  the  in 
vasion  of  the  Lenape  territory.  On  the  26th  of  February,  a 
company  of  insurgents,  under  command  of  Captain  Bull,2  was 
surprised  and  made  prisoners  in  their  encampment  near  the  Sus- 
quehanna.  The  prisoners  were  removed  to  Johnson  Hall,  from 
whence  Bull  and  thirteen  of  his  warriors  were  sent  to  New 
York  and  lodged  in  jail,  and  the  remainder  distributed  among 
the  confederates.  Another  Iroquois  party  under  Brant,  burned 
the  Lenape  town  of  Kanestio  and  six  other  of  their  large  villages 
lying  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Susquehanna. 

Seconding  the  efforts  of  Johnson,  New  Jersey  and  Connecti 
cut  sent  out  an  army  of  eleven  hundred  men  to  attack  the 
Senecas^  while  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  contributed  a  greater 
number  to  subdue  the  allies  in  the  Ohio  valley.  The  Lenapes 
fled  from  their  burning  villages  to  the  Senecas^  and  the  latter,  fearing 
the  destruction  of  their  own  towns,  sent,  early  in  April,  a  deputa 
tion  of  four  hundred  of  their  chief  men  to  Johnson  Hall  to  sue 
for  peace.  The  overture  was  taken  advantage  of  by  Johnson 
to  gain  important  concessions.  The  Senecas  were  required  to 
stop  hostilities  and  engage  never  again  to  make  war  upon  the 

1  Johnson  pays  this  tribute  to  the  sue  them  through  their  different  suc- 
prowess  of  the  Lenapes  and  their  allies  :  cessful  expeditions  and  depredations 
"  The  Ohio  Indians  begun  on  the  fron-  would  be  entering  into  a  tedious  detail  of 
tiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  the  facts  well  known  and  still  sensibly  felt 
communications  to  the  posts,  three  of  here." — Colonial  History,  vii,  962. 
which,  Presque  Isle,  Verrango  and  La  s  "  Made  them  all  prisoners  to  the  num- 
Boeuf,  they  took  immediately.  After  ber  of  forty-one,  including  their  chief, 
laying  waste  all  the  frontiers  they  invested  Captain  Bull,  son  to  Teedyuscung,  and 
Fort  Pitt,  and  reduced  the  garrison  to  one  who  has  discovered  great  inveteracy 
much  danger.  Col.  Boquet,  with  six  hun-  against  the  English,  and  led  several  par- 
dred  men  and  a  large  convoy,  marching  ties  against  them  during  the  present  In 
to  its  relief,  was  attacked  by  only  ninety-  dianwar."  (Johnson,  Colonial  History,  vii, 
five  of  them  (for  I  have  the  best  authori-  611.)  In  Memorials  of  Moravin  Church, 
ties  of  white  men  then  with  the  Indians  i,  252,  it  is  stated  that  Teedyuscung  had 
and  of  several  different  Indians,  who  all  three  sons,  Amos  or  Tachgokanhelle,  the 
agree  that  that  is  the' true  number),  who  oldest,  Kesmitas,  and  John  Jacob." 
killed  about  sixty  of  his  people  and  greatly  Captain  Bull  was  probably  Amos.  At 
obstructed  his  march.  In  short,  to  pur-  that  time  he  was  thirty-four  years  old. 


248  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

English,  deliver  up  all  their  prisoners  within  three  months,  cede 
to  the  crown  the  Niagara  carrying  place  and  allow  the  free 
passage  of  troops  through  their  country,  and  renounce  "  all  in 
tercourse  with  the  Delaware*  and  Shawanoes,"  and  assist  the 
English  in  bringing  them  to  punishment.  As  hostages,  three 
of  their  principal  chiefs  were  to  await  the  complete  fulfillment 
of  the  terms. 

When  the  English  under  Bradstreet  reached  Niagara  in  Au 
gust,  he  found  no  Indians  in  arms.  There  the  Senecas  met 
him,  delivered  up  fourteen  prisoners,  and  asked  that  the  Lenapes 
and  Skawanoes  should  be  included  in  the  treaty  of  April,1 
Johnson,  who  had  arrived  before  Bradstreet,  agreed  to  this  on 
condition  that  those  tribes  delivered  up  their  king  and  Squash 
Cutter,  their  chief  warrior,  and  the  Senecas  left  with  him  two 
of  their  chiefs  as  hostages  for  the  fulfillment  of  the  terms. 
With  the  Ottawas,  Ckippewas,  Hurons,  and  other  tribes  under 
Pontiac,  peace  was  also  made,  although  Pontiac  did  not  appear. 
The  Indian  country  was  made  a  part  of  the  royal  dominions  ; 
its  tribes  were  bound  to  aid  the  English  troops,  and  in  return 
were  promised  assistance  and  protection  ;  Indian  murderers  and 
plunderers  were  to  be  delivered  up ;  all  captives  were  to  be  set 
free  and  restored,  and  the  families  of  English  settlers  assured  of 
welcome. 

Not  less  successful  was  the  expedition  under  Boquet.  A 
little  below  the  mouth  of  Sandy  creek,  beneath  a  bower  erected 
on  the  banks  of  the  Tuscarawas,  chiefs  of  the  Senecas,  the  Le 
napes,  the  Shawanoes,  and  the  Mohicans,  invited  peace.  The 
Lenapes  delivered  up  eighteen  prisoners,  and  eighty-three  small 
sticks  as  pledges  for  the  return  of  as  many  more.  At  the  junc 
tion  of  the  White  Woman  and  the  Tuscarawas,  in  the  centre 
of  the  Indian  villages,  the  Shawanoes  accepted  the  terms  of 
peace  with  dejected  sullenness,  and  promised,  by  their  orator, 
Red  Hawk,  to  collect  all  captives  from  the  lower  towns  and 
restore  them  in  the  spring.2 

On  the  2yth  of  April,  1765,  the  pledges  which  had  been 
given  by  the  Senecas  were  redeemed  by  the  surrender  of  the 

1  Stone,   in  his   Life  and  Times  of  Sir     dit  for  his  part  in  this  transaction. 
Wm.  Johnson,  gives  Bradstreet  little  ere-          a  £ancrofttv,  210,  221. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  249 

Lenape  king,  Long  Coat,  and  his  principal  warrior,  Squash 
Cutter,  who  in  their  turn  became  hostages  for  the  Susquehanna 
clans.  Captain  Bull  and  two  of  his  warriors  were  released,  and 
the  remaining  prisoners,  who  had  been  sent  to  New  York  for 
security,  were  brought  up  and  placed  in  charge  of  the  com 
manding  officer  at  Albany  until  the  Susquehanna  clans,  to  whom 
they  belonged,  should  deliver  up  their  prisoners  according  to 
promise.  On  the  iQth  of  June  the  latter  appeared  with  twenty- 
five  persons,  including  even  half-breeds,  the  children  of  inter 
marriages  with  the  Indians.  The  exchange  was  made  ;  the 
hostage  chiefs  departed,  and  the  war  of  ten  years  was  closed.1 

The  withdrawal  of  the  French  brought  with  it  the  necessity 
of  treaties  with  the  tribes  that  had  been  in  alliance  with  them, 
as  well  as  changes  in  the  policy  of  the  English.  The  task  was 
a  difficult  one.  The  attachment  of  the  northern  and  western 
Indians  to  the  French  was  strong ;  the  grievances  of  the  Senecas 
and  their  Lenape  allies  were  aggravated  by  the  peace  to  which 
they  had  been  compelled  and  in  which  they  had  been  forced  to 
concede  that  their  lands  were  a  part  of  the  royal  dominions. 
In  regard  to  their  territorial  possessions,  their  decision  in  1748 
had  grown  into  a  positive  policy,  which  the  English  were  obliged 
to  recognize  on  the  very  threshold  of  negotiations,  as  well  as  the 
wide-spread  influence  which  it  exerted.  T  o  treaties,  submissions, 
and  cessions,  which  recognized  any  other  fact  than  that  they 
were  a  free  people — that  they  had  independent  lands,  which 
were  their  ancient  possessions  —  they  would  give  no  attention, 
while  to  proffered  protection  they  replied  that  they  wanted  none 
so  much  as  from  the  English  themselves.2 

1  The  treaty  of  peace  was  made  with  all  the  savages  upon  this  continent,  the 
Killbuck    or    Bemineo,    Long     Coat    or  most  knowing,  the  most  intriguing,  the 
Anindamooky,    and    Squash    Cutter    or  less  useful,  and  the  greatest  villains,  are 
Yaghkapoose,  on  the  part  of  the  eastern  those   most  conversant  with  the    Euro- 
Lenapes,  and  was  ratified  and  confirmed  peans,  and  deserve  most  the  attention  of 
by  Turtle  Heart  OP  Aquarsqua,  Wieween-  the  government  by  way  of  correction,  and 
oghwa,    Tedabajhsika,    Lenapes    of    the  these  are    the  Six  Nations,    Shawanoes, 
Ohio,    and  Benavissica,    Manykypusson,  and  Delawares.    They  are  well  acquainted 
Nanicksah,  and  Wabysequina,  Shawanoes  with'the  defenseless  state  of  the  inhabit- 
of  the  Ohio. — Colonial  History,  vn,  738.  ants  who  live  on  the  frontiers,  and  think 

2  Colonial   History,  vn,    958.     Colonel  they  will  ever  have  it  in  their  power  to 
Bradstreet,  in  his  "  Thoughts  on  Indian  distress  and  plunder  them,  and  never  cease 
Affairs,"  gives    a  different    view  of  the  raising  the  jealousy  of  the  Upper  Nations 
policy  of  the  tribes.     He  writes  :    "  Of  against  us,  by  propagating  amongst  them 


250  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

To  appease  their  demands  Johnson  had  proposed  to  them  in 
1765,  to  "make  a  line"  which  should  be  recognized  alike  by 
themselves  and  the  English  as  a  boundary  beyond  which  neither 
should  pass.  The  proposition  was  accepted,  but  its  execution 
was  delayed.  Meanwhile  the  tribes  remained  morose  and  jeal 
ous  and  at  times  ready  to  take  up  the  hatchet.  Hostilities  on 
the  western  border  continued  of  frequent  occurrence ;  the  diffi 
culties  in  Pennsylvania,  were  kept  alive  by  the  constantly  in 
creasing  tide  of  European  emigration.  Connecticut  determined 
to  occupy  the  Wyoming  valley,  while  the  fanatics  of  the  Ca- 
nestogo  massacre  shot  and  scalped  with  unrelenting  zeal 
the  Indian  hunters  wherever  opportunity  offered.  Smarting 
under  these  aggressions,  the  Senecas,  in  1768,  by  a  large  belt 
said  to  the  Lenapes  and  Sbawanoes  :  "  Brethren,  these  lands  x  are 
yours  as  well  as  ours  ;  God  gave  them  to  us  to  live  upon,  and 
before  the  white  people  shall  have  them  for  nothing,  we  will 
sprinkle  the  leaves  with  blood,  or  die  every  man  in  the  attempt." 
Finding  that  the  matter  could  no  longer  be  delayed,  a  conference 
was  called  at  Fort  Stanwix  and  the  contemplated  boundary  line 
established.2  In  the  name  of  the  king,  Johnson  took  a  deed  for 
the  territory  south  and  east  of  the  Ohio.  In  addition  to  this 
deed,  William  Trent  obtained  title  to  a  tract  between  the 
Kenawha  and  Monongahela ;  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania, 
one  of  the  Wyoming  lands,  and  George  Croghan  one  confirma 
tory  of  two  grants  which  the  Indians  had  given  him,  in  1766, 

such  stories  as  make  them   believe    the  occupied  by  the  English  along  the  Mon- 

English  have  nothing  so  much  at  heart  ongahela,  and  the  Red  Stone  creek, 

as  the  extirpation  of  all  savages.     The  a  This  treaty  was  concluded  Nov.  5th, 

apparent  design  of  the  Six  Nations  is,  to  1768.     By  its  terms  all  the  lands   north 

keep  us  at  war  with  all  savages  but  them-  and  west    of  the    Ohio    and    Alleghany 

selves,    that    they  may  be    employed    as  rivers  to    Kittaning ;  thence  in   a  direct 

mediators    between    us   and   them,  at    a  line  to  the  nearest  fork  of  the  west  branch 

continuation  of  expense,    too  often  and  of  the   Susquehanna ;   thence,    following 

too  heavily  felt,  the  sweets  of  which  they  that  stream  through   the   Alleghanies,  by 

will  never  forget  nor  lose  sight  of,  if  they  the  way  of  Burnett's  Hills  and  the  eastern 

can  possibly  avoid  it.      That  of  the  Sha-  branch  of  the  Susquehanna  and  the  Dela- 

wanoes  and  Delawares  is  to  live  on  killing  ware  into   New   York,  to  a   line  parallel 

and  captivating  and  plundering  the  people  with  Nonaderha  creek,  and  thence  north 

inhabiting  the  frontiers  ;  long  experience  to  Wood  creek,  east  of  Oneida  lake — was 

has  shown  them  they  grow  richer,  and  recognized  as  the  territorial  domain  of  the 

live  better  thereby,  than   by  hunting  wild  Six  Nations,  Lcnapes,   Sha<wanocsy   etc. — 

beasts." — Colonial  History,  vn,  690.  Colonial  History ,  vm,  135. 
1  The  reference  is  to  lands   then  being 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  *     251 

of  thirteen  hundred  acres  on  the  Alleghany  river.  The  sum  of 
ten  thousand  dollars  in  goods  and  money  was  paid  to  the  Six 
Nations  and  their  allies,  and  their  possessions  in  the  valley  of 
the  Hudson,  as  well  as  of  the  Delaware,  were  known  to  them 
no  more. 

Not  only  was  the  policy  referred  to,  with  its  resultant  boun 
dary,  developed  by  the  war,  but  the  position  of  the  Indian  na 
tions  was  changed.  As  the  representative  allies  of  the  English, 
the  confederated  tribes  still  had  a  name,  but  in  almost  all  other 
respects  their  dominion  and  authority  had  shriveled  up  under 
the  touch  of  the  contending  civilizations  as  certainly  as  had  that 
of  the  nations  which  ha<l  earlier  fallen  under  its  malign  influence. 
Nominally  united  when  the  war  closed,  and  maintaining  a 
recognized  deference  to  the  action  and  wishes  of  each  other, 
as  they  had  during  its  continuance,  they  were  nevertheless  prac 
tically  divided.  The  Mohawks,  dwelling  in  the  presence  of 
Johnson  —  his  own  children  swelling  their  ranks1 —  reflected  in 
their  action  the  wishes  of  the  English  government,  or  stirred 
up  the  tribes  to  mischief  with  the  expectation  of  rewards  as 
mediators ;  petted,  and  perhaps  deservedly  so,  for  services  which 
had  cost  them  the  loss  of  their  ablest  chief  and  a  large  number 
of  their  best  warriors,  they  were  not  the  less  debauched  by 
liquor,  enfeebled  by  disease,2  and  shorn  of  their  prestige  ;  while 
the  Senecas,  more  manly  and  generous,  less  contaminated  by 
civilization  by  their  separation  from  its  more  immediate  influ 
ence,  dictated  the  policy  and  controlled  all  of  active  force  that 
remained  among  their  ancient  brethren.  As  a  nation  they  never 
again  appeared  in  the  field  as  contestants.  Power  and  territory 
alike  fell  from  their  grasp  at  Fort  Stanwix. 

Brighter  was  the  record  of  the  Lenapes,  and  their  grand-child 
ren,  the  Shawanoes  and  Mahicans  of  the  west,  judged  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  success  which  had  crowned  their  efforts.  En 
tering  upon  the  struggle  as  "  poor  women"  striking  their  op 
pressors  with  "  billets  of  wood,"  they  emerged  from  it 
u  increased  in  interest  and  respect,"  in  the  opinion  of  their 
enemies,  "  their  conduct  having  restored  them  to  the  rank  of 

1  It  is  said  that  Johnson  had  not  less  2  Johnson. — N.  T.  Colonial  History, 
than  one  hundred  children  by  squaws,  vii,  957. 

32  * 


252    *  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

men,"  and  given  to  them  an  influence  not  only  "  very  exten 
sive,"1  but  destined  in  the  future  to  embalm  their  names  as  the 
most  formidable  of  the  original  Indian  nations  of  Hudson's 
river.  Their  prowess  vindicated  in  the  field,  their  diplomacy 
triumphant  in  council,  their  manhood  wrung  from  the  unwilling 
hands  of  civilized  and  uncivilized  foes,  they  gave  to  the  conflicts 
of  the  west  an  impetus  which  made  their  name  national,  and 
grafted  it  forever  upon  the  politics  and  history  of  their  native 
land. 

Not  lost  to  the  records  of  this  eventful  period  were  the  Ma- 
bicansand  Wappingers  of  the  Hudson.  While  floating  fragments 
from  their  ranks  found  new  homes  among  the  Mohawks  and 
Senecas,  swelled  the  victorious  clans  of  their  brethren  in  the 
west,  suffered  persecution  for  righteousness'  sake  at  Gnaden- 
hiicten,  or  'chanted  with  Montcalm  the  war  songs  of  the  French, 
at  Westenhuck,  in  the  valley  of  the  Housatonic,  their  ancient 
council  fire  was  kept  brightly  burning  and  their  braves  aided  to 
give  to  the  English  the  supremacy  of  the  continent.  The 
introduction  among  them  of  unselfish  and  devoted  ministers  of 
the  gospel  had  restored  to  them,  in  a  great  measure,  their 
ancient  character,  and  made  their  influence  felt  in  the  camp  and 
in  the  field,  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  the  Mohawks  sent  to  their 
schools  their  children  for  instruction,  and  the  Onetdas  were 
proud  to  hail  them  as  brothers.  When  the  war  came  on, 
Johnson  made  an  effort  to  raise  from  their  ranks  a  company  to 
aid  in  the  expedition  against  Crown  point,2  failing  only  to  permit 
Governor  Shirley  to  draw  ofF  with  his  expedition  "  nearly  every 
fighting  man  among  them."3  After  the  war  they  demanded 
restitution  from  the  Abenaquis  for  the  loss  of  one  of  their 
number,  and  delayed  the  consummation  of  peace  with  them 
until  1 762.4  After  the  peace,  they  revived  their  claims  to  lands 
in  Albany  county,  as  well  as  in  Dutchess  —  in  the  former, 
pressing  even  west  of  the  Hudson,  and  in  the  latter,  asserting 
and  clearly  proving  fraud  in  the  sale  of  the  tract  now  embraced 

Johnson. — Colonial  History,  vii,  953.  Colonial  History,  vin,  45*. 

2  Johnson  Manuscripts,  n,  86.  4  A  warrior  was  finally  sent  to  them  by 

^Stockbridge,  Past  and  Present.     "They  the  Abenaquis  to  compensate    them  for 

served  as  a  corps  in  the  late  war,  and  are  their    loss. — Johnson    Manuscripts,  xxiv, 

in  number  about  fhree  hundred." — Tryon,  125. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  253 

in  the  county  of  Putnam.  Failing  to  secure  redress,  they 
attempted  the  forcible  ejectment  of  the  settlers,  and  compelled 
the  interference  of  the  military.  Subsequently,  Nimham,  the 
Wappinger  king,  in  company  with  chiefs  from  the  Mahicans  of 
Connecticut,  visited  England  and  received  favorable  hearing. 
Returning  to  America  their  claims  were  thrown  into  the  courts 
and  were  there  overtaken  by  the  Revolution. 

Still  clinging  to  their  ancient  homes,  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
were  considerable  numbers  of  the  Esopus  and  Mahican  clans, 
then  generally  known  as  "domestic  tribes."  Of  the  former 
<c  Nachnawachena,  alias  Sanders,  chief  sachem,  accompanied  by 
sachems  Hakawarenim,  Qualaghquninjon,  and  Walagayhin,  and 
twenty-three  Indians  besides  squaws  and  children,"  came  to 
conference  at  Kingston,  September  yth,  I77I.1  They  were 
then  principally  residents  of  the  country  back  of  the  Shawangunk 
mountains,  and  without  special  usefulness  in  the  contest  which 
had  decided  the  future  rank  of  their  brethren,  the  Minsis,  in  the  west. 
Not  the  last,  but  the  closing  record  of  the  English  administra 
tion  in  reference  to  them  is  that  by  Governor  Tryon,  in  1774  : 
"  The  river  tribes  have  become  so  scattered  and  so  addicted  to 
wandering,  that  no  certain  account  of  their  numbers  can  be 
obtained.  These  tribes  —  the  Montauks  and  others  of  Long 
island,  Wappingers  of  Dutchess  county,  and  the  Esopus,  Papa- 
goncks,  etc.,  of  Ulster  county^- have  generally  been  denomi 
nated  River  Indians  and  consist  of  about  three  hundred  fighting 
men.  Most  of  these  people  at  present  profess  Christianity,  and 
as  far  as  in  their  power  adopt  our  customs.  The  greater  part 
of  them  attended  the  army  during  the  late  war,  but  not  with 
the  same  reputation  of  those  who  are  still  deemed  hunters." 2 

1  Manuscripts    of    Sir    Wm.    Johnson,         a  Colonial  History y  vni,  451. 
xxin,  4. 


254  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


CHAPTER  X. 

• 

THE  INDIANS  AND  THE  WAR  OF  THE  REVOLUTION  —  THE 
DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  —  THE  LAST  OF  THE 
MAHICANS. 

>HE  hostility  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  west  to  the 
colonists,  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  had  its 
origin  mainly  in  the  long  catalogue  of  aggressive 
acts  which  the  colonists  themselves  had  committed, 
and  against  which  the  tribes  had  adopted  a  settled  and  well 
understood  policy,  involving  resistance  to  further  encroachments 
upon  territory  which  they  regarded  as  their  especial  domain.  In 
their  controversies  in  regard  to  these  encroachments  the  Indians 
had  learned  to  distinguish  between  the  king  of  England  and 
those  whom  they  regarded  as  their  oppressors,  and  to  assume 
that  while  the  latter  were  trespassers,  the  former  was  a  just 
judge  to  whom  they  could  appeal.  The  revision  of  the 
Wyoming  deeds,  and  the  establishment  of  the  treaty  line  of 
1768,  they  regarded  as  having  been  especially  directed  by  the 
former,  in  acknowledgment  of  the  justice  of  their  claims,  and 
this  impression  was  strengthened  by  the  policy  which  Johnson 
pursued,  as  distinguished  from  that  which  was  sanctioned  by 
colonial  authority.1 

Unfortunately  the  colonists  made  not  only  no  effort  to  remove 
this  impression,  but,  by  their  repeated  violations  of  the  treaty 
line,  kept  alive  the  irritations  which  its  establishment  was  de- 

1 "  His  majesty,  with  great  wisdom  and  since  removed  not  only  below  the  Kan- 
discretion,  was  pleased  to  direct  that  (no  hawa,  but  even  far  beyond  the  limits  of 
settlements)  should  now  be  made  below  the  cession,  and  in  a  little  time  we  may 
the  great  Kanhawa  river,  with  which  I  probably  hear  that  they  have  crossed  the 
acquainted  the  Indians,  agreeable  to  my  Ohio  wherever  the  lands  invite  them  j  for 
orders,  but  numbers  of  settlements  had  the  body  of  these  people  are  under  no 
been  made  there  previous  to  the  cession,  restraint,  and  pay  as  little  regard  to  go- 
Attempts  made  since  to  form  others  on  vernment  as  they  do  to  title  for  their 
the  Mississippi,  and  great  numbers  in  possessions." — Johnson,  Colonial  History 
defiance  of  the  cession,  or  the  orders  of  the  vui,  460. 
government  in  consequence  thereof,  have 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  255 

signed  to  remove.  The  Virginians  did  not  cease  to  push  their 
pioneers  into  the  Ohio  valley,  while  the  Pennsylvanians,  under 
Franklin,  although  acting  with  the  consent  of  the  tribes  in  in 
terest,  were  not  the  less  violators  of  the  spirit  of  the  treaty. 
The  Virginians,  however,  openly  disregarded  the  compact,  and 
did  not  scruple  to  regard  the  Indians  as  legitimate  prey  for  their 
rifles,  or  to  commit  a  succession  of  outrages  more  cruel  and 
unprovqked  than  any  known  to  savage  warfare.  Retaliation 
followed,  and  what  was  known  as  Cresap's  war  was  inaugu 
rated.  The  immediate  causes  of  this  war  may  be  briefly  stated. 
In  the  spring  of  1774,  a  party  of  land  agents  under  the  lead  of 
Captain  Michael  Cresap,  was  sent  out  by  the  Virginians  to 
locate  and  open  up  farms  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  near  the 
present  cities  of  Pittsburg  and  Wheeling.  The  Indians  remon 
strated  with  Governor  Dunmore,  but  instead  of  heeding  them, 
the  latter  sent  word  to  Cresap  that  he  must  be  prepared  for 
hostilities.  Determined  to  anticipate  the  Indians  in  the  attack 
which  appeared  to  be  imminent,  Cresap,  on  the  twenty-sixth  of 
April,  declared  war,  organized  his  party  and  moved  towards  the 
Ohio  where  he  killed  two  Indians,  and,  on  the  following  day, 
surprised  a  party  of  Senecas  and  inflicted  upon  them  the  loss  of 
one  man. 

Not  satisfied  with  these  achievements,  the  party  pushed  for 
ward  to  attack  the  encampment  of  Logan,  a  Mingoe  chief,  near 
the  mouth  of  Yellow  creek.  The  expedition  was  abandoned 
without  consummation,  only  to  be  transferred  to  others. 
Opposite  Logan's  encampment  a  trader  named  Baker  had 
erected  a  cabin  and  engaged  in  the  sale  of  rum.  At  this  cabin 
a  party  of  flying  settlers  met,  among  whom  was  one  Daniel 
Greathouse  who  acted  as  their  leader.  Logan  and  his  Indians, 
it  is  said,  had  determined  to  cut  off  Baker,1  and  that  the  latter, 

1  Stone's  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  Wm.  sented  seven  Indian  scalps,  and  stated 
Johnson.  The  attack,  however,  appears  their  having  taken  them  in  the  following 
to  have  been  wholly  without  justification,  manner  :  That  a  number  of  Indians  hav- 
The  following  is  the  account  given  in  ing  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  Yellow 
Colonial  History,  vm,  464 :  "  Received  creek,  they  with  one  Grithouse  had  col- 
information  from  Captain  Crawford  and  lee  ted  themselves  at  the  house  of  one 
one  Mr.  Nevill,  from  Virginia,  that  on  Baker  opposite  to  the  said  Indian  camp, 
their  way  to  this  place  they  met  a  number  and  decoyed  the  Indian  men,  and  two 
of  inhabitants  settled  below  this,  moving  women  over  to  their  side  of  the  river  to 
off,  among  whom  was  a  party  who  pre-  drink  with  them,  who,  upon  finding 


256  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

warned  by  a  friendly  squaw  to  escape,  invited  the  aid  of  Great- 
house,  who  organized  a  band  of  thirty-two  men  and  crossed  the 
river  for  the  purpose  of  falling  upon  the  Indians  ;  but  finding 
that  they  were  too  strong  for  him,  retreated,  and,  with  a  show 
of  friendship,  invited  them  to  an  entertainment.  Without  sus 
picion  of  treachery,  part  of  the  Indians  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  while  engaged  in  drinking  —  some  of  them  in  a  state  of 
intoxication  —  were  set  upon  and  butchered  in  cold  blood.  The 
Indians  who  had  remained  at  their  encampment,  hearing  the  noise 
of  the  treacherous  attack,  ran  to  their  canoes  to  rescue  their 
friends.  This  movement  had  been  anticipated,  and  sharp 
shooters  stationed  in  ambuscade,  shot  numbers  of  them  in  their 
canoes,  and  compelled  the  others  to  return.  Logan's  mother, 
brother  and  sister  were  among  the  slain. 

These  transactions  were  soon  followed  by  another  outrage, 
which,  though  of  less  magnitude,  was  not  less  atrocious.  An 
aged  and  inoffensive  Lenape  chief,  named  the  Bald  Eagle,  while 
r  eturning  from  a  visit  to  the  fort  at  the  north  of  the  Kanhawa, 
was  shot  while  alone  in  his  canoe.  Not  satisfied  with  this 
cowardly  act,  the  perpetrator  of  the  murder  seized  the  canoe, 
tore  the  scalp  from  the  head  of  his  victim,  placed  the  body  in 
a  sitting  posture  in  the  canoe,  and  sent  it  adrift  down  the  stream 
to  bear  to  the  friends  of  the  venerated  sachem  the  most  exas 
perating  evidence  of  the  hostility  which  had  been  committed. 
At  about  the  same  time,  Silver  Heels,  a  favorite  chief  of  the 
Shawanoes^  was  murdered  by  trespassers  upon  the  Indian  terri 
tory,  and  in  less  than  a  month  forty  victims  were  added  to  the 
rapacity  of  the  whites.1  These  acts  thoroughly  aroused  the 
tribes,  and  the  Lenapes  and  Skawanoes,  under  Cornstalk,  and  the 

them    intoxicated,  fell    upon  them    and  them  were  killed,  who  dropped  into  the 

knocked   them  in  the  head,  and  scalped  river,  and  two  others  they  observed  fall 

them 5  that  soon  after  two  other  Indians  dead  in   the   canoe,  and  the  fifth,  upon 

came    over    to    see    what  detained  their  their   landing,  they   could   discover   very 

friends,    and    were    served    in  the    same  badly  wounded  so   that   he  could  scarce 

manner;  that    after  this  the  Indians  ap-  get  up  the  bank." 

peared  uneasy,  and  six  of  their  men  were  *  The  very  critical  situation  of  Indian 

coming  across  the  river  to  see  after  their  affairs,  occasioned    by  the   cruelties   and 

people,  who  approaching  near  the  shore,  murders  committed  by  Cresap,  who  with 

observed  the  white  people  lying  in  ambush  some  .frontier  banditti,  causelessly  mur- 

for   them,   and,  attempting  to  return  to  dered  near  forty  Indians  on  the  Ohio. — 

their  camp,  were  fired  upon  and  two  of  Colonial  History  y  vm,  471. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  257 

Senecas  and  Mingoes  z  led  by  Logan,  threw  themselves  with  fire 
and  tomahawk  upon  the  Virginia  border. 

The  war  was  nominally  concluded  in  October.  Immediately 
on  its  outbreak  Dunmore  organized  a  force  of  three  thousand 
men  and  marched  to  the  Ohio  country.  One  of  the  divisions 
of  this  force,  under  Colonel  Lewis,  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Great  Kanhawa  on  the  sixth,  and  was  there  attacked,  on  the 
tenth,  by  one  thousand  warriors  of  the  western  confederacy, 
under  Cornstalk,  who  had  determined  to  anticipate  his  junction 
with  the  main  army  under  Dunmore.  The  battle  was  a  despe 
rate  one,  and  neither  party  could  fairly  claim  the  victory.  The 
Virginians  lost  their  commander,  Colonel  Lewis,  one- half  of 
their  commissioned  officers  and  fifty-two  privates  killed,  while 
the  Indians  lost,  in  killed  and  wounded,  two  hundred  and  thirty- 
three.  In  the  night  the  Indians  retreated.  Meanwhile  Dun- 
more  had  pushed  on  to  the  Sciota,  with  the  division  under  his 
command,  and  was  there  met  by  a  flag  of  truce  from  the  In 
dians  proposing  to  treat  for  peace.  Negotiations  were  opened, 
and  a  treaty  concluded.2  But  the  war  did  not  stop.  Boone  and 
Bullit,  and  other  pioneers,3  provoked  fresh  hostilities  and  entailed 
upon  the  colonists  the  animosities  which  had  been  engendered 
in  all  the  long  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  Ohio  valley. 

The  French  traders  and  priests  who  remained  in  the  Indian 
country,  moreover,  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  keep  alive 
the  hostile  feeling  which  they  had  inculcated  from  the  first  hour 
of  their  presence  in  the  Ohio  valley.  In  the  conflict  which 
they  saw  was  coming,  they  also  saw  the  hope  of  a  restoration  to 
France  of  the  territory  which  had  been  lost.  Holding  their 
head-quarters  in  the  Spanish  possessions  of  Louisiana,  they  in- 

1  The    Mingots  were   a  mixed    people  made  so  by  the  intermarriages  of  which 

formed   mainly  by   the  intermarriage   of  Johnson  speaks. 

Minsisy  Senecas  and  Shaivanoes.     They  ac-  2  Cornstalk  conducted  the  negotiations 

knowledged  the  jurisdiction  of,  and  were  on  the  part  of  the  Indians.     Logan  was 

ruled  by  chiefs  of  the  Seneca  nation.      ( N.  not   present,   but  sent  to  the   conference 

T.  Colonial  History,  vm,  517).    Brodhead  the  famous  speech  which  Jefferson  pre- 

states  that  the  "  Mingoes  were  the  Andas-  served    in    his    Notes    on    Virginia,    and 

tes,  or  Gandastogues,  or  Conestogas  who  which  has  made   the  name  of  Logan  a 

lived  at  Conestoga  creek,  where  they  were  household  word. 

settled  after  their  subjugation  by  the  Iro-  3  Daniel   Boone,    Colonial  History,    vm, 

quois"  (Gallatin,  55),  but  such   does  not  395. 
appear  to  be  the  fact,  except  as  they  were 


258  THE  INDIAN  7RIBES 

vited  the  northern  and  western  Indians  thither  and  delivered  to 
them  speeches  "  setting  forth  the  danger  all  their  nations  were 
in,  from  the  designs  of  the  English,  who,  they  said,  had  it  in 
view  to  possess  all  their  country."  x  From  them  also  came  the 
invitation  to  the  tribes  to  remove  further  down  the  Ohio,  with 
a  view  to  make  their  organization  more  compact  and  formidable, 
an  invitation  which  Custalaga,  a  Lenape  chief,  with  one  hundred 
of  his  followers,  accepted,  and  was  very  soon  after  followed  by 
larger  delegations,2  animated  by  a  common  feeling  of  resistance. 
With  the  alliance  of  the  Shawanoes  and  the  Mahican  clans,  the 
Lenapes  were  now  more  powerful  than  the  Six  Nations  them 
selves,3  and,  no  longer  taunted  as  women,  but  recognized  as 
brothers  by  them,  they  prepared  to  contest  the  supremacy  of 
the  colonists. 

The  prejudice  against  the  colonists,  which  was  entertained  by 
the  western  tribes,  was,  as  has  been  already  shown,  equally  bitter 
on  the  part  of  the  Senecas,  over  whom  Johnson  with  great 
difficulty  maintained  even  a  nominal  control,  and  the  feeling  was 
largely  shared  by  what  were  called  the  Upper  nations  of  the 
confederacy.  The  Mohawks,  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  had 
less  interest  in  the  western  controversy.  Under  the  treaty  of 
1768,  they  had  been  paid  for  the  lands  which  they  claimed,  not 
only  in  Pennsylvania,  but  for  those  embraced  in  the  famous 
Kayaderossera  patent  on  the  Hudson,4  so  long  a  subject  of 
complaint  on  the  part  of  the  Mohawks ;  besides,  they  were 

1  Colonial  History,  vm,  396,  404,  507.  to  all  the  friends  of  America,  and  a  de- 

2  Colonial   History,    vm,    396.       After  cided   enemy  to   all   its  foes.     He  hopes 
the  alliance  of  the  colonists  with  France,  that  all  his  children,  whom  he  loves  sin- 
this   policy  was   reversed.      On   the  Z9th  cerely,  will  take  part   with  their  father 
of  August,    1779,    Count    Rochambeau  in  the  war  against  the  English." 

issued  to  them  a  proclamation  —  through  8  "  The  worst  circumstance  is  that  these 
a  delegation  of  Oneidas,  Tuscaroras  and  people  have  of  late  become  more  power- 
Caughnawagas  who  visited  him  at  New-  ful  by  alliances,  and  the  Six  Nations  less, 
port — in  the  following  words:  "The  so  that  their  authority  begins  to  be  dis 
king  of  France,  your  father,  has  not  puted  at  advantage." — Johnson  Manu- 
forgotten  his  children.  As  a  token  of  scripts,  xxn,  Nov.  29,  1772. 
remembrance,  I  have  presented  gifts  to  4This  patent  covered  all  the  land  lying 
your  deputies  in  his  name.  He  learned  between  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk  rivers, 
with  concern,  that  many  nations,  deceived  extending  from  Coic  falls,  near  the  junc- 
by  the  English,  who  were  his  enemies,  tion  of  those  streams,  to  the  third,  or  as 
had  attacked  and  lifted  up  the  hatchet  it  is  now  called,  Baker's  falls,  on  the 
against  his  good  and  faithful  allies,  the  Hudson,  and  contained  about  seven  hun- 
United  States.  He  has  desired  to  tell  dred  thousand  acres  of  land. — Stone's  Life 
you,  that  he  is  a  firm  and  faithful  friend  of  Johnson,  u,  299. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RI7ER.  259 

more  immediately  under  the  control  of  the  English.  The 
Mohawks  had  a  blood  alliance  with  Johnson  ;  the  Oneidas  and 
Tuscaroras  had  submitted  themselves  almost  entirely  to  the 
guidance  of  the  English  ministers  who  had  located  among  them, 
and  their  every-day  associations  were  of  a  different  nature  from 
those  of  their  more  westward  brethren.  Practically,  the  con 
federacy  was  divided,  although  it  still  maintained  the  forms  of 
unity  and  some  of  its  spirit.  While  against  the  authorities  of 
New  York  the  more  eastern  tribes  had  no  special  complaint, 
their  education,  from  the  days  of  Stuy vesant,  had  been  adverse 
"  to  the  Bostonians,"  and  the  feeling  was  strengthened  by  the 
persistent  determination  of  the  Connecticut  people  to  settle  at 
Wyoming  in  defiance  of  the  treaty  of  1768,  by  which  the  rights 
of  the  proprietaries  of  Pennsylvania  were  secured.  They  hated 
them,  too,  upon  general  principles  growing  out  of  the  extirminat- 
ing  policy  of  Church  and  his  followers,  and  came  to  sympathize 
with  the  Indians  in  the  French  alliance  and  to  encourage  their 
hostilities. 

The  great  strength  of  the  control  which  the  English  had 
over  them,  however,  lay  in  the  personal  associations  of  the 
Mohawks  with  the  Johnson  family.  To  create  this  influence  John 
son  had  become  an  Indian ;  his  legitimate  children  had  grown 
up  with  theirs,  while  those  by  his  mistress,  Molly  Brant,  eight 
in  number,  were  "  bone  of  their  bone  and  flesh  of  their  flesh."1 
Skillfully  was  this  influence  wielded  by  Johnson  and  the  home 
government.  The  reduction  of  Canada  had  created. the  neces 
sity  for  a  reorganization  of  the  Indian  department.  The 
Canada  tribes,  as  well  as  those  of  the  west,  were  too  remote  for 
that  official  intercourse  to  which  they  had  become  accustomed 
under  the  French,  and  required  separate  superintendence  ;  but 
it  was  also  necessary  that  that  superintendence  should  be  con 
ducted  on  a  basis  uniform  with  that  which  was  applied  to  the 
confederated  tribes.  The  materials  for  such  an  organization 
were  already  provided.  George  Croghan  had  filled  the  post  of 
assistant  to  Johnson  ;  Daniel  Claus  and  Guy  Johnson,  the  sons- 
in-law  of  Johnson,  were  entirely  familiar  with  the  duties  to  be 

1  The  children  borne  to  him  by  Molly  made  legitimate  by  marriage  a  short  time 
Brant,  sister  of  the  great  chief,  were  before  his  death. 

33 


260 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


performed  ;  their  interests  were  bound  up  in  obedience  to  the 
directions  of  Sir  William.  To  Croghan  was  assigned  the  charge 
of  the  Ohio  country  ;  Col.  Claus  was  sent  to  Canada,  with  his 
heacl-quarters  at  Montreal,  while  Guy  Johnson  was  made  deputy 
in  charge  of  the  Six  Nations  and  the  neighboring  tribes,  and 
remained  at  Johnson  Hall.1 

That  there  was  plan^and  purpose  in  this  arrangement,  there 
is  no  reasonable  doubt.  It  was  no  idle  boast  on  the  part  of 
Johnson,  when,  in  1771,  he  wrote  that  he  was  confident  that 
"  in  any  event  that  might  happen  in  Europe  or  in  America," 
he  could,  from  the  measures  he  had  taken  and  the  influence 
which  he  possessed,  secure  and  attach  to  the  interests  of  the 
crown,  "  such  a  body  of  Indians  as  if  not  so  numerous  as  those 
opposed,"  to  those  interests,  would  "  give  a  severe  check  to 
their  attempts."2  Nor  were  tr^e  expectations  of  the  home 
government  disappointed  in  the  result,  although  the  great  force 
of  the  plan  was  lost  by  the  death  of  Johnson  in  July,  I774-3 
When  that  event  occurred,  Guy  Johnson  at  once  assumed  the 
duties  of  superintendent,4  with  all  the  prestige  which  his  rela- 

1  Colonial '^History ',  vn,  579. 

8  Documentary  History ,  n,  983. 

'Sir  William  Johnson  was  born  in 
Ireland,  about  the  year  1714.  He  was 
the  nephew  of  Sir  Peter  Warren,  the 
commodore  who  was  distinguished  in  the 
attack  onLouisburgh,  Cape  Breton,  1745. 
Sir  Peter  married  a  lady  (Miss  Watts)  in 
New  York,  purchased  large  tracts  of  land 
upon  the  Mohawk,  and  about  1734, 
young  Johnson  was  induced  to  come  to 
America  and  take  charge  of  his  uncle's 
affairs  in  that  quarter.  He  learned  the 
Indian  language,  adopted  their  manners, 
and  by  fair  trade  and  conciliatory  conduct, 
won  their  friendship  and  esteem.  He 
built  a  large  stone  mansion  on  the 
Mohawk,  about  three  miles  west  of 
Amsterdam,  where  he  resided  for  twenty 
years,  previous  to  the  erection  of  Johnson 
Hall  at  Johnstown,  where  he  resided  at 
the  time  of  his  death.  He  was  never 
given  credit  for  great  military  skill  or 
personal  bravery,  and  was  more  expert 
in  intriguing  with  the  Indians,  than  in 
leading  disciplined  troops  boldly  into  ac 
tion.  For  his  success  at  Lake  George, 
he  was  made  major  general  and  a  knight. 


His  first  wife  was  a  Dutch  girl,  for  whom, 
it  is  said,  he  gave  five  pounds  for  payment 
of  her  passage  money  to  the  captain  of 
the  emigrant  ship  in  which  she  came  to 
this  country.  By  her  he  had  one  son, 
John,  and  two  daughters  who  married 
respectively  Daniel  Claus,  and  Guy  John 
son.  When  she  was  on  her  death-bed, 
Sir  William  was  married  to  her  in  order 
to  legitimate  her  children.  After  her 
death  her  place  was  supplied  by  Molly 
Brant,  sister  of  Joseph,  the  Mohawk 
chief,  by  whom  he  had  eight  children. 
She  was  a  very  sprightly  and  beautiful 
squaw  when  he  took  her  to  his  mansion 
as  his  mistress.  Toward  the  close  of  his 
life  he  married  her  in  order  to  legitimate 
her  children.  He  died  of  disease  of  the 
heart,  while  attending  the  conference 
with  the  Indians  stated  in  the  text,  July 
nth,  1774,  aged  60  years. —  Lossing  i, 
232,  2,87  ;  Stone"1!  Life  tfnd  Times  of  Sir 
WiHiam  Johnson^  etc. 

4  He  was  commissioned  to  fill  the  va 
cancy  in  September,  but  performed  the 
duties  of  superintendent  in  the  interim  by 
virtue  of  his  appointment  as  deputy. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER. 


261 


tionship  to  his  predecessors  inspired,  combined  with  the  support 
of  Sir  John  Johnson,  who  succeeded  to  his  fathers's  title  and 
estate,  and  that  of  Molly  Brant,  and  Thayendanegea,  her 
brother  —  the  Joseph  Brant  of  the  Revolution  —  then  a  pro 
minent  chief  pf  the  upper  Mohawk  castle,  who  was  made  his 
secretary. 

Against  these  controlling  influences  the  colonists  could  not 
only  array  that  which  had  been  acquired  by  individuals  through 
personal  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  that  which  had  been 
gained  by  the  labors  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Kirkland  and  the  Rev. 
James  Dean,  missionaries  to  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras.*  The 
extent  of  these  influences  was  considerable — especially  that  ex 
ercised  by  the  missionaries  named — but  nevertheless  was  en 
tirely  inadequate  to  compensate  for  that  which  was  wielded  by 


1  JAMES  DEAN. — The  history  of  this 
individual,  and  his  agency  in  many  of  the 
events  transpiring  previous  to  and  during 
the  revolutionary  war,  would  form  a  vo 
lume  of  deeply  interesting  and  most  thrill 
ing  incidents.  He  was  a  native  of  New 
England  and  educated  with  special  refer 
ence  to  missionary  labor  among  the  In- 
dians,with  whom  he  lived  many  years  from 
his  youth.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  he 
was  stationed  at  Oghkwaga,  where  he 
made  no  attempt  to  conceal  his  views 
from  the  Indians.  In  1774,  he  was  em 
ployed  by  the  Continental  congress  to 
visit  the  New  York  and  Canada  tribes  to 
ascertain  the  part  they  would  probably 
take  in  the  contest.  For  this  purpose  he 
assumed  the  disguise  of  an  Indian  trader 
and,  supplied  with  goods,  accomplished 
the  object  of  his  mission.  An  adopted 
son  of  the  Oneidas,  and  regarded  by  them 
with  more  than  parental  affection,  his 
influence  over  them  was  especially  con 
spicuous.  He  was  subsequently  appointed 
to  the  office  of  Indian  agent,  and  during 
the  whole  war  of  the  revolution  he  con 
tinued  his  services  to  the  country  in  that 
capacity.  A  very  considerable  portion  of 
the  war  he  was  stationed  at  Fort  Stan wix, 
and  by  virtue  of  his  office,  superintended 
the  intercourse  with  the  Indians.  At 
the  close  of  the  war  the  Oneidas  granted 
him  a  tract  of  land  two  miles  square, 
lying  on  the  Wood  creek  west  of  Rome, 
to  which  he  removed  in  1784.  Here  he 
continued  two  years,  when  he  effected  an 


exchange  with  the  nation  for  the  tract  of 
land  lying  in  Westmoreland,  known  as 
Dean's  patent,  to  which  he  removed,  and 
where  he  continued  to  reside  until  his 
death  in  September,  1832. — Stone's  Life 
of 'Brant ,  i,  Appendix. 

SAMUEL  KIRKLAND.  —  This  distin 
guished  missionary  was  born  at  Norwich, 
Conn.,  1742.  After  a  special  education 
for  |the  work,  he  was  sent  to  Oneida 
Castle,  in  1766,  and  continued  to  labor 
among  that  tribe  for  forty  years.  During 
the  revolutionary  war  he  was  in  the  pay 
of  the  United  States,  and  in  1779,  was 
brigade  chaplain  in  General  Sullivan's 
campaign  against  the  Indians  of  western 
New  York.  After  the  peace  he  re 
mained  among  the  Oneidas,  and  in  1788, 
assisted  at  the  great  Indian  council  for  the 
extinction  of  their  title  to  the  Genesee 
country.  So  sensible  was  the  state  go 
vernment  of  the  value  of  his  services,  that 
in  the  year  1789,  it  granted  him  a  tract 
of  land  two  miles  square  in  the  present 
town  of  Kirkland,  whither  he  imme 
diately  removed,  and  where  he  subse 
quently  made  a  liberal  endowment  of 
land  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  school 
which  was  originally  called  Hamilton 
Oneida  Academy,  subsequently  incorpo 
rated  under  the  name  of  Hamilton  Col 
lege.  After  a  life  of  much  public  useful 
ness,  he  at  length  departed  this  life  on  the 
28th  of  February,  1808. — Note,  Colonial 
History,  vm,  631  ;  Jones's  History  of 
Oneida  County. 


262  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

the  Johnsons.  Had  Guy  Johnson  possessed  the  shrewdness 
and  skill  of  his  predecessor,  the  result,  so  far  as  the  Six  Nations 
were  concerned,  would  not  have  been  doubtful  ;  but  in  that 
which  he  gained  by  his  position,  he  was  seriously  compromised 
by  the  superior  diplomacy  of  the  colonists. 

Both  parties  moved  with  caution.  While  Johnson  was  un 
remitting  in  his  endeavors  to  preserve  the  good  will  and  affection 
of  the  Six  Nations,  the  colonists  lost  no  time  in  instructing  them 
in  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  controversy,  and  in  advising  them 
to  act  as  neutrals.  With  a  very  considerable  portion  of  the 
Six  Nations  neutrality  had  long  been  an  established  policy,  and 
gained  for  the  colonists  not  only  an  attentive  ear,  but  compelled 
Johnson  to  adopt  it  as  the  course  which  he  wished  them  to 
pursue.  To  the  declarations  of  Dean  and  Kirkland,  and  to 
the  belts  which  the  faithful  Mahicans  sent  to  all  the  tribes 
advising  neutrality  —  that  the  "  dispute  did  not  concern  the  In 
dians  ;  that  it  arose  from  the  crown's  endeavors  to  obtain  a 
large  reimbursement  for  the  expenses  of  the  late  war,  which 
the  colonists  could  not  comply  with,  and  therefore  an  army  was 
sent  to  compel  them"  —  Johnson  found  it  necessary  to  reply 
that  the  "  dispute  was  solely  occasioned  by  some  people  who, 
notwithstanding  the  king's  law,  would  not  permit  some  tea  to 
land,  but  destroyed  it ;"  that  the  matter  was  one  with  which 
they  had  "  nothing  to  do,"  any  more  than  they  had  "  with  the 
foolish  people"  who  talked  to  them  about  that  "  which  they 
themselves  did  not  understand."1  Thus  urged,  the  Six  Nations 
in  general  council  at  Onondaga,  resolved  to  have  "  nothing  to 
do  with  the  axe,  but  to  support  their  engagements." 

This  action  left  the  Johnsons  with  nothing  but  their  personal 
influence  and  official  relations,  but  these  they  believed,  and 
not  without  reason,  were  sufficient  to  control  to  a  great  extent 
the  action  of  the  tribes.  The  well-founded  suspicions  of  the 
integrity  of  the  Johnsons,  which  the  colonists  entertained, 
brought  the  issue  to  a  culmination  much  sooner  than  they  had 
intended.  The  committee  of  safety  of  Tryon  county,  early 
in  1775,  set  a  strict  watch  upon  their  movements,  and  when, 
in  May,  Guy  Johnson  received  secret  instructions  from  General 

1  Colonial  History,  vin,  538,  557. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  263 

Gage,  requiring  him  to  report  himself  at  Montreal  for  instruc 
tions,  he  professed  alarm  for  his  personal  safety  and  appealed 
to  his  retainers  among  the  Indians  to  induce  the  Six  Nations 
to  take  upon  themselves  his  protection.  Gathering  together 
a  company  of  tories,  among  whom  John  and  Walter  N.  Butler 
were  prominent,  and  accompanied  by  Brant  and  a  portion  of 
the  Mohawks,  he  fled  to  Oswego,  where  he  held  a  conference 
with  the  tribes,  and  from  thence  pushed  on  to  Montreal,  where, 
in  July,  he  met  the  Indians  of  the  northren  confederacy,  seven 
teen  hundred  in  number.1  Whether  his  fears  were  well 
founded  or  not,  the  movement  was  an  adroit  one.  Wherever 
he  met  the  Indians  he  urged  upon  their  consideration  the  attack 
which  had  been  made  upon  himself,  and  appealed  to  the  memory 
of  his  father-in-law,  and  to  his  associations  with  them,  to  pro 
tect  Sir  John,  and  to  induce  them  to  become  his  followers;  yet 
he  still  insisted  that  his  mission  was  that  of  peace,  and  that'the 
Indians  should  maintain  their  neutrality. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when,  in  July,  the  Conti 
nental  congress  resolved  to  establish  three  departments  of  Indian 
affairs,  the  northern,  middle  and  southern,  "  with  powers  to 
treat  with  the  Indians  in  their  respective  departments,  to  pre 
serve  peace  and  friendship,  and  to  prevent  their  taking  any  part  in 
the  present  commotion."  z  In  accordance  with  this  resolution, 
the  commissioners  for  the  northern  department 3  held  a  council 
with  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  at  German  Flats  on  the  fifteenth 
of  August,  but  the  attendance  being  limited,  adjourned  it  to 
Albany,  where,  on  the  twenty- fourth,  its  proceedings  were  con 
cluded.  At  this  conference  the  commissioners  recited  the 
grievances  of  which  the  colonists  complained,  and  against  which 
they  had  resolved  to  take  up  arms,  and  advised  the  Indians  to 
observe  neutrality.  "This  is  a  family  quarrel  between  us  and 
old  England,"  said  they  ;  u  you  Indians  are  not  concerned  in 
it.  We  don't  wish  you  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  king's 

1Colonial  History,  vm,  636.  3The  commissioners   for  the  northern 

2  It  was  not  until  a  year  later  that  con-  department  were   Gen.   Philip  Schuyler, 

gress  authorized   the  employment  of   In-  Major  Joseph   Hawley,   Turbot  Francis, 

dians.     Those  who  acted  with  the  colo-  Oliver  Wolcott   and  Volkert    P.    Douw. 

nial  forces  prior  to  that  time  were  enlisted  The  department  included  the  Six  Nations 

by  the  colonies  in  their  independent  capa-  and  all  other  tribes  to  the  northward  of 

city.  them. 


264  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

troops ;  we  desire  you  to  remain  at  home,  and  not  join  either 
side,  but  keep  the  hatchet  buried  deep.  In  the  name  and  behalf 
of  all  our  people,  we  ask  and  desire  you  to  love  peace  and 
maintain  it,  and  to  love  and  sympathize  with  us  in  our  trouble, 
that  the  path  may  be  kept  open  with  all  our  people  and  yours, 
to  pass  and  repass  without  molestation." 

"  You  told  us  it  was  a  family  quarrel,"  said  Abraham,  the 
venerable  chief  of  the  upper  Mohawk  castle,1  in  reply  ;  "  and 
that  we  should  sit  still,  and  mind  nothing  but  peace.  Our  great 
man,  Colonel  Johnson,  did  the  same  at  Oswego  ;  he  desired 
us  to  sit  still  likewise.  You  likewise  desired  us  that  if  application 
should  be  made  to  us  by  any  of  the  king's  officers,  we  would 
not  join  them.  Now,  therefore  attend,  and  apply  your  ears 
closely.  We  have  fully  considered  this  matter.  The  resolu 
tions  of  the  Six  Nations  are  not  to  be  broken  or  altered.2  When 
they  resolve,  the  matter  is  fixed.  This  chain  is  the  determina 
tion  of  the  Six  Nations  not  to  take  any  part,  but  as  it  is  a  family 
affair,* to  sit  still  and  see  you  fight  it  out.  We  beg  you  to  receive 
this  as  infallible,  it  being  our  full  resolution  ;  for  we  bear  as 
much  affection  for  the  king  of  England's  subjects  on  the  other 
side  of  the  water,  as  we  do  for  you  upon  this  island.  It  is  a 
long  time  since  we  came  to  this  resolution.  It  is  the  result  of 
mature  deliberation.  It  was  our  declaration  to  Colonel  Johnson. 
We  told  him  we  should  take  no  part  in  the  quarrel,  and  hoped 
neither  side  would  desire  it.  The  resolutions  of  the  Six  Nations 
are  not  to  be  broken."  3 

While  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  determina 
tion  of  the  Six  Nations  was  fairly  expressed  by  the  speaker,  its 
announcement  was  not  without  qualifications.  The  Wyoming 
lands,  he  insisted,  the  tribes  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  pro 
prietaries  of  Pennsylvania,  and  desired  that  the  settlement  which 

'Abraham    was   the   brother  of  Hen-  History,  vn,  115).     He  subsequently  fol- 

drik   (Colonial  History).       He  originally  lowed  the  fortunes  of  the  Johnsons,  but 

represented    the   lower   Mohawk  castle,  died  soon  after  the  opening  of  the  Revo- 

and    was    known     as    Little    Abraham,  lution. 

On  the   death  of   Hendrik,    he   became  2  Referring     to     the     action    of    the 

chief  sachem  of  Canajoharie   or  the   up-  council  at  Onondaga. —  Colonial   History , 

per    Mohawk     castle;    Young      Abra-  vin,  556. 

ham,  as  he   was  called,  succeeded   to  the  3  Proceedings  of  conference. —  Colonial 

lower      Mohawk      castle,       and      Seth  History,  vin,  605,  etc. 
became  chief  of  the  Schoharies   (Colonial 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  265 

they  had  made  in  1768  should  be  held  as  valid  against  the 
Connecticut  people.1  The  commissioners  had  expressed  the 
determination  of  the  colonists  "  to  drive  away,  kill  and  destroy 
all  who  appeared  in  arms  "  against  them.  "  We  beg  you  to 
take  care  what  you  do,"  said  Abraham  ;  "  there  are  many 
around  us  who  are  friends  to  the  king.  As  to  your  quarrels  to 
the  eastward  along  the  sea  coasts,  do  as  you  please.  But  it 
would  hurt  us  to  see  those  brought  up  in  our  bosoms  ill-used. 
In  particular  we  would  mention  the  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.2 
He  was  born  among  us,  and  does  not  intermeddle  in  public  dis 
putes.  We  would  likewise  mention  our  father  the  missionary 
who  resides  among  the  Mohawks.  The  king  sent  him  to  them, 
and  if  he  was  removed,  they  would  look  upon  it  as  taking  away 
one  of  their  own  body."  Then  the  people  of  Albany  had  taken 
from  them  two  pieces  of  land,  "  without  any  reward,  not  so 
much  as  a  single  pipe  ;"  they  should  be  restored.  "  If  you 
refuse  to  do  this,  we  shall  look  upon  the  prospect  to  be  bad  j 
for  if  you  conquer,  you  will  take  us  by  the  arm  and  pull  us  all 
off." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  precise  character  of  the  instruc 
tions  which  Guy  Johnson  received  from  General  Gage,  there 
is  no  doubt  in  regard  to  those  which  were  issued  to  him  by  the 
ministry,  and  which  he  received  after  his  arrival  in  Montreal. 
These  instructions  were  under  date  July  5th  and  July  24th. 
In  the  former  he  was  advised  to  inform  the  Indians  that  in  con 
sequence  of  the  "  unnatural  rebellion"  which  had  broken  out, 
the  "immediate  consideration"  of  the  grievances  of  which  they 

1  Connecticut  claimed  by  virtue  of  the  property  confiscated,  his  family  in  exile, 
boundaries  of  its  original  charter.     The  he    became  an    uncompromising    enemy 
deed  which  they  had   received    was    set  to  the  patriots,  and  exerted  his  influence 
aside  in  the  agreement  of  1768.  against  them  until  the  close  of  the  war. 

2  John   Johnson   was    the    son   of  Sir  Soon  after  the  close  of  the  war  he  went 
William  by  his  first  wife.     He  was  born  to  England,  and,  on  returning  in  1785, 
in  1742,  and  succeeded   his  father  to  his  settled  in   Canada.       He   was    appointed 
title  and  estates  in   1774.     He  was  not  superintendent   and   inspector   general  of 
as  popular  as  his  father,  being  less  social  Indian  affairs  in  North  America,  and  for 
and  less  acquainted  with  human  nature,  several   years   he  was   a  member   of  the 
His  official  relations  to  the  parent  govern-  legislative  council  of  Canada.      To  com 
ment,  and  his  known  opposition  to  the  pensate  him  for  his  losses,  the  British  go- 
rebellious    movements    of    the    colonies,  vernment    made    him    several  grants   of 
ca  used  him   to  be  strictly  watched,  and,  lands.     He    died,  at    the    house    of    his 
as  we  have  noted  in  the  text,  not  without  daughter,  Mrs.   Bowers,  at  Montreal,  in 
just  cause.     Expelled  from  his  estate,  his  1830,  aged  88  years. — Lossingy  i,  285. 


266  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

had  complained  was  defeated,  but  that  they  should  ultimately  be 
protected  and  preserved  in  all  their  rights  ;  while  in  the  latter 
he  was  told  that,  as  they  had  already  "  hinted  that  the  time 
might  possibly  come  when  the  king,  relying  upon  the  attach 
ment  of  his  faithful  allies,  the  Six  Nations,  might  be  under  the 
necessity  of  calling  upon  them  for  their  aid  and  assistance," 
that  time  had  now  come  ;  that  he  should  "  lose  no  time  in 
taking  such  steps"  as  might  be  necessary  "  to  induce  them  to 
take  up  the  hatchet  against  his  majesty's  rebellious  subjects," 
and  that  he  should  "  engage  them  in  his  majesty's  service" 
upon  such  plan  as  would  be  suggested  to  him  by  General  Gage. 
The  course  to  be  pursued  in  carrying  out  this  plan  was  left 
to  Johnson,  but  with  the  specific  instruction  that  he  should 
"  not  fail  to  exert  every  effort  to  accomplish  it,  and  to  use  the 
utmost  dilligence  and  activity  in  the  execution  of  the  order."1 

Entering  upon  the  duties  assigned  to  him  with  a  zeal  sharp 
ened  by  the  seizure  of  his  property  in  the  Mohawk  valley, 
Johnson  nevertheless  found  his  efforts  to  control  the  Six  Nations 
obstructed  by  the  action  of  the  council  of  Onondaga  in  favor 
of  neutrality,  as  well  as  by  the  success  of  the  colonists  in  the 
reduction  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  point,  and  although 
Brant  and  his  Mohawks  still  adhered  to  him,  his  recruits  were 
principally  confined  to  enlistments  from  the  Canada  tribes. 
When  Montgomery  attacked  Quebec,  he  claimed  to  have 
had  over  four  hundred  Indians  in  encampment,  but  of  that 
number  only  ninety  were  participants  in  the  engagement.  The 
retreat  of  the  Americans  and  the  subsequent  capture  of  Ethan 
Allen  inspirited  his  recruits  for  a  short  time,  but  by  the  middle 
of  October  scarce  one  of  his  dusky  followers  remained. 

Even  Brant  was  lukewarm  and  indifferent.  The  pledge  of 
the  tribes  was  sacred  and  could  not  be  easily  broken,  even  by 
one  so  firmly  bound  to  the  fortunes  of  the  Johnsons.  Be 
sides,  he  was  thoroughly  schooled  in  the  selfish  politics  of  his 
predecessors,  and  would  have  positive  assurances  of  com 
pensation  for  his  services.  In  this  emergency,  the  plan  resorted 
to  in  1710  was  adopted.  Brant  was  sent  to  England;  was 
there  feasted  and  honored  as  his  predecessors  had  been,  and  like 

1  Colonial  History ,  viu,  596. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  267 

them  returned  to  the  tribes  pledged  to  do  the  bidding  of  his 
royal  master.  Reaching  Canada  in  the  winter  of  1776,  he  at 
once  entered  upon  the  work  of  organizing  a  force  of  Iroquois1 
to  operate  upon  the  borders  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  in 
conjunction  with  the  operations  of  the  western  confederacy. 
The  field  had  been  as  well  prepared  for  him  as  possible.  Sir  John 
Johnson,  the  last  of  the  patrons  of  his  family,  had  fled  from  his 
parole  of  honor,  and  taken  refuge  in  Montreal,  and  whatever 
regard  the  confederates  had  for  his  father  had  been  fully 
aroused,  while  the  tories  had  been  active  in  prejudicing  the 
colonists. 

In  the  spring  of  1777,  Brant  appeared  at  Oghkwaga  with  a 
retinue  of  warriors.  He  had  not  yet  committed  any  act  of  hos 
tility  within  the  borders  of  New  York,  yet  none  doubted  his 
intentions.  In  June  he  ascended  the  Susquehanna  to  Una- 
dilla,  with  about  eighty  warriors,  and  requested  an  interview 
with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnstone  of  the  Johnstone  settlement.  He 
declared  that  his  object  was  to  procure  food  for  his  famished 
people,  and  that  if  it  was  not  furnished,  the  Indians  would  take  it 
by  force.  Mr.  Johnstone  sounded  him  in  regard  to  his  purposes, 
and  the  chief  told  him,  without  reserve,  that  he  had  made  a 
covenant  with  the  king,  and  was  not  inclined  to  break  it.  The 
people  supplied  him  with  food,  but  the  marauders  not  satisfied, 
drove  off  a  large  number  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  swine.  As 
soon  as  they  departed,  not  feeling  safe  in  their  remote  settle 
ment,  the  whites  abandoned  it,  and  took  refuge  in  Cherry 
Valley.  Some  families  in  the  neighborhood  of  Unadilla  fled 
to  the  German  Flats,  and  others  to  Kingston  and  Newburgh  on 
the  Hudson. 

For  the  purpose  of  obtaining  more  positive  information  in 
regard  to  the  intentions  of  the  Indians,  General  Herkimer  was 
instructed  to  visit  Brant  at  Unadilla.  Herkimer  took  with  him 
three  hundred  Tryon  county  militia,  and  invited  Brant  to  meet 
him.  This  the  chief  agreed  to.  It  was  a  week  after  Her 
kimer  arrived  at  Unadilla,  however,  before  Brant  made  his 

1 "  Joseph,  since  his  arrival  from  Eng-  America,  in  Indian  matters,  and  deserves; 
land,  has  showed  himself  the  most  zealous  to  be  noticed  as  such." — Colonel  Claust 
and  faithful  subject  his  majesty  can  have  in  Colonial  History ,  vm,  724. 

34 


268  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

appearance.  He  came  accompanied  by  five  hundred  warriors. 
Neither  party  had  confidence  in  the  other,  and  it  was  finally 
agreed  that  their  accompanying  forces  should  encamp  within 
two  miles  of  each  other,  and  that  the  principals  to  the  confer 
ence  should,  with  a  few  of  their  followers,  meet  in  an  open 
field.  These  preliminaries  being  adjusted,  the  conference  was 
opened.  In  reply  to  Herkimer's  inquiries,  Brant  declared,* 
"  that  the  Indians  were  in  concert  with  the  king,  as  their  fathers 
had  been  ;  that  the  king's  belts  were  yet  lodged  with  them,  and 
they  could  not  violate  their  pledge  ;  that  Herkimer  and  his  fol 
lowers  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  sovereign  ; 
that  although  the  Boston  people  were  resolute,  the  king  would 
humble  them;  that  General  Schuyler  was  very  smart  on  the 
Indians  at  German  Flats,1  but  at  the  same  time  was  not  able 
to  afford  them  the  smallest  article  of  clothing  ;  and  finally, 
that  the  Indians  had  formerly  "made  war  on  the  white  people 
when  they  were  all  united,  and  as  they  were  now  divided,  the 
Indians  were  not  frightened."  He  also  told  Herkimer  that  a 
path  had  been  opened  across  the  country  to  Esopus,  for  the 
tories  of  Ulster  and  Orange  to  join  them.2 

A  few  days  after  this  conference,  Brant  withdrew  his  warriors 
from  the  Susquehanna,  and  joined  Sir  John  Johnson  and 
Colonel  John  Butler,  who  had  collected  a  body  of  tories  and 
refugees  at  Oswego,3  preparatory  to  a  descent  upon  the  Mo 
hawk  and  Schoharie  settlements.  There  Guy  Johnson,  and 
other  officers  of  the  British  Indian  department,  summoned  a 

aThe  conference  of  July,  1775.  erected  at  Oswego,  on  the  east  side  of 
3  CampbtlFs  Annah  of  Tryon  County,  the  river.  In  1726,  in  order  to  prevent 
Claus  tells  the  brazen  story  that  Herki-  the  encroachments  of  the  French,  Go- 
mer  "  had  three  hundred  men  with  him  vernor  Burnet  erected  old  Fort  Oswego, 
and  five  hundred  more  in  the  distance,"  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  In  1755, 
and  that  "  Brant,  who  had  not  two  hun-  Fort  Ontario  was  constructed,  on  the  east 
dred  men,  after  resolutely  declaring  that  side  of  the  river,  under  the  direction  of 
he  was  determined  to  act  for  the  king,"  Governor  Shirley.  On  the  I4th  of  Au- 
obliged  Herkimer  to  retreat  "with  mere  gust,  1756,  both  these  forts,  with  a  gar- 
menaces,  not  having  twenty  pounds  of  risoaofi6oo  men,  and  a  large  quantity 
powder  among  his  party."  ( Colonial  His-  of  ammunition,  were  surrendered  to  the 
/cry,  vin,  7^o.)  It  was  by  such  stories  French,  under  Montcalm.  The  forts 
that  the  Indian  ring  managed  to  give  a  were  returned  to  the  English  under  the 
consequence  to  the  Six  Nations  which  treaty  of  peace  of  1763.  They  were  su/- 
they  did  not  possess.  rendered  to  the  United  States,  by  the 
8Ini7Z2,  under  the  direction  of  Go-  British  government,  under  the  treaty 
vernor  Burnet,  a  trading  house  was  of  1794. 


• 
OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  269 

grand  council  of  the  Six  Nations,  who  were  invited  to  assemble 
"  to  eat  the  flesh  and  drink  the  blood  of  a  Bostonian ;"  in  other 
words,  to  feast  on  the  occasion  of  a  proposed  treaty  of  alliance 
against  the  patriots,  who  were  denominated  Bostonians  as  a 
special  appeal  to  the  prejudices  of  the  Indians.  There  was  a 
pretty  full  attendance  at  the  council,  but  a  large  portion  of  the 
sachems  adhered  faithfully  to  their  covenant  of  neutrality,  and 
it  was  not  until  the  British  commissioners  appealed  to  their 
avarice  that  their  sense  of  honor  was  overcome.  The  con 
tract  was  closed  by  the  distribution  of  scarlet  clothes,  beads,  and 
trinkets,  in  addition  to  which  each  warrior  was  presented  a  brass 
kettle,  a  suit  of  clothes,  a  gun,  a  tomahawk  and  a  scalping  knife, 
a  piece  of  gold,  a  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  a  promise  of  a 
bounty  upon  every  scalp  he  should  bring  in.1  Brant  was  ac 
knowledged  as  a  war  captain,  and  soon  after  commenced  his 
career  of  blood  upon  the  borders. 

Meanwhile  the  attention  of  the  colonists  had  not  been  entirely 
devoted  to  the  Six  Nations.  In  April,  1774,  the  Provincial 
congress  of  Massachusetts  sent  a  message  to  the  Mahicans  and 
Wappingers 2  at  Westenhuck,  apprising  them  of  the  gathering 
tempest,  and  expressing  a  desire  to  cultivate  a  good  understand 
ing  with  them.  In  reply,  Captain  Solomon  Wa-haun-wan-wau- 
meet  visited  Boston  on  the  eleventh  of  April,  and  delivered  the 
following  speech  : 

"  Brothers  :  We  have  heard  you  speak  by  your  letter ;  we 
thank  you  for  it ;  we  now  make  answer. 

"  Brothers :  You  remember  when  you  first  came  over  the 
great  ^  waters,  I  was  great  and  you  was  very  little,  very  small. 
I  then  took  you  in  for  a  friend,  and  kept  you  under  my  arms, 
so  that  no  one  might  injure  you  ;  since  that  time  we  have  ever 
been  true  friends  ;  there  has  never  been  any  quarrel  between  us. 
But  now  our  conditions  are  changed.  You  are  become  great 

1  See    Life   of  Mary    Jamison.      This  birth.     At  the  council   here   spoken   of 

pamphlet  was  written  in  1823,  and  pub-  she    was    present    with    her    husband. — 

lished  by  James  D.  Bemis,  of  Canandai-  Lossing's    Field   Book  of  the    Revolution, 

gua,    N.    Y.     She   was  taken  a  captive  I,  239. 

near    Fort    Duquesne    (now    Pittsburg)          2  This    message   was    addressed    "To 

when  a  child,  and  was  reared  among  the  Captain      Solomon    Ahhannuauwaumut, 

Indians.     She  married  a  chief  and   be-  chief    sachem     of    the     Moheakounuck 

came  an  Indian  in  every  particular,  except  Indians."     He  died  in  1777. 


270  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

and  tall.  You  reach  the  clouds.  You  are  seen  all  around  the 
world,  and  I  am  become  small,  very  little.  I  am  not  so  high 
as  your  heel.  Now  you  take  care  of  me,  and  I  look  to  you 
for  protection. 

"  Brothers :  I  am  sorry  to  hear  this  great  quarrel  between  you 
and  old  England.  It  appears  that  blood  must  soon  be  shed  to 
end  this  quarrel.  We  never  till  this  day  understood  the  founda 
tion  of  this  quarrel  between  you  and  the  country  you  came  from. 

"  Brothers  :  Whenever  I  see  your  blood  running,  you  will 
soon  find  me  about  to  revenge  my  brother's  blood.  Although 
I  am  low  and  very  small,  I  will  gripe  hold  of  your  enemy's 
heel,  that  he  cannot  run  so  fast,  and  so  light,  as  if  he  had  nothing 
at  his  heels. 

"  Brothers :  You  know  I  am  not  so  wise  as  you  are,  there 
fore  I  ask  your  advice  in  what  I  am  now  going  to  say.  I  have 
been  thinking,  before  you  come  to  action,  to  take  a  run  to  the 
westward,  and  feel  the  mind  of  my  Indian  brethren,  the  Six 
Nations,  and  know  how  they  stand  —  whether  they  are  on  your 
side  or  for  your  enemies.  If  I  find  they  are  against  you,  I  will 
try  to  turn  their  minds.  I  think  they  will  listen  to  me,  for  they 
have  always  looked  this  way  for  advice,  concerning  all  important 
news  that  comes  from  the  rising  of  the  sun.  If  they  hearken 
to  me,  you  will  not  be  afraid  of  any  danger  behind  you.  How 
ever  their  minds  are  affected  you  shall  soon  know  by  me.  Now 
I  think  I  can  do  you  more  service  in  this  way,  than  by  march 
ing  off  immediately  to  Boston,  and  staying  there  ;  it  may  be  a 
great  while  before  blood  runs.  Now,  as  I  said  you  are  wiser 
than  I  j  I  leave  this  for  your  consideration,  whether  I  .come 
down  immediately  or  wait  till  I  hear  some  blood  is  spilled. 

"  Brothers :  I  would  not  have  you  think  by  this  that  we  are 
falling  back  from  our  engagements.  We  are  ready  to  do  any 
thing  for  your  relief,  and  shall  be  guided  by  your  councils. 

"  Brothers :  One  thing  I  ask  of  you,  if  you  send  for  me  to 
fight,  that  you  will  let  me  fight  in  my  own  Indian  way.  I  am 
not  used  to  fight  English  fashion,  therefore  you  must  not  expect 
I  can  train  like  your  men.  Only  point  out  to  me  where  your 
enemies  keep  and  that  is  all  I  shall  want  to  know." 

Two  days  afterwards  the  congress  made  the  following  reply : 


OF  HUDSON'S  RWER.  271 

"  Brothers :  We  this  day,  by  the  delegate  from  Stockbridge, 
first  heard  of  your  friendly  answer  to  our  speech  to  you  by 
Captain  William  Goodrich,  which  answer  we  are  told  you  made 
to  us  immediately  by  a  letter,  which  we  have  not  yet  received. 
We  now  reply. 

"Brothers:  You  say  that  you  were  once  great,  but  that  you 
are  now  little ;  and  that  we  were  once  little  and  are  now  great. 
The  Supreme  Spirit  orders  these  things.  Whether  we  are 
little  or  great,  let  us  keep  the  path  of  friendship  clear,  which 
our  fathers  made  and  in  which  we  have  both  traveled  to  this 
time.  The  friends  of  the  wicked  counselors  of  our  king  fell 
upon  us,  and  shed  some  blood  soon  after  we  spake  to  you  last 
by  letter.  But  we,  with  a  small  twig  killed  so  many,  and 
Frightened  them  so  much,  that  they  have  shut  themselves  up  in 
our  great  town  called  Boston,  which  they  have  made  strong. 
We  have  now  made  our  hatchets,  and  all  our  instruments  of 
war,  sharp  and  bright.  All  the  chief  counselors,  who  live  on 
this  side  the  great  water,  are  sitting  at  the  grand  council-house 
in  Philadelphia  ;  when  they  give  the  word,  we  shall  all  as  one 
man,  fall  on,  and  drive  our  enemies  out  of  their  strong  fort,  and 
follow  them  till  they  shall  take  their  hands  out  of  our  pouches, 
and  let  us  sit  in  our  council-house,  as  we  used  to  do,  and  as  our 
fathers  did  in  old  times. 

"  Brothers  :  Though  you  are  small  yet  you  are  wise.  Use 
your  wisdom  to  help  us.  If  you  think  it  best,  go  and  smoke 
your  pipe  with  your  Indian  brothers  toward  the  setting  sun,  and 
tell  them  of  all  you  hear  and  all*  you  see  ;  and  let  us  know  what 
their  wise  men  say.  If  some  of  you  young  men  have  a  mind  to 
see  what  we  are  doing,  let  them  come  down  and  tarry  among 
*pur  warriors.  We  will  provide  for  them  while  they  are  here. 

"  Brothers  :  When  you  have  any  trouble,  come  and  tell  it  to 
us,  and  we  will  help  you." 

The  occasion  for  the  services  of  the  Mahlcans  was  not  long 
delayed.  When  the  alarm  came  up  from  Lexington,  a  year 
later,  they  took  the  field,  and  participated  in  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  on  the  seventeenth  of  June.  From  thence  Cap 
tain  Solomon,  or  Captain  Hendrik  as  he  was  subsequently- 
known,  repaired  with  his  warriors  to  the  council  at  German 


272  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Flats,  and,  at  its  adjourned  session  at  Albany,  renewed  the 
pledge  of  his  people  in  language  most  eloquent.  "Depend 
upon  it,"  said  the  noble  chieftain ;  "  depend  upon  it  we  are 
true  to  you,  and  mean  to  join  you.  Wherever  you  go,  we  will 
be  by  your  sides.  Our  bones  shall  die  with  yours.  We  are 
determined  never  to  be  at  peace  with  the  red  coats,  while  they 
are  at  variance  with  you.  We  have  one  favor  to  beg.  We 
should  be  glad  if  you  would  help  us  to  establish  a  minister 
amongst  us,  that  when  our  men  are  gone  to  war,  our  women 
and  children  may  have  the  advantage  of  being  instructed  by 
him.  •  If  we  are  conquered,  our  lands  go  with  yours ;  but  if 
you  are  victorious,  we  hope  you  will  help  us  to  recover  our 
just  rights."1  Wherever  the  influence  of  the  Alahlcans  could 
reach,  it  was  exerted  among  their  brethren  of  the  west.  Their 
fugitive  clans  at  Oghkawaga,  and  their  associates  from  the 
Esopus  tribes,2  refused  for  a  time  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against 
the  colonists,  and  held  the  Tuscaroras  to  neutrality ;  while 
those  among  the  Lenapes,  east  of  the  Alleghanies,  as  well  as  the 
domestic  Lenape  clans,  joined  them  in  an  earnest  support  of 
the  patriots.  At  White  Plains,  in  October,  1776,  their  united 
war-cry,  "  Woach,  Woach,  Ha,  Ha,  Hach,  Woach  !  "  rang  out 
as  when  of  old  they  had  disputed  the  supremacy  of  the  Dutch, 
and  their  blood  mingled  with  that  of  their  chosen  allies.3 

Active  hostilities  brought  sifting  time  to  the  Six  Nations. 
Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  Johnsons  and  the  pleadings 
of  Brant,  they  were  not  united  in  the  alliance  with  the  British, 

1  The  Mabicans  claimed  several  tracts  brothers,  that  we  are  sincerely  disposed  to 
of  land,    extending   even    west    of    the  keep  our  covenant  of  peace  with  you  our 
Hudson.     Their  principal  claim,  however,  brethren."    (Letter  to  Justices  of  Kingston 
was  for  a  portion  of  the  Livingston  patent  signed  by  chiefs  of  Tuscarora  and  Esopus 
and  for  lands  at  Westenhuck.     The  latter  Indians).   See  Proceedings  Provincial  Con- 
they  claimed  to  have  leased  to  the  whites  vention  of  Neio    fork,  i,  803,  8055  n, 
for  a  term  of  years,  but  had  lost  the  papers.  301,419,  424.     To  what  extent  these 
The  matter  has  been  before  the  legislature  Indians  were  compromised  with  Brant  is 
of  New  York  several  times,  but  like  the  not  known,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  a 
claim  of  the  Wappingers,  has  never  been  large  number  of  the  Esopus  Indians  be- 
adjusted.  came  his  obedient  followers. 

2  "  We,  the  head  of  this  place,  with  3  The  Indians  were  stationed  on  Chat- 
our  brethren  the  Tuscaroras  and  some  of  terton's  hill,  under  Colonel  Haslet,  and 
the    Onondagas   and    Mahicandcrs,  being  were  in  the  heaviest  of  the  engagement 
assembled.          *         *     We    hope    you  on  the  z8th  of  October. —  Lossings  Field 
will  give  no  heed  to  the  false  reports  that  Book,  n,  822. 

are    going    about,    for    we     assure    you, 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  273 

although  Brant  doubtless  drew  recruits  from  all  the  tribes. 
The  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  consistently  refused  to  join  him  ; 
the  Onondagas  were  not  at  first  warmly  enlisted  in  the  move 
ment  ;  the  Mohawks  were  divided.1  So  far  as  recognized 
tribal  action  was  concerned,  however,  it  soon  became  an  es 
tablished  fact,  that  the  Mohawks,  Cayugas,  Onondagas,  and 
Senecas,  had  attached  themselves  to  the  king.  Of  the  entire 
confederacy  not  more  than  eight  hundred  warriors  took  the 
field,  under  the  British,  at  any  time  ;  but  this  number,  added 
to  those  from  the  Canada  tribes,  and  those  whose  hostilities  in 
the  west  had  never  been  suspended,  constituted  no  inconsidera 
ble  portion  of  their  forces.  Could  they  have  been  regularly 
enrolled  and  disciplined,  or  could  their  services  have  been 
depended  upon  at  any  time,  they  would  have  constituted  an 
effective  body  of  men  ;  but  their  modes  of  warfare  would  not 
admit  of  discipline,  and  their  habits  of  living  would  not  permit 
their  attendance,  in  any  considerable  numbers,  except  at  certain 
seasons  of  the  year.  That  they  were  a  scourge  to  the  frontier 
settlements,  is  unquestioned  ;  yet  in  no  instance  does  it  appear 
that  they  constituted  the  entire  attacking  force,  but  on  the  con 
trary  that  they  were  invariably  led  by  tories,  whose  deeds  of 
cruelty  outrivaled  savage  ingenuity,  and  whose  numbers,  in  most 
instances,  was  greater  than  that  of  the  Indians. 

The  principal  campaign  in  which  the  British  Indians  were 
engaged  was  that  undertaken  in  1777,  to  determine  the  control 
of  the  Hudson  river.  Sweeping  down  from  Canada  with  his 
powerful  army,  Burgoyne  recaptured  Crown  point  and  Ticon- 
deroga,  while  his  auxiliaries,  the  Indians  and  tories,  attacked 
the  defenses  more  remote  from  his  route.  Of  these  Fort 
Schuyler2  was  the  first,  against  which  Colonel  Butler  marched 

1  The    reference    is    not   to  the  lower  telligence  to  the  enemy,  and  in  supporting 

Mohawk  castle  of  which  Little  Abraham  their  scouting   parties  when  making  in- 

was  chief  sachem  while  his  brother  Hen-  cursions,"  and  that  "  when  the  Mohawks 

drik  lived,   but    to    that  known   as   the  joined  the    enemy,"   they  were    "  left  to 

Praying    Mohawks,   at    the    mouth     of  answer  those  purposes,  and  keep  posses- 

Schoharie  creek,  which  maintained  at  least  sion  of  the  land"  of  the    tribe.     By   his 

a  nominal  alliance  with  the  colonists,  or  direction   they  were  subsequently   taken 

rather  observed  the  neutrality  to  which  prisoners  and  removed  to  Albany. — Stone's 

they   had  pledged  themselves.     General  Life  of  Brant,  n,  40. 
Sullivan,    however,    believed    that .  they          2  Originally  Fort  Stanwix.    The  present 

"  were  constantly  employed  in  giving  in-  city  of  Rome,  OAeida  county,  now  covers 


274  THE  INDIJN  TRIBES 

from  Oswego  with  a  motley  crew  of  whites  and  Indians,1  un 
der  the  commands  of  John  Johnson,  Claus,  and  Brant,  and 
united  with  the  forces  under  St.  Leger.2  The  siege  commenced 
on  the  fourth  of  August,  when  a  few  bombs  were  thrown  into 
the  fort,  while  the  Indians,  concealed  behind  trees  and  bushes, 
wounded  several  men  who  were  engaged  in  raising  the  parapets. 
Similar  annoyances  occurred  on  the  fifth,  but  formidable  opera 
tions  were  held  in  abeyance  pending  an  attack  upon  a  force  of 
colonists  who  were  approaching,  for  the  relief  of  the  fort,  under 
General  Herkimer.  To  meet  this  force  Butler  and  Brant  were 
dispatched,  and  at  Oriskany  was  fought  the  desperate  engage 
ment  in  which  the  heroic  Herkimer  gave  up  his  life. 

Meanwhile  a  successful  sally  from  the  fort  had  carried  con 
sternation  and  disgrace  into  the  British  ranks.  So  impetuous 
was  this  sally,  that  the  camp  of  John  Johnson  and  his  Royal 
Greens  was  seized ;  its  valorous  commander  fleeing  without 
his  coat,  and  his  tory  confederates  following  at  his  heels. 
Twenty-one  wagon-loads  of  spoil,  five  British  standards,  the 
baggage  and  papers  of  Johnson,  and  the  clothing  of  his  Indian 
allies,3  rewarded  the  victors.  The  siege  was  continued  until 
the  twenty-second,  when  an  incident  occurred  which  showed 
the  unreliability  of  the  Indians,  and  defeated  its  further  prosecu 
tion.  A  half  idiot,  named  Hon  Yost4  Schuyler,  a  nephew  to 
General  Herkimer,  who  had  been  taken  to  Canada  by  Walter 
Butler,  burst  into  the  British  camp  almost  out  of  breath,  and 
delivered  the  story  that  the  Americans,  in  numbers  like  the  forest 
leaves,  were  approaching ;  that  he  himself  had  barely  escaped 
with  his  life,  in  testimony  of  which  he  appealed  to  his  coat  which 

its  site.     The  old  fort  was  erected  during  "  During  the  action  (at  Oriskany),  when 

the  French  and  Indian  war  of  1755,  and  the    garrison    found    the  Indians'    camp 

subsequently  became   a    point    of  much  (who  went  out    against    their  reinforce- 

importance  in  transactions   with  the  Six  ments)    empty,    they    boldly    sallied  out 

Nations.  with    three   hundred   men   and   two  field 

1  Johnson's  Royal  Greens.  pieces,  and  took  away  the  Indians'  packs, 

2  St.   Leger's   detachment  was   sent  to  with  their  clothes,  wampum    and  silver 
Oswego,    there    to    unite     with    Butler's  work,   they  having  gone   in   their  shirts, 
refugees  and   Brant's   Indians,  and   with  or    naked,    to    action.     The  disappoint- 
them  to  penetrate  the   country  from  that  ment  was  rather  greater  to  the  Indians 
point,  capture  Fort  Schuyler,   sweep   the  than  their  loss,  for  they  had  nothing  to 
valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  join  Burgoyne  cover  themselves  with  at   night,  against 
at  Albany.  the  weather,  and  nothing  in  our  camp  to 

8 Colonel  Claus   (Colonial  History,  viu,     supply  them." 
721)    gives    the    following    particulars:         *  Jan  jfoost,  John  Justus. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  275 

bore  the  marks  of  several  bullets.  The  Indians  were  thoroughly 
alarmed.  St.  Leger  tried  to  pacify  them,  but,  mourning  the 
loss  of  over  seventy  of  their  number  -at  Oriskany,  and  appre 
hensive  of  further  disaster,  they  broke  and  fled  towards  their 
boats  on  Oneida  lake,  killing  on  their  way  thither  many  of 
their  tory  allies,  and  obliging  St.  Leger  to  write  that  they  were 
"  more  formidable  than  the  enemy  they  had  to  expect."1 

But,  while  conducting  the  siege,  they  took  occasion  to  chas 
tise  the  Oneidas  who  had  refused  to  unite  with  them.  After 
the  battle  of  Oriskany,  Brant  and  a  party  of  his  warriors  fell 
upon  the  old  Oneida  castle,  burned  the  wigwams,  destroyed  the 
crops,  and  drove  away  the  cattle  of  his  former  confederates. 
No  sooner  had  he  retreated,  however,  than  the  Oneidas  retali 
ated.  The  residence  of  Molly  Johnson,  at  the  Upper  Mo 
hawk  castle,  was  ravaged,  herself  and  family  driven  from  home, 
and  her  cash,  clothing  and  cattle  taken.  From  thence  the 
avengers  visited  the  Lower  castle,  and  drove  the  followers  of 
Little  Abraham,  one  hundred  in  number,  to  refuge  in  Mont 
real,  laying  waste  their  plantations.  Molly  fled  to  Onondaga, 
and  besought  vengeance  for  the  indignities  which  she  had  suf 
fered,  but  to  her  possessions  she  was  never  restored ;  the 
indignant  Oneidas  had  blotted  out  forever  the  seats  of  power 
from  whence  her  tribe  had  swayed  the  destinies  of  a  once 
powerful  people.2 

In  the  meantime  the  battle  of  Bennington  had  been  fought 
with  disastrous  results  to  Burgoyne,  not  the  least  of  which  was 
the  pall  which  it  threw  over  the  spirits  of  his  dusky  allies,  who 
now  began  to  find  their  way  back  to  Canada  in  large  numbers. 
With  his  defeat  at  Stillwater,  they  were  as  thoroughly  demoral 
ized  as  they  were  at  Fort  Schuyler  when  frightened  by  an  idiot 
boy.  Within  three  days  after  that  battle,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  warriors  made  their  peace  with  General  Gates,  accepted 
the  war-belt,  partook  of  the  feast,  and  joined  the  Americans. 
When  the  final  surrender  of  the  British  army  came,  not  an 

xThe  story  of  Hon  Yost  is  well  told  says  (ibid.t  727),  the  destruction  of  the 

in  Lossing's  Field  Book.  Having  lost  Mohawk  castles  occurred  after  the  battle 

their  shirts  the  Indians  evidently  feared  of  Bennington,  and  that  the  fugitives  fled 

that  they  might  lose  their  skins.  to  Burgoyne,  but  the  account  by  Glaus  is 

a  Colonial  History ,  viu,  725.     Johnson  the  most  probable. 

35 


276  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Indian  was  found  in  its  ranks.  For  their  conduct  Johnson  and 
Claus  had  many  excuses  to  offer.  The  latter  charged  that 
their  "  harsh  and  indiscreet  treatment "  by  Major  Campbell, 
caused  the  greatest  part  of  them  to  quit  Burgoyne  ;  Johnson 
assumed  that  at  Oriskany  they  were  not  adequately  supported 
by  St.  Leger,  and  that  had  they  been  they  "  would  have  ren 
dered  more  material  service ;  "  but  the  fact  would  seem  to  be 
that  they  had  acted  in  precise  accordance  *with  the  course 
which  they  had  pursued  in  the  previous  war  with  France,  and 
were  ready  at  all  times  to  court  the  favor  of  the  party  which,  for 
the  time  being,  appeared  the  most  successful.  The  evidence 
of  their  moral  greatness  is  yet  wanting. 

For  border  warfare,  however,  the  Indians  under  Brant,  who 
were  principally  composed  of  Senecas,  Qnondagas,  Cayugas  and 
Mohawks,  were  still  a  power  in  the  hands  of  the  tories,  as  their 
subsequent  ravages  in  the  Mohawk  valley,  and  at  Wyoming 
and  Minnisink,  in  1778-9,  sufficiently  attest.  The  path  which 
Brant  had  opened  to  the  Esopus  country,  in  the  spring  of  1777, 
became  indeed  a  path  of  blood.  Rallying  such  warriors  as 
could  be  induced  to  continue  in  the  service  of  the  crown, 
Colonel  John  Butler  succeeded,  in  the  spring  of  1778,  in  organiz 
ing  a  force  of  five  hundred  Indians  and  six  hundred  tories,  and 
with  these  made  his  appearance  on  the  Susquehanna.  At  Win- 
termoot's  fort,  on  the  third  of  July,  the  colonial  militia,  in  infe 
rior  numbers,  under  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler,  opposed  his 
progress  in  a  desperate  conflict.  Retreating  from  thence  to 
Fort  Forty,  and  unable  to  rally  the  flying  inhabitants  to  its 
defense,  terms  of  capitulation  were  agreed  to  by  which  the  valley 
of  Wyoming  was  surrendered  to  the  mercy  of  savage  white 
men  and  half-civilized  Indians.  Foremost  in  the  frightful  orgies 
which  followed,  was  Catharine  Montour,  the  Queen  Esther 
of  the  Senecas,  a  half-breed,1  who  assumed  the  office  of  execu 
tioner,  and,  using  a  maul  and  a  tomahawk,  passed  around  the 

1  She  was  a  native  of  Canada,  and  her  nalized  in  the  wars  against  the  Catawbas. 

father  one  of  the  French  governors,  pro-  He  fell  in  battle,  about  the  year  1730. 

bably  Frontenac.     She  was  made  a  captive  Catharine  had  several  children  by  him, 

during  the  wars  between  the  Hurons  and  and    remained  a    wjdow.     Her    superior 

the  French  and  the  Six  Nations,  and  was  mind  gave  her  great  ascendancy  over  the 

carried  into  the  Seneca  country,  where  Senecas,    and    she    was  a    queen  indeed 

she  married  a  young  chief  who  was  sig-  among  them. — Lasting,  i,  357. 


O^  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  277 

ring  of  prisoners,  who  had  been  arranged  at  her  bidding,  delibe 
rately  chanted  the  song  of  death  and  murdered  her  victims  to  its 
cadences  in  consecutive  order.  Forts,  houses,  barns,  grain  and 
cattle  were  destroyed.  When  Butler  and  his  tories  withdrew, 
the  homes  of  five  hundred  settlers  had  been  laid  waste,  their 
occupants  made  fugitives,  their  dead  left  unburied.  Shielding 
their  bloody  work,  with  the  name  of  Brant,  and  throwing  the 
cause  of  the  attack  on  the  disaffection  of  the  Indians  at  the 
occupation  of  the  valley  by  the  whites,  Butler  and  his  tories 
have  been  floated  on  the  page  of  history  as  endeavoring  to  re 
strain  the  ravages  which  they  had  instigated.  Stripped  of  their 
disguise,  they  now  stand  as  the  spoilers  of  an  exposed  settlement, 
without  the  excuse  which  a  regularly  constituted  army  might 
offer  of  harassing  an  enemy.1 

Although  Butler  withdrew  his  followers  from  the  valley 
almost  immediately  after  the  massacre,  he  nevertheless  left 
behind  him  those  who  had  personal  grievances  to  avenge  and 
mercenary  rewards  to  secure.  These  were  mainly  fugitives 
from  the  Esopus  clans  at  Oghkwaga,  and  tories,  who,  availing 
themselves  of  the  withdrawal  of  Count  Pulaski  and  his  legion  of 
cavalry  from  Minnisink,  where  they  had  been  stationed  for  the 
protection  of  the  frontier,  made  a  descent,  on  the  fourth  of 
May,  1779,  upon  the  settlers  at  Fantinekil  in  western  Ulster, 
killing  six  of  the  settlers  and  burning  four  dwelling  houses  and 
five  barns.  Colonel  Cortlandt's  regiment,  then  stationed  at 
Wawarsing,  went  in  pursuit  of  the  authors  of  the  mischief,  but 
without  success.  Scarcely  had  he  turned  back,  before  the  town 
of  Woodstock  was  attacked  and  several  houses  destroyed. 

Reinforced  by  Brant  in  person,  the  war  raged  along  the  entire 
border.     In  July,  Fantinekil  was  again  visited,  and  the  widow 

1  The  story  of  Wyoming  Has  been  told  Lenapes.     That  question  was  satisfactorily 

in  all  its  details  by  Minor  and  Stone,  and  settled  by  the  treaty  of  1768.     The  only 

others,  and  is  repeated  by  Lossing  in  his  question  in  dispute  was  that  between  the 

Field   Book.     Notwithstanding  the    per-  Connecticut  company  and  the  proprieta- 

sistent  efforts  of  the  poet  Campbell   and  ries  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  the  Indians 

that  of  the  English  historians  to  escape  had  no  part,  except  as  they  were  influenced 

censure  by  blackening  the  name  of  Brant,  by  the  contestants.     The  truth  of  Wyom- 

the  fact  is  pretty  well  established  that  he  ing   can   only  be  written   by  an   analysis 

was  almost  entirely  innocent  of  the    ex-  of  the  actors  in  the  massacre  and  their 

cesses    which    were    committed.     Nor  is  association  with  the  proprietaries  of  Penn- 

there  better  ground  for  associating  with  sylvania. 
the  transaction   the    old    dispute  of  the 


278  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

of  Isaac  Bevier  and  her  two  sons,  and  Michael  Socks  and  his 
father,  mother,  two  brothers,  wife  and  two  children,  were 
massacred,  and  the  house  which  they  occupied  given  to  the 
flames.  At  the  house  of  Jesse  Bevier  the  assailants  were  suc 
cessfully  resisted,  although  the  building  was  set  on  fire  and  its 
inmates  exposed  to  a  terrible  death.  Alarmed,  it  is  said,  by  a 
faithful  dog,  settlers  two  miles  distant  came  to  the  relief  of  their 
friends.  The  tories  fled  without  completing  their  work,  only 
to  reappear  at  Napanoch,  where  they  burned  the  only  house 
standing  on  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Ellenville.  From 
thence  they  moved  to  Minnisink,  where,  on  the  night  of  July 
I  Qth,  Brant,  with  sixty  of  his  Indians,  and  twenty-seven  tories 
disguised  as  savages,  stole  upon  the  little  town,  and,  before  the ' 
people  were  aroused  from  their  slumbers,  fired  several  dwellings. 
With  no  means  of  defense,  the  inhabitants  sought  safety  in 
flight  to  the  mountains,  leaving  all  their  worldly  goods  a  spoil 
to  the  invaders.  Their  small  stockade  fort,  a  mill,  and  twelve 
houses  and  barns  were  burned  ;  several  persons  were  killed  and 
some  taken  prisoners.  Orchards  and  farms  were  laid  waste, 
cattle  were  driven  away,  and  booty  of  every  kind  carried  to 
Grassy  brook  on  the  Delaware,  where  Brant  had  his  head 
quarters. 

Alarmed  by  fugitives,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tusten,  of  Goshen, 
issued  orders  to  the  officers  of  his  regiment  to  meet  him  at 
Minnisink  the  next  day,  with  as  many  men  as  they  could  muster. 
In  response  to  this  call  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  men  were 
gathered  in  council  with  him  the  following  morning.  Tusten 
regarded  the  force  as  too  small  to  attempt  the  pursuit  of  the 
invaders,  but  he  was  overruled,  and  the  line  of  march  taken  up. 
On  the  twenty-first,  Colonel  Hathorn,  of  Warwick,  joined  the 
pursuers  with  a  small  additional  force,  and  assumed  the  command. 
On  the  twenty-second,  Hathorn  pushed  on  to  the  high  hills 
overlooking  the  Delaware,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Lackawaxen, 
where  the  enemy  was  discovered.  Brant,  who  had  watched  the 
movement,  ordered  the  main  body  of  his  warriors  to  an  ambus 
cade  in  the  rear  of  Hathorn's  force,  and  when  the  latter,  not 
finding  his  foes  in  front  as  he  expected,  attempted  to  return 
from  the  plain  which  he  had  reached,  he  was  met  by  the  fire  of 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  279 

his  wily  antagonist.  A  long  and  bloody  conflict  ensued.  Brant 
had  the  advantage  of  position  and  superior  numbers  ;  one-third 
of  Hathorn's  small  force  became  detached ;  closer  and  closer 
the  Indians  and  their  white  allies  drew  their  circle  of  fire  until 
Hathorn  was  hemmed  within  the  circumference  of  an  acre  of 
ground,  upon  a  rocky  hill  that  sloped  on  all  sides,  where  he 
maintained  the  conflict  until  the  sun  of  that  long  July  day  went 
down.  With  the  gathering  twilight  the  ammunition  of  the 
militia  was  exhausted,  and,  placing  themselves  in  a  hollow  square, 
they  prepared  their  last  defense  with  the  butts  of  their  muskets. 
Broken  at  one  corner,  the  square  became  a  rout,  and  the  flying 
fugitives  were  shot  down  without  mercy.  Behind  a  rock  on  the 
field,  Tusten  dressed  the  wounds  of  his  neighbors,  while  ite 
shelter  was  also  made  the  point  from  which  a  constant  fire  was 
kept  up  by  a  negro  without  his  knowledge.  As  the  last  shot  fell  from 
this  retreat,  the  Indians  rushed  to  the  spot,  killed  Tusten  and 
the  wounded  men  in  his  charge,  seventeen  in  number,  and  com 
pleted  the  bloody  work  which  they  had  commenced.  Of  the 
whole  number  who  went  forth  to  chastise  the  invaders,  only 
about  thirty  returned  to  relate  the  scenes  through  which  they  had 
passed,  and  to  graft  forever  their  traditions  of  the  damage  from 
which  they  had  escaped  upon  the  history  of  Orange  county. 

The  attack  upon  Wyoming  and  the  devastation  which  threat 
ened  the  borders  determined  the  action  of  congress.  In  the 
spring  of  1779,  and  while  yet  the  incursions  upon  the  frontiers 
of  Ulster  county  were  in  progress,  an  expedition  was  organized 
to  invade  the  Seneca  country,  in  which  the  tories  and  Indians 
held  their  headquarters,  with  a  view  to  chastise  and  disperse 
them.  This  expedition  moved  in  two  divisions,  the  first  under 
General  Sullivan  by  the  way  of  the  Susquehanna  and  Wyoming  ; 
and  the  second  under  General  James  Clinton  through  the  valley 
of  the  Mohawk.  The  expedition  was  entirely  successful.  At 
Tioga  the  divisions  were  united,  and  from  thence  moved  into 
the  heart  of  the  Indian  country,  and  marked  their  pathway  with 
blazing  Indian  villages  and  blackened  harvest  fields.  "  The 
Indians  shall  see,"  said  Sullivan,  "  that  we  have  malice  enough 
in  our  hearts  to  destroy  everything  that  contributes  to  their  sup 
port,"  and  faithfully  was  that  determination  executed.  Catha- 


280  THE  INDUN  TRIBES 

rine  Montour  received  in  part  the  punishment  she  merited  in 
the  destruction  of  her  residence  at  Catharinestown  ;  Kendaia 
was  swept  from  existence  ;  Kanadaseagea,  the  capital  of  the 
'Senecas^  near  the. head  of  the  lake  which  bears  their  name,  with 
its  sixty  well  built  houses  and  fine  orchards  ;  Kanandaigua,  with 
its  "  twenty-three  very  elegant  houses,  mostly  framed,  and,  in 
general,  large,"  and  its  fields  of  corn  and  orchards  of  fruit,  and 
Genesee  castle,  the  capital  of  the  Onondagas,  with  its  "  one 
hundred  and  twenty-eight  houses,  mostly  large  and  very  elegant," 
were  alike  destroyed.  Forty  Indian  towns  were  burned  ;  one 
hundred  and  sixty  thousand  bushels  of  corn  in  the  fields  and 
in  granaries,  were  destroyed ;  a  vast  number  of  the  finest  fruit 
^rees  were  cut  down  ;  gardens  covered  with  vegetables  were 
desolated  ;  the  proud  Indians,  who  had  scarce  felt  the  touch  of 
the  colonists  except  in  kindness,  were  driven  into  the  forests  to 
starve  and  be  hunted  like  wild  beasts  ;  their  altars  were  overturned, 
their  graves  trampled  upon  by  strangers,  and  their  beautiful 
country  laid  waste. 

The  punishment  administered  by  Sullivan  was  indeed  terrible, 
but  was  it  just?  That  the  projectors  of  the  expedition,  includ 
ing  Washington,  so  regarded  it,  is  well  known ;  that  four  of 
the  tribes  had  broken  their  pledge  of  neutrality  and  carried  for 
ward  their  revenges 'and  prejudices  to  the  account  of  the  inno 
cent,  is  also  known.  That  they  were  the  victims  of  the  wiles 
of  designing  men  —  had  learned  their  lessons  of  hatred  in  the 
earlier  controversies  between  the  contending  civilizations  —  was 
as  strongly  urged  in  their  behalf  then  as  it  can  be  now.  Had 
they  been  without  warning,  the  destruction  of  their  towns  would 
have  been  without  justification  ;  but  they  had  been  both  warned 
and  entreated.  In  December,  1777,  congress  had  addressed 
to  them  an  earnest  and  eloquent  appeal  to  preserve  their  neu 
trality,  and  refrain  from  further  hostilities,  to  sit  under  the  shade 
of  their  own  trees  and  by  the  side  of  their  own  streams  and 
"  smoke  their  pipe  in  safety  and  contentment  j  "  x  but  they 

4  This  address  recognized  the  division  hearts,  and  be  attentive.  Much  are  you 

which  then  existed  in  the  confederacy,  to  blame,  and  greatly  have  you  wronged 

To  the  four  hostile  tribes,  it  said  :  us.  Be  wise  in  time.  Be  sorry  for  your 

"  Brothers,  Cayugas,  Senecas,  Ononda-  faults.  The  great  council,  through  the 

gas  and  Mohawks :  Look  well  into  your  blood  of  our  friends  who  fell  by  your 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER. 


281 


would  not  listen,  and  grew  bold  in  the  supposed  impossibility  of 
being  reached  by  the  government.  The  visitation  which  they 
had  provoked  was  a  necessity. 

The  scourging  army  passed  by  the  towns  of  the  Oneidas  and 
Tuscaroras,  and  struck  its  blows  where  chastisement  was  most 
deserved.  A  single  village  of  the  Mohawks  was  spared,1  con 
sisting  of  four  houses,  the  occupants  of  which  were  made 
prisoners  ;  but  the  torch  was  stayed  by  the  entreaties  of  home 
less  frontier  settlers  who  begged  that  they  might  occupy  them 
until  they  could  procure  others,  and  to  them  was  also  given  the 
grain,  horses  and  cows,  the  stores  and  furniture,  of  the  remain 
ing  followers  of  Little  Abraham,  who  had  found  opportunity 
to  make  themselves  obnoxious  as  informers,  if  not  as  active 
participants  in  the  English  cause.  The  council- seat  of  the 
traditional  Atotarho  was  thrown  down,  and  the  council-fire 
of  the  nation,  which  had  so  long  been  kept  burning  at  Onondaga, 
was  put  out  never  to  be  rekindled  on  its  ancient  hearth. 

The  offending  tribes  were  astounded.  The  Onondagas  flew 
to  the  Oneidas  for  relief;  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  joined  the 


tomahawks  at  the  German  Flats,  cries 
aloud  against  you,  will  yet  be  patient. 
We  do  not  desire  to  destroy  you.  Long 
have  we  been  at  peace  5  and  it  is  still  our 
wish  to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  wipe  away 
the  blood  which  some  of  you  have  so  un 
justly  shed.  Till  time  shall  be  no  more, 
we  wish  to  smoke  with  you  the  calumet 
of  friendship  at  Onondaga.  But,  brothers, 
mark  well  what  we  now  tell  you.  Let 
it  sink  deep  as  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  and 
never  be  forgotten  by  you  or  your  child 
ren.  If  ever  again  you  take  up  the 
hatchet  to  strike  us,  if  you  join  our  ene 
mies  in  battle  or  council,  if  you  give  them 
intelligence,  or  encourage  or  permit  them 
to  pass  through  your  country  to  molest  or 
hurt  any  of  our  people,  we  shall  look 
upon  you  as  our  enemies,  who,  under  a 
cloak  of  friendship,  cover  your  bad  de 
signs,  and  like  the  concealed  adder,  only 
wait  for  an  opportunity  to  wound  us  when 
we  are  most  unprepared.  Believe  us  who 
never  deceive.  If,  after  all  our  good 
counsel,  and  all  our  care  to  prevent  it, 
we  must  take  up  the  hatchet,  the  blood 
to  be  shed  will  lie  heavy  on  your  heads. 
The  hand  of  the  thirteen  United  States 


is  not  short.  It  will  reach  to  the  farthest 
extent  of  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations  ; 
and  while  we  have  right  on  our  side,  the 
good  Spirit,  whom  we  serve,  will  enable 
us  to  punish  you,  and  put  it  out  of  your 
power  to  do  us  farther  mischief." 

To  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras  no 
such  warning  words  were  necessary. 
"  Hearken  to  us,"  said  the  address  to 
them  :  "  It  rejoices  our  heart  that  we 
have  no  reason  to  reproach  you  in  com 
mon  with  the  rest  of  the  Six  Nations. 
We  have  experienced  your  love,  strong  as 
the  oak ;  and  your  fidelity,  unchangeable 
as  truth.  You  have  kept  fast  hold  of  the 
ancient  covenant  chain,  and  preserved  it 
free  from  rust  and  decay,  and  bright  as 
silver.  Like  brave  men,  for  glory  you 
despise  danger  5  you  stood  forth  in  the 
cause  of  your  friends,  and  ventured  your 
lives  in  our  battles.  While  the  sun  and 
moon  continue  to  give  light  to  the  world, 
we  shall  love  and  respect  you.  As  our 
trusty  friends,  we  shall  protect  you,  and 
shall  at  all  times consideryour welfare  asour 
own." —  Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  i,  292,  etc. 

JThe  castle  of  the  Praying  Maquas  at 
the  mouth  of  Schoharie  creek. 


282  1HE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Mohawks  at  Fort  Niagara.1  Humbled,  the  former  sent  their 
chiefs  to  Fort  Stanwix  and  asked,  "  Was  the  destruction  of  our 
castle  done  by  design,  or  by  mistake  ?  If  by  mistake,  we  hope 
to  see  our  brethren,  the  prisoners  ;  but  if  our  brethren,  the 
Americans,  mean  to  destroy  us  also,  we  will  not  fly  —  we  will 
wait  here  and  receive  our  death."  "  I  know  the  agreement 
made  four  years  ago  with  the  Six  Nations,"  replied  Colonel 
Van  Schaick  ;  "  I  also  know  that  all  of  them,  except  the  Onei- 
das  and  Tuscaroras,  broke  their  engagements  and  flung  away 
the  chain  of  friendship.  The  Onondagas  have  been  great  mur 
derers  ;  we  have  found  the  scalps  of  our  brothers  at  their  castle. 
They  were  cut  off,  not  by  mistake,  but  by  design  —  I  was 
ordered  to  do  it,  and  it  is  done."  Trembling,  the  fugitives  at 
Niagara,  appealed  to  Haldiman,  the  governor  of  Canada  :  "  The 
great  king's  enemies  are  many,  and  they  grow  fast  in  number. 
They  were  formerly  like  young  panthers  ;  they  could  neither 
bite  nor  scratch  ;  we  could  play  with  them  safely  ;  we  feared 
nothing  they  could  do  to  us.  But  now  their  bodies  are  become 
big  as  the  elk,  and  strong  as  the  buffalo  ;  they  have  also  got 
great  and  sharp  claws.  They  have  driven  us  out  of  our  country 
for  taking  part  in  your  quarrel.  We  expect  the  great  king  will 
give  us  another  country,  that  our  children  may  live  after  us, 
and  be  his  friends  and  children  as  we  are." 2 

At  Fort  Niagara  they  perished  in  large  numbers  from  diseases 
caused  by  the  absence  of  accustomed  food,  and  the  exposures 
to  which  they  were  necessarily  subjected.  But  their  hatreds 
grew  with  their  misfortunes.  Red  Jacket  plead  with  them  to 
make  peace,  without  avail ;  against  the  name  of  Washington 
they  wrote  that  of  Annatakaules,  the  destroyer  of  towns. 
Still  powerful  for  predatory  warfare,  they  organized  anew  during 
the  winter,  and,  with  Corn-Planter  in  command  of  the  Senecas, 
fell  upon  the  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras ;  burned  their  castle, 
church,  and  village,  and  drove  the  offenders  down  upon  the 

1  Fort    Niagara    was     erected     by    the  and   tories.     It   was  surrendered    to   the 

French  in  1725,  and  was  for  many  years  United  States  in  1794. 
the  seat  of  the  French  missionaries.     The          aThe    authenticity  of  this    document 

English  captured  it  in  1759,  when  it  was  has  been  disputed.     The  portion  quoted, 

rebuilt    and     regarrisoned.     During    the  however,  is  a  statement  of  facts,  if  not 

revolution,  it  was  held  by  the  British,  and  by    the    Indians    themselves. — Appendix 

became  the  head-quarters  of  the  Indians  Stone's  Life  of  Brant. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  283 

white  settlements  for  protection.1  In  May,  in  detached  parties 
they  renewed  their  attacks  upon  the  borders  of  Ulster  county, 
plundered  the  houses  of  Thomas  and  Johannes  Jansen,  in  the 
town  of  Shawangunk ;  killed  a  Miss  Mack  anfl  her  father,  as 
well  as  a  young  woman  from  New  York  then  residing  with 
them,  in  one  of  the  mountain  gorges,  and  subsequently  reached 
the  Hudson  in  an  attack  upon  the  settlement  at  Saugerties, 
where  they  made  prisoners  of  Captain  Jeremiah  Snyder  and  his 
son  Isaac,  who  were  taken  to  Fort  Niagara  and  from  thence  to 
Montreal.  The  convenient  instruments  of  the  tories,  they 
followed  their  footsteps  wherever  they  were  bidden. 

In  the  meantime,  Sir  John  Johnson,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of 
refugees  and  Indians,  five  hundred  in  number,  stole  through  the 
woods  from  Crown  point  and  appeared  at  Johnson  Hall.  His 
purpose  was  to  remove  the  treasure  which  he  had  buried  on  the 
occasion  of  his  first  flight,  and  to  punish  some  of  his  old  neigh 
bors.  In  both  he  was  successful.  Two  barrels  of  silver  coin, 
the  fruits  of  his  father's  honest  traffic  with  the  Indians,  rewarded 
him  ;  his  attendants  lighted  up  the  surrounding  neighborhood 
with  blazing  dwellings,  and  murdered  the  defenseless  people. 
The  village  of  Caghnawaga2  was  given  to  the  flames,  and 
along  the  Mohawk  valley  for  several  miles  every  building,  not 
owned  by  a  loyalist,  was  burned,  the  cattle  killed,  and  all  the 
horses  that  could  be  found  taken  away.  With  many  prisoners 
and  much  booty,  Johnson  made  good  his  retreat. 

During  the  autumn  more  formidable  operations  were  under 
taken.  Sir  John  Johnson,  with  three  companies  of  refugees, 
one  company  of  German  Yagers,  two  hundred  of  Butler's 
Rangers,  and  one  company  of  British  Regulars,  with  Brant  and 

1  The  fugitives  collected  together  near  site    is    now    covered    by  the   village    of 
Schenectady,  where  they  remained  until  Fonda,  Montgomery  county.     The  Mo- 
after  the  war,  in  active  alliance  with  the  hawks   who  originally   occupied    it  were 
colonists.  proselyted  by  the  Jesuits  and  induced  to 

2  This  village  took  its  name  from  that  remove    to    Canada,     where    they    were 
of  the   ancient    Mohawk    village    called  established  at  a  mission  called  by  them- 
Gaudaouague  5     by     the    French,     On-  selves,  in  remembrance  of  their  ancient 
engioure,    and    by    the  Dutch,  Kaghne-  village,  Caghnawaga.   (Brodheadyii,  129, 
wage.        It     was    in  j_this     village    that  299.     Ante,  p.  97).     At  the  time  of  its 
Father  Jogues  was  so   badly  treated  dur-  destruction  it  was  occupied  principally  by 
ing    eighteen    months  of   captivity.     Its  German  families  from  the  Palatinate. 

36 


284  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

Corn  planter  and  five  hundred  of  their  warriors,  entered  the 
Schoharie  valley,  and  although  not  successful  in  reducing  the 
block-houses  which  had  been  erected,  nevertheless  spread  destruc 
tion  along  thefr  pathway.  Not  a  house,  barn,  or  grain-stack 
known  to  belong  to  a  whig,  was  left  standing  ;  one  hundred 
thousand  bushels  of  grain  were  destroyed  in  a  single  day.  The 
houses  of  the  tories  were  spared,  but  no  sooner  had  the  enemy 
retired  than  the  exasperated  whigs  set  them  on  fire,  and  all 
shared  the  common  fate.  The  valley  of  the  Mohawk  was 
next  visited.  At  Caghnawaga  the  buildings  which  had  been 
left  standing  at  the  previous  visitation,  as  well  as  those  which 
had  been  rebuilt,  were  destroyed,  and  every  dwelling  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  as  far  up  as  Fort  Plain,  was  burned.  Murder 
and  rapine  attested  alike  the  hatred  of  Johnson  for  his  former 
neighbors  and  the  vengeance  of  his  dusky  allies. 

But  the  marauders  were  not  permitted  to  again  escape  with 
out  molestation.  Governor  George  Clinton,  having  received 
information  from  two  Oneidas,  of  their  movements,  promptly 
marched  to  the  relief  of  the  district.  A  strong  body  of  Oneida 
warriors,  led  by  their  chief,  Louis  Atyataronghta,1  who  had  been 
commissioned  a  colonel  by  congress,  joined  him  on  his  way. 
Near  Fort  Plain  the  opposing  forces  met ;  Brant  and  his  Indians, 
in  a  thicket  of  shrub  oaks,  were  supported  by  Johnson,  while 
the  right  of  the  patriot  line  was  held  by  the  Oneidas.  The 
defiant  war-whoop  of  the  opposing  chiefs  was  echoed  by  their 
followers  ;  supported  by  the  militia,  the  Oneidas  dashed  forward  ; 
Brant  gave  way  and  fled,  wounded  in  the  heel,  to  the  fording 
place  near  the  old  upper  Indian  castle,  crossed  the  river  and 
found  refuge  in  the  rear  of  the  reserve  forces  of  his  friends. 
Johnson  immediately  made  hasty  retreat  to  his  boats  on  Onon- 
daga  lake,  and  escaped  to  Canada  by  the  way  of  Oswego,  shorn 
of  whatever  prestige  he  had  gained  on  his  former  raid. 

Similar  were  the  events  of  1781.  The  devastations  of  the 
invading  bands  commenced  again  on  the  borders  of  Ulster.  In 
August,  a  body  of  three  hundred  Indians  and  ninety  tories  fell 

1  It  is  said  that  he  was  the  representa-  the  blood  of  the  French,  the  Indian,  and 
live  of  three  nations,  having  in  his  veins  the  negro.  His  bravery  was  unquestioned. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  285 

upon  the  settlers  in  the  Wawarsing  valley  and  "  burned  and 
destroyed  about  a  dozen  houses,  with  their  barns,"  and  killed 
one  of  the  inhabitants,  "  the  rest  having  fled."  Colonel  Har- 
denburgh,  -with  a  force  of  only  nine  .men,  hastened  forward  to 
the  aid  of  the  settlers,  and,  throwing  his  men  into  a  small  stone 
house,  checked  the  advance  of  the  enemy.  In  their  repeated 
attempts  to  dislodge  him,  thirteen  of  their  number  were  left 
dead  upon  the  field.  Colonel  Paulding's  regiment  of  state  levies, 
together  with  the  militia,  was  soon  on  the  ground,  but  not  in 
time  to  punish  the  marauders,  although  they  were  pursued  for 
seven  days. 

In  October  the  Mohawk  valley  was  visited  by  Major  Ross 
and  Walter  N.  Butler  at  the  head  of  about  one  thousand  troops, 
consisting  of  regulars,  tories  and  Indians.  The  settlement 
known  as  Warren  Bush  was  broken  into  so  suddenly  that  the 
people  had  no  chance  for  escape.  Many  were  killed  and  their 
houses  plundered  and  destroyed.  Colonel  Willett,  informed  of 
the  incursion,  marched  with  about  four  hundred  men,  including 
Onelda  warriors,  to  the  defensg  of  the  valley.  He  was  joined 
by  Colonel  Rowley  with  the  Tryon  county  militia,  and  the 
plan  of  attack  agreed  to.  Rowley  was  sent  to  fall  upon  the 
enemy  in  the  rear,  while  Willett  was  to  attack  them  in  front. 
The  belligerents  met  a  short  distance  above  Johnson  Hall,  and 
a  battle  immediately  ensued.  Willett's  militia  broke  and  fled 
to  the  stone  church  in  the  village,  but  at  that  moment  Rowley 
attacked  the  rear  and  soon  compelled  the  enemy  to  retreat, 
leaving  forty  of  their  number  killed  and  wounded  and  fifty 
prisoners.  The  pursuit  was  not  taken  up  until  the  next  morning, 
when  it  was  continued  until  evening  before  the  enemy  were 
reached.  A  running  fight  then  ensued  ;  Butler's  Indians  became 
alarmed  at  the  havoc  in  their  ranks  and  fled  ;  a  brisk  fire  was 
kept  up  for  some  time  by  the  tories,  until  Butler,  who  was 
watching  the  fight  from  behind  a  tree,  exposed  his  head  and  fell 
under  a  quick  ball  from  an  Oneida,  who  knew  him  and  who  was 
watching  his  motions  ;  his  troops  fled  in  confusion  ;  the  Oneida 
bounded  across  the  stream  that  separated  the  contestants,  and 
while  Butler,  yet  living,  cried  for  quarter,  finished  the  work 


286 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


which  he  had  commenced,  tore  from  his  head  the  reeking  trophy 
which  he   sought,  and   bore  it  as  a  banner  in  the  onward  charge 

of  his  comrades.  So  perished 
Walter  N.  Butler,  the  most 
heartless  of  all  the  tories  who 
engaged  in  the  border  wars  ;  so 
closed  the  attacks  upon  the 
frontier  settlements  of  New 
York. 

The  gallantry  of  the  Oneidas 
and  Tuscaroras  during  the  war 
was  only  exceeded  by  that  of 
the  Mohicans  and  JVappingers. 
Active  in  the  campaign  of 

1777,  tne  latter  joined  Washington  again  in  the  spring  of  1778, 
and  were  detached  with  the  forces  under  Lafayette  to  check  the 
depredations  of  the  British  army  on  its  retreat  from  Philadelphia. 
At  the  engagement  at  Barren  hill  they  defeated  a  company  of 
British  troops,  but  not  precisely  in  the  manner  of  creditable  war 
fare.  Stationed  in  a  wood  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the 
main  army,  they  met  the  attack  .of  the  enemy  by  discharging 
their  muskets  and  uttering  their  hideous  battle-cry.  "  The  re 
sult,"  says  Sparks,  "  was  laughable  ;  both  parties  ran  off  equally 
frightened  at  the  unexpected  and  terrific  appearance  of  their 
antagonists."1 

But  such  was  not  their  record  in  Westchester  county,  where 
they  first  met  the  British,  ancf  where  they  were  stationed  soon 
after  the  engagement  at  Barren  hill.  In  July,  while  Simcoe  and 
Tarleton  were  making  some  examinations  of  the  country,  the 
Mahicans  formed  an  ambuscade  for  their  capture,  and  very 
nearly  succeeded  in  their  purpose,  the  party  escaping  by  chang 
ing  their  route.2  Their  most  distinguished  service,  however, 
was  performed  in  August.  While  on  a  scouting  expedition  on 
the  thirtieth,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Emerick  met  a  body  of  them 
under  Nimham,  the  king  of  the  Wappingers,  and  in  the  engage- 


Sfarksy  vn,  547. 


*  Simcoe's  Military  Journal. 


OF  HUDSON'S  R17ER. 


287 


ment  which  followed  was  compelled  to  retreat.  On  the  follow 
ing  morning  the  whole  of  the  British  force  at  Kingsbridge  was 
ordered  out  and  the  largest  portion  placed  in  an  ambuscade, 
while  Emerick  was  sent  forward  to  decoy  his  assailants  of  the 
previous  day.  The  plan  failed,  but  an  engagement  was  brought 
on,  by  Emerick's  corps,  on  what  is  now  known  as  Cortland's  ridge, 
in  the  present  town  of  Yonkers,  which  was  one  of  the  most 
severe  of  the  war.  The  Indians  made  the  attack  from  behind 
the  fences,  and  in  their  first  fire  wounded  five  of  their  enemies, 
including  Simcoe.  Falling  back  among  the  rocks  they  defied 
for  a  time  the  efforts  to  dislodge  them.  Emerick  offered  them 
peace  and  protection  if  they  would  surrender  ;  four  of  their 
number  accepted  the  terms  only  to  be  hewn  in  pieces  as  soon 
as  they  reached  his  lines.  The  engagement  was  renewed  ; 
Emerick  charged  the  ridge  with  cavalry  in  overwhelming  force, 
but  was  stoutly  resisted.  As  the  cavalry  rode  them  down,  the 
Indians  seized  the  legs  of  their  foes  and  dragged  them  from 
their  saddles  to  join  them  in  death.  All  hope  of  successful 
resistance  gone,  Ntmham  commanded  his  followers  to  fly,  but 
for  himself  exclaimed  :  "  I  am  an  aged  tree  ;  I  will  die  here." 
Ridden  down  by  Simcoe,  he  wounded  that  officer  and  was  on 
the  point  of  dragging  him  from  his  horse  when  he  was  shot  by 
Wright,  Simcoe's  orderly.  "  The  Indians  fought  most  gal 
lantly,"  is  Simcoe's  testimony  ;  but  the  number  engaged  is  riot 
stated.  Emerick  reported  that  "  near  forty  "  of  them  "  were 
killed  or  desperately  wounded."  If  his  previous  statement  is 
correct,  that  the  number  who  had  "just  joined  Washington  " 
was  "about  sixty,"  over  one-half  must  have  fallen  in  the 
engagement.1 

To  their  services  in  that  and  in  other  engagements  the  testimony 
of  Washington  is  added.2  Literally  did*they  redeem  the  pledge 
which  they  had  given  at  Albany,  the  pledge  of  Ruth  :  "  Whither 


1  Near  forty  of  the  Indians  were  killed 
or  desperately  wounded,  among  them 
Nimham,  a  chieftain  who  had  been  to 
England,  and  his  son  (Simcoe's  Journal}. 
Bolton  states  that  eighteen  bodies  were 
recovered  from  the  field  and  buried  in  one 
pit.  The  loss  of  the  British  is  said  to 
have  been  five ;  but  it  was  rare  indeed 


that  they  made  a  correct  return,  and  the 
number  may  have  been  much  greater. 
3  "  Head  Quarters,  Bergen  Co., 

September   13,  1870. 
To  the  President  of  Congress  : 

Sir :  This  will  be  presented  to  your 
excellency  by  Captain  Hendriks  Solo 
mon  of  Stockbridge.  He  and  about 


288  THE  INDIJN  TRIBES 

thou  goest  I  will  go,  and  where  thou  lodgest  I  will  lodge  ;  thy 
people  shall  be  my  people,  and  thy  God  my  God  ;  where  thou 
diest  will  I  die,  and  there  will  I  be  buried."  The  privations 
which  the  patriots  suffered,  they  shared  without  a  murmur  ;  in 
their  devotion  they  never  wearied.  When  the  tattered  banners 
of  the  struggle  were  folded  away,  they  returned  to  their  ancient 
seats,  and  at  the  head  waters  of  the  Hudson  again  met  the  white 
men,  now  their  brothers  by  a  holier  covenant,  as  they  had 
met  them  in  1609,  the  sole  representatives  of  the  Indian  tribes 
of  Hudson's  river. 

By  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain — which  was  without  stipulation  in  regard  to  the  Indian 
allies  of  the  latter  government  —  "  the  ancient  country  of  the 
Six  Nations,  the  residence  of  their  ancestors  from  the  time  far 
beyond  their  earliest  traditions,  was  included  within  the  bound 
aries  granted  to  the  Americans."  Nor  was  this  their  only  loss  ; 
in  their  social  and  political  condition  they  had  been  great 
sufferers  by  their  unfortunate  alliance.  The  great  body  of  the 
Oneldas  and  Tuscaroras  had  been  severed  from  the  confederacy  ; 
the  "  eastern  door  "  of  their  cc  Long  House  "  had  been  broken 
in  and  its  ancient  keepers,  the  Mohawks,  made  fugitives  from 
the  seats  of  their  fathers  ;  the  alliance  of  the  four  tribes  with 
the  crown  had  divested  them  of  the  respect  of  the  victors  ;  their 
towns  had  been  destroyed  and  their  fields  wasted  by  the  scourg 
ing  army  of  Sullivan.  When  the  war  closed,  the  Oneidas  and 
Tuscaroras  returned  to  their  possessions,  assured  of  the  protec 
tion  of  their  American  allies ;  the  Mohawks,  after  brooding 
awhile  over  their  misfortunes,  retired  to  the  banks  of  the  Ouise 

twenty  of  his  tribe  have  been  serving-  as  them,   but  because  I  have  it  not  in  my 

volunteers  with    the    army  since,,  the  be-  power  to  furnish  them   with  such  articles 

ginning  of  July.     They  have  been  gene-  of  clothing    as    they  request,  and  which 

rally  attached  to  the  light  corps,  and  have  they  would   prefer  to    money.     Congress 

conducted  themselves  with  great  propriety  will,  I  doubt  not,  direct  such  a  supply  as 

and  fidelity.       Seeing  no  immediate  pro-  they  shall   think  proper.     Captain  Solo- 

spect  of  any  operation  in  this  quarter,  in  mon,  with  part  of  these  people  was  with 

which  they  can   be  serviceable,  they  are  us  in  the  year  1778.     The   tribe  suffered 

desirous  of  returning  home  after   receiv-  severely  during  that  campaign,  in  a  skir- 

ing  some  compensation  for  the  time,  dur-  mish  with  the  enemy,  in  which  they  lost 

ing  which   they  have  been  with   us,  and  their  chief  and  several  of  their  warriors, 
after  having  made  a  visit  to  Philadelphia,  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

I   have  thought   it   best  to  gratify  them,  Yours,  etc., 

not  only  on  account  of  being  agreeable  to  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIVER.  289 

** 

or  Grand  river,  under  the  protection  of  the  crown,1  prepared  to 
renew  the  struggle  whenever  they  should  be  bidden  by  those 
whom  they  served ;  the  Senecas  relighted  their  council-fire,  broken, 
dispirited  and  divided. 

New  York  was  disposed  to  complete  the  work  of  disintegra 
tion  and  dispersion,  which  the  war  had  developed,  by  expelling 
the  Senecas,  Onondagas  and  Gayugas  from  all  the  country  within 
its  bounds  which  had  not  been  ceded  by  them  under  the  treaty 
of  1768;  but  congress  adopted  a  more  liberal  policy,  never 
theless  one  involving  punishment.  Commissioners  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States  met  the  representatives  of  the  tribes  at 
Fort  Schuyler  in  October,  1784,  prepared  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
based  on  a  concession  of  territory.  The  Mohawks  were  not 
represented  ;  the  Senecas  asked  delay  until  the  tribes  on  the 
Ohio  could  be  summoned,  but  the  commissioners  would^  not 
consent,  nor  would  they  recognize  a  unity  that  did  not  exist. 
Red  Jacket  opposed  the  burial  of  the  hatchet,  while  Corn- 
planter  counseled  peace,  regarding  the  loss  of  territory,  on  the 
terms  offered,  as  far  better  than  the  hazards  of  further  war. 
The  efforts  of  the  latter  prevailed,  and,  on  the  twenty-second, 
a  treaty  was  signed  by  which  the  United  States  gave  peace  to 
the  Mohawks,  Senecas,  Onondagas  and  Cayugas,  and  received 
them  under  their  protection,  on  condition  that  all  the  prisoners 
in  their  possession,  white  and  black,  should  be  delivered  up. 
The  Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  as  well  as  all  the  tribes,  were 
secured  in  the  possession  of  the  lands  they  were  then  occupying, 
with  power  to  sell  and  relinquish,  but  at  the  same  time  gave  up 
all  claims  to  the  territory  not  in  absolute  occupation^west  of  a 
line  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oyonwayea  creek,  flowing 
into  Lake  Ontario  four  miles  east  of  Niagara,  thence  southerly, 
but  preserving  a  line  four  miles  east  of  the  carrying  path,  to  the 
mouth  of  Tehoseroron  or  Buffalo  creek  ;  thence  to  the  north 
boundary  of  Pennsylvania  ;  thence  south  along  the  Pennsylvania 
line  to  the  Ohio. 

Had  the  tribes  been  permitted  to  follow  their  own  inclinations, 
this  treaty  would  perhaps  have  been  conclusive;  but  the  Eng- 

1  At  the  close  of  the  war  the  Mohawks     can   side    of    the   Niagara  river,   in    the 
were  temporarily  residing  en  the  Ameri-     vicinity  of  the    old  landing  place  above 


290  THE  INDIAN  7RIBES 

* 

lish  in  Canada,  and  especially  the  tories,  professing  to  believe 
that  the  contest  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country 
had  been  postponed,  not  determined,1  disseminated  discontent 
and  hastened  to  revive  in  the  hearts  of  their  allies  the  sacredness 
of  the  boundary  line  of  1768,  and  the  policy  upon  which  it  had 
been  based.  The  Lenapes  and  Shawanoes  were  encouraged  to 
revolt  ;  Corn  planter  was  driven  from  power  by  Red  Jacket. 
Brant  assumed  the  task  of  organizing  formidable  and  active 
hostilities,  and  for  that  purpose  visited  England  in  1785.  On 
his  return  the  tribes  in  interest  opened  communications  with  the 
American  government,  suggested  that  a  grand  council  should  be 
called,  and  that,  pending  its  assemblage,  and  determination,  sur 
veyors  and  settlers  should  be  restrained  from  passing  beyond 
the  Ohio. 

The  government,  anxious  to  prevent  hostilities,  replied  by 
sending  instructions  to  General  St.  Clair,  then  governor  of  the 
north-western  territory,  to  inquire  particularly  into  the  temper 
of  the  Indians,  and  if  he  found  them  hostile,  to  endeavor  to 
hold  as  general  a  treaty  with  them  as  he  could  convene,  and, 
if  possible,  satisfactorily  extinguish  their  title  to  lands  as  far 
westward  as  the  Mississippi.  Under  these  instructions  St. 
Clair  concluded  at  Fort  Harmer,  on  the  ninth  of  January,  1789, 
two  separate  treaties ;  the  first,  with  the  sachems  of  the  Five 
Nations,  the  Mohawks  excepted  ;  the  second,  with  the  sachems 
of  the  Lenapes,  Wyandots,  Ottawas,  Ckippewas,  and  other  west 
ern  clans  represented.  These  treaties  recognized  the  boundary 
line  of  1784,  but  at  the  same  time  modified  that  treaty  by  con 
ceding  the  right  of  the  Indians  to  compensation  for  lands  east 
of  the  line  as  far  as  the  boundary  of  1768. 

At  the  negotiation  of  these  treaties  the  fact  became  strikingly 
apparent  that  the  confederate  tribes  were  without  agreement 
upon  any  line  of  policy,2  Brant  openly  denouncing  many  of  his 

the  fort.     The  governor  of  Canada  sub-  ary  of  the  territory  which  had  been  relin- 

sequently    assigned    them    lands    on    the  quished.      It  was   not  until    1794,  that  a 

Grand     river     about    forty    miles    above  treaty  was   ratified  covering   these  points, 

Niagara  Falls. — <S/o«|,  u,  2.39.  meanwhile    the    encouragement    of    the 

1  Great  Britain,  it  will  be  remembered,  officers  of  the  crown    to  the  Indians  was 

refused  to   negotiate  a  commercial  treaty  not  disguised.      See    Johnson's   letter  in 

with  the    United   States,  or  to  surrender  Stones  Life  of  Brant,  n,  267. 
certain  forts  within  the  northern  bound-          a  St.   Clair  writes  :  "  A   jealousy  sub- 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER.  291 

late  allies  as  having  "  sold  themselves  to  the  devil."  z  Failing 
to  unite  and  wield  the  tribes  to  his  purposes,  he  appealed  to 
the  Lenapes  and  Shawanoes  to  take  the  offensive,  with  himself 
and  Jjis  associates  as  followers.  The  latter  accepted  the  belt, 
and  began  hostilities  along  the  western  border,  then  covering  an 
extent  of  four  hundred  miles.  To  restrain  and  punish  the 
insurgents  General  Harmer  was  sent  out,  in  the  autumn  of 
1790,  with  a  force  of  fifteen  hundred  men,  but  suffered  disaster 
in  a  conflict  near  the  junction  of  the  St.  Joseph  and  St.  Mary 
rivers  ;  and  General  St.  Clair,  with  an  expedition  for  a  similar 
purpose,  was  defeated  and  severely  punished  in  November  of 
the  following  year.2 

Encouraged  by  these  successes,  the  Lenapes  and  their  allies 
resisted  the  overtures  for  peace  which  Captain  Hendrik  Aupau- 
mut,  the  Mohican  chief,  conveyed  to  them,  and,  in  council 
at  Miami  Rapids,  on  the  I3th  of  August,  1793,  issued  the  de 
claration,  that  to  them  the  money  which  the  United  States 
offered  for  their  lands  was  of  no  value,  to  most  of  them 
unknown ;  that  no  consideration  whatever  could  induce 
them  to  sell  that  from  which  they  obtained  sustenance  for  their 
women  and  children  ;  that  if  peace  was  desired,  justice  must  be 
done,  and  to  that  end  the  money  which  was  offered  them  should 
be  divided  among  the  settlers  who  had  invaded  their  country 
and  they  be  bidden  to  withdraw  ;  that  they  never  made  any  agree 
ment  with  the  king  by  which  their  lands  followed  the  fortunes 
of  his  wars,  nor  would  they  now  make  a  treaty  which  denied 
to  them  the  right  to  make  "  bargain  or  cession  of  lands  when 
ever  and  to  whomsoever  they  pleased  ;  "  peace  with  them  could 
be  had  only  on  the  basis  that  the  Ohio  should  remain  the 
boundary  line  beyond  which  the  white  man  should  not  come. 
"  We  can  retreat  no  further,  because  the  country  behind  hardly 
affords  food  for  its  present  inhabitants ;  we  have  therefore 

sisted   among   them,   which    I    was    not  deadly  variance." — Am.  State  Papers,  iv, 

willing  to  lessen  by  considering  them  as  10. 

one   people.     They   do    not   so  consider  *In     other  words,    to    the    Yankees, 

themselves  ;  and   I   am    persuaded    their  against  whom  he  manifested  at  all  times 

general    confederacy  is    entirely   broken,  the  most  intense  hatred. 

Indeed,  it   would  not  be  very  difficult,  if  *  Stone* s  Life  of  Branty  11,   308,  etc.; 

circumstances  required  it,  to  set  them  at  Gallatin,  50,  51,  68. 

37 


292  THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 

resolved  to  leave  our  bones  in  this  small  space,  to  which  we  are 
now  consigned." 

Thirteen  tribes,  the  Lenapes^  Shawanoes,  Minsis^  Mahicans, 
of  the  Delaware,  Nanticokes  and  Conoys,  the  seven  nations  of 
Canada,  the  Wyandots,  Miamis,  Chippeways  and  Pottawattamies^ 
and  the  Senecas  of  the  Glaize,  signed  the  declaration,  and  on  the 
thirtieth  of  June  following,  sealed  it  with  the  blood  of  their  bravest 
warriors  in  battle  against  General  Wayne  on  the  ground  where 
St.  Clair  had  been  so  disastrously  defeated  in  I79I.1  From  that 
field  they  retired  crushed  and  broken,  while  fire  and  sword  fol 
lowed  them  in  their  retreat,  and  blazing  villages  and  ruined 
fields  convinced  them  that  however  just  their  cause,  there  was 
a  limit  to  their  powers  of  resistance.  Ruined  in  estate,  and 
deserted  by  their  English  allies,  with  whom  the  United  States 
had  finally  concluded  definite  treaty,  they  came  up  to  a  confer 
ence  with  Wayne,  at  Greenville,  on  the  third  of  August,  1795, 
and  accepted  the  terms  of  their  conquerors.2 
,  Full  of  interest  as  are  the  details  of  this  struggle,  they  do  not 
strictly  pertain  to  the  purpose  of  this  work,  the  general  facts 
sufficiently  indicating  the  events  attending  the  retreating  foot 
steps  of  the  once  powerful  occupants  of  the  western  valley  of 
the  Hudson.  Leaving  the  Lenapes  and  their  grandchildren  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who,  in  small  number,  had  participated  in  the  contest,  returned 
to  the  reservations  which  had  been  set  apart  for  them  by  the 
legislature  of  New  York,  which  in  part  they  still  occupy.3 
From  their  ancient  dominions  the  Mahicans  at  Westenhuck 
removed,  in  1785,  on  the  invitation  of  the  Qneidas,  to  a  tract 
six  miles  square  in  the  present  towns  of  Augusta,  Oneida  county, 
and  Stockbridge,  Madison  county.  Here  they  resided  until 
1821,  when,  with  other  Indians  of  New  York,  they  purchased 
of  the  Menomlnees  and  Wmnebagoes,  a  tract  of  land  on  the 
Wisconsin  and  Fox  rivers  in  Wisconsin,  and  took  up  their  resi 
dence  there.4 

1  Stone's  Life  of  Branty  n,  382,  etc.  Only  a  comparatively  small  portion  of  the 

3  The  loss  inflicted  upon  the  Americans  original  reservations  now  remain  in  their 

during  this  war  is  officially  stated  at  over  possession. 

two  thousand  men.  4  Stockbridge,  Past  and  Present. 
8  Census  of  New  York,  1855,  appendix. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


293 


And  there  were  other  settlements.  A  band  of  Montauks  of 
Long  Island,  Mohegans  of  Connecticut,  and  Pequots  and  Narra- 
gansetts  of  Massachusetts,  under  the  leadership  of  Samson  Oc- 
cum,  a  Mohegan  missionary,  took  up  their  residence  in  the 
Oneida  country  in  1788,  and  were  confirmed  on  a  reservation 
two  miles  in  length  by  three  in  breadth,  in  the  present  town  of 
Marshall,  Oneida  county,  where,  having  no  language  in  com 
mon,  they  adopted  the  English,  and  received  the  name  of 
Brothertons.  They  subsequently  removed  to  the  west  and 
settled  in  Wisconsin. 

Similar  was  the  course  of  the  domestic  clans  of  Raritans. 
From  an  early  period  a  remnant  of  the  tribe  had  occupied  a 
reservation  in  the  county  of  Burlington,  New  Jersey,  where  they 
were  known  as  Brothertons.  In  1802,  they  accepted  an  invita 
tion  from  the  Mabicans  to  unite  with  them,  and,  obtaining 
consent  from  the  legislature,  sold  their  lands  and  removed  to 
the  reservation  of  the  latter.  They  were  officially  met  by  the 
authorities  of  New  Jersey  for  the  last,  time  in  1832,  when, 
reduced  to  about  forty  souls,  they  applied  to  the  legislature  for 
remuneration  on  account  of  their  rights  of  hunting  and  fishing 
on  unenclosed  lands,  which  they  had  reserved  in  their  various 
agreements  with  the  whites,  and  the  legislature  promptly  directed 
the  payment  to  them  of  two  thousand  dollars  in  full  relinquish- 
ment  of  their  claims.1 


1  The  application  was  made  by  Sha- 
<wuskukhkung  or  Wilted  Grass,  a  chief  of 
the  Delawares,  who  had  been  educated 
at  Princeton  at  the  expense  of  the  Scotch 
Missionary  Society.  At  the  time  of 
making  the  application  he  was  seventy- 
six  years  of  age.  His  address  to  the 
legislature,  on  the  occasion,  was  as  fol 
lows  : 

* '  MY  BRETHREN. —  I  am  old,  and  weak, 
and  poor,  and  therefore  a  fit  representa 
tive  of  my  people.  You  are  young,  and 
strong,  and  rich,  and  therefore  fit  repre 
sentatives  of  your  people.  But  let  me 
beg  you  for  a  moment  to  lay  aside  the 
recollection  of  your  strength  and  of  our 
weakness,  that  your  minds  may  be  pre 
pared  to  examine  with  candor  the  subject 
of  our  claims. 

"  Our  tradition  informs  us,  and  I  believe 


it  corresponds  with  your  records,  that  the 
right  of  fishing  in  all  the  rivers  and  bays 
south  of  the  Raritan,  and  of  hunting 
in  all  unenclosed  lands,  was  never  relin 
quished,  but  on  the  contrary  was  expressly 
reserved  in  our  last  treaty,  held  at  Cross- 
wicks,  in  1758. 

"  Having  myself  been  one  of  the 
parties  to  the  sale,  I  believe  in  1801,  I 
know  that  these  rights  were  not  sold  or 
parted  with. 

"  We  now  offer  to  sell  these  privileges 
to  the  state  of  New  Jersey.  They  were 
once  of  great  value  to  us,  and  we  appre 
hend  that  neither  time  nor  distance,  nor 
the  non-use  of  our  rights,  has  at  all 
affected  them,  but  that  the  courts  here 
would  consider  our  claims  valid  were  we 
to  exercise  them  ourselves,  or  delegate 
them  to  others.  It  is  not,  however,  our 


294 


THE  INDIAN  TRIBES 


On  a  small  reservation  on  Long  island  the  Montauks  have 
still  a  representation,  though  with  scarce  a  member  of  pure 
blood.  On  the  third  of  March,  1702,  they  made  an  agreement 
with  the  English  in  which  the  rights  of  each  were  definitely 
fixed,  and  resided  in  peace  with  their  neighbors  until  after  the 
revolution,  when  they  made  claim  to  lands  which  they  had 
previously  ceded,  but  without  success.  The  first  to  welcome 
Hudson's  wandering  bark,  they  are  now  the  last  representatives 
of  the  tribes  which  once  held  dominion  on  Sewanhackie. 

Domestic   clans  or  families  of  Minsls  and  Mahlcans  lingered 


wish  thus  to  excite  litigation.  We  con 
sider  the  state  legislature  the  proper  pur 
chaser,  and  throw  ourselves  upon  its 
benevolence  and  magnanimity,  trusting 
that  feelirtgs  of  justice  and  liberality  will 
induce  you  to  give  us  what  you  deem  a 
compensation." 

The  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a 
committee,  before  whom  Hon.  Samuel 
L.  Southard  voluntarily  and  ably  advocated 
the  claim  of  the  Delawares ;  and  at  the 
conclusion  of  his  speech  remarked : 
"That  it  was  a  proud  fact  in  the  history 
of  New  Jersey,  that  every  foot  of  her 
soil  had  been  obtained  from  the  Indians 
by  fair  and  voluntary  purchase  and  trans 
fer,  a  fact  that  no  other  state  in  the 
union,  not  even  the  land  which  bears  the 
name  of  Penn,  can  boast  of."  The  com 
mittee  reported  in  favor  of  an  appropria 
tion  of  $2,000,  which  the  legislature  at 
once  confirmed.  This  was  the  crowning 
act  of  a  series  in  which  justice  and  kind 
ness  to  the  Indians  had  been  kept  steadily 
in  view ;  and  was  thus  acknowledged  by 
the  veteran  chief  in  a  letter  to  the  legis 
lature  dated  "Trenton,  March  12,  1832: 

"  Bartholomew  S.  Calvin  (his  English 
name),  takes  this  method  to  return  his 
thanks  to  both  houses  of  the  state  legis 
lature,  and  especially  to  their  committees, 
for  their  very  respectful  attention  to,  and 
candid  examination  of,  the  Indian  claims 
which  he  was  delegated  to  present. 

"  The  final  act  of  official  intercourse 
between  the  state  of  New  Jersey  and  the 
Delaware  Indians,  who  once  owned  nearly 
the  whole  of  its  territory,  has  now  been 
consummated,  and  in  a  manner  which 
must  redound  to  the  honor  of  this  grow 
ing  state,  and,  in  all  probability,  to  the 


prolongation'of  the  existence  of  a  wasted, 
yet  grateful  people.  Upon  this  parting 
occasion,  I  feel  it  to  be  an  incumbent 
duty  to  bear  the  feeble  tribute  of  my 
praise  to  the  high-toned  justice  which, 
in  this  instance,  and,  so  far  as  I  am  ac 
quainted,  in  all  former  times,  has  actuated 
the  councils  of  this  commonwealth  in 
dealing  with  the  aboriginal  inhabitants. 

"  Not  a  drop  of  our  blood  have  you 
spilled  in  battle  —  not  an  acre  of  our 
land  have  you  taken  but  by  our  consent. 
These  facts  speak  for  themselves,  and 
need  no  comment.  They  place  the 
character  of  New  Jersey  in  bold  relief  and 
bright  example  to  those  states  within 
whose  territorial  limits  our  brethren  still 
remain.  Nothing  save  benisons  can  fall 
upon  her  from  the  lips  of  a  Lenni  Lenape. 

"There  may  be  some  who  would  despise 
an  Indian  benediction  ;  but  when  I  return 
to  my  people,  and  make  known  to  them 
the  result  of  my  mission,  the  ear  of  the 
Great  Sovereign  of  the  universe,  which 
is  still  open  to  our  cry,  will  be  penetrated 
with  our  invocation  of  blessings  upon  the 
generous  sons  of  New  Jersey. 

"  To  those  gentlemen,  members  of  the 
legislature,  and  others  who  have  evinced 
their  kindness  to  me,  I  cannot  refrain 
from  paying  the  unsolicited  tribute  of  my 
heart-felt  thanks.  Unable  to  return 
them  any  other  compensation,  I  fervently 
pray  that  God  will  have  them  in  his  holy 
keeping  —  will  guide  them  in  safety 
through  the  vicissitudes  of  this  life,  and 
ultimately,  through  the  rich  mercies  of 
our  blessed  Redeemer,  receive  them  into 
the  glorious  entertainment  of  his  kingdom 
above." — See  note  by  W.  J.  Allinson, 
New  Jersey  Historical  Collections. 


OF  HUDSON'S  RIPER. 


295 


around  their  ancient  seats  for  some  years  after  the  close  of  the 
revolution,  but  of  them  one  after  another  it  is  written,  "  they 
disappeared  in  the  night."  In  the  language  of  Tamenund  at 
the  death  of  Uncas  :  "  The  pale  faces  are  masters  of  the  earth, 
and  the  time  of  the  red  men  has  not  yet  come  again.  My  day 
has  been  too  long.  In  the  morning  I  saw  the  sons  of  Unami 
happy  and  strong  ;  and  yet,  before  the  night  has  come,  have  I 
lived  to  see  the  last  warrior  of  the  wise  race  of  the  Mabicans" 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX 


I.  BIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCHES. 

i HE  personal  history  of  the  early  Indian  kings  and 
chiefs  who  held  dominion  in  the  valley  of  the  Hud 
son,  is  involved  in  even  greater  obscurity  than  that 
which  attaches  to  their  contemporaries  in  other 
parts  of  the  new  world.  Of  MASSASOIT,  MIANTONOMOH, 
UNCAS,  PHILIP,  and  other  New  England  chiefs,  and  of  Pow- 
HATTAN  and  POCAHONTAS  of  Virginia,  there  is  some  definite 
information  ;  but  of  those  who  welcomed  the  emigrants  from 
Holland,  names  alone  survive.  MONEMIUS  and  UNUWATS, 
whose  castles  Hudson  visited,  have  no  record  except  in  the 
deed  which  they  gave  to  their  lands,  while  AEPJIN,  king  of  the 
Mahicans,  and  GOETHALS,  king  of  the  Wapplngers,  float  in  an 
uncertain  twilight  which  is  scarcely  relieved  on  the  part  of  their 
contemporaries,  KAELCOP  and  SEWACKENAMO  of  the  Minsis^ 
WYANDANCE,  of  the  Montauks,  and  ORITANY  of  the  Hackin- 
sacks,  by  the  stirring  scenes  in  which  they  were  participants. 
Even  as  late  as  1710,  when  more  definite  rejlrds  came  to  be 
written,  there  is  no  preservation  of  the  lines  of  kings,  nor  is 
there  positive  identification  of  the  Mahlcan  and  Iroquois  sachems 
who  then  visited  England.  True,  it  is  said  that  HENDRIK  of 
the  Mohawks,  was  one  of  the  latter,  and  that  ELOW-OH-KAOM, 
of  the  Mahicans,  left  a  daughter  who  became  the  wife  of  UM- 
PACHENEE,  a  chief  subsequently  known  to  the  missionaries  of 
Stockbridge  ;  but  as  a  rule,  the  declaration  is  not  the  mere 
creation  of  the  poet  SPRAGUE,  that 

"The  doomed  Indian  leaves' behind  no  trace, 
To  save  his  own  or  serve  another  race, 
With  his  frail  breath  his  peftver  has  passed  away, 
His  deeds,  his  thoughts,  are  buried  with*  his  clay. 
His  heraldry  is  but  a  broken  bow, 
His  history  but  a  tale  of  wrong  and  woe, 
His  very  name  must  be  a  blank/' 

38 


300  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

On  the  part  of  the  Lenapes  the  name  of  TAMANY,  or  TA- 
MANED  has  beerf  preserved  in  a  halo  of  traditionary  glory.     He 
was  one  of  their  sachems  or  kings,  and  lived  possibly  as  late  as 
1680.      Heckewelder  says:     "The   fame   of  this    great    man 
extended   even  among   the   whites,   who   fabricated  numerous 
legends  respecting  him,   which   I   never  heard,  however,  from 
the  mouth  of  an  Indian,  and   therefore  believe  to  be  fabulous." 
He  is   said   to  have  been  a  resident  of  the  present   county  of 
Bucks,  in  Pennsylvania,  and   that  he  was   buried  near  a  spring 
about  three  and  a  half  miles  west  of  Doylestown,  in  that  county. 
Heckewelder  adds,  that    when    Colonel   George    Morgan    of 
Princeton,  visited   the  western  Indians,  by  order  of  congress, 
in  1776,  he  was  so   beloved  for  his  goodness  that  the  Lenapes 
gave  to  him  the  name  of  their  venerated  chief.     Morgan  brought 
back  to  the  whites  such  glowing  accounts  of  the  qualities  of  the 
ancient  chief,  that,  in  the  revolutionary  war,  he  was  dubbed  a 
saint,  his  name  was  placed  on  some  calendars,  and  his  festi 
val  celebrated  on  the   first  day  of  May  in  every  year.     "  On 
that  day  a  numerous  society  of  votaries  walked  together  in  pro 
cession  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  their  hats  decorated 
with  bucks'  tails,  and  proceeded  to  a  handsome  rural  place  out 
of  town  which  they  called  a  wigwam,  where,  after  a  long  talk 
or  Indian  speech  had  been  delivered,  and  the  calumet  of  friend 
ship  and  peace  had  been  smoked,  they  spent  the  day  in  festivity 
and  mirth.     After  dinner  Indian  dances  were  performed  on  the 
green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  the  calumet  was  again  smoked, 
and  the  company  separated."     "  After  the  war,"  adds  Thatcher, 
"  these  meetings  were  broken  up  ;  but   since   that  time  Tam 
many  societies  have  sprung  up  in  Philadelphia  and  New  York, 
which  have  excited  no  little  influence  in  political  circles." 

ALLUMMAPEES,  or  Sassoonan,  is  the  first  ruling  king  of  the 
Lenapes,  known  to  the  records.  He  was  the  associate,  perhaps 
the  successor  of  Tamany.  In  1718,  he  headed  the  deputation 
of  Indian  chieftains  at  Philadelphia,  who  signed  an  absolute 
release  to  the  proprietaries  *for  the  lands  "  situate  between 
Delaware  and  Sus'quehanna,  from  Duck  creek  to  the  mountains 
on  this  side  Lechay,  which  lands  had  been  granted  by  their 
ancestors  to  William  Penn."  In  1728,  he  had  removed  "from 


APPENDIX.  301 

on  Delaware  to  Shamokin."  Conrad  Weisser,  the  Indian 
interpreter,  writes  in  1747:  "The  Delaware  Indians  last  year 
intended  to  visit  Philadelphia,  but  were  prevented  by  ALLUM 
MAPEES'  sickness,  who  is  still  alive,  but  not  able  to  stir.  They 
will  come  down  this  year,  some  time  after  harvest.  ALLUM- 
MAPEES  has  no  successor  in  his  relations,  and  he  will  hear  of 
none  so  long  as  he  is  alive,  and  none  of  the  Indians  care  to 
meddle  in  the  affair.  Shikellimy  z  advises  that  the  government 
should  name  ALLUMMAPEES'  successor,  and  set  him  up  by 
their  authority,  that  at  this  critical  time  there  might  be  a  man 
to  apply  to,  since  ALLUMMAPEES  has  lost  his  senses  and  is  inca 
pable  of  doing  anything."  In  1747,  the  old  chief  took  part  in 
a  treaty  with  the  Moravians  concerning  the  erection  of  a  smithy 
at  their  town.  In  the  fall  of  that  year  he  deceased.  What 
ever  he  may  have  been  in  his  earlier  years,  he  was  but  little 
more  than  an  intemperate  imbecile  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
Weisser  writes :  "  ALLUMMAPEES  would  have  resigned  his 
crown  before  now,  but  as  he  had  the  keeping  of  the  public 
treasure  (that  is  to  say  of  the  council-bag),  consisting  of  belts 
of  wampum,  for  which  he  buys  liquor,  and  has  been  drunk  for 
these  two  or  three  years  almost  constantly,  it  is  thought  he  won't 
die  so  long  as  there  is  one  single  wampum  left  in  the  bag."  2 

TADAME  was  the  successor  of  Allummapees.  He  held  the 
crown  until  1756,  when  he  was  "  treacherously  murdered,  but 
by  whom  or  for  what  cause,"  says  Minor,  "  we  find  no  record."  3 
The  probabilities  are,  however,  that  as  he  was  active  in  the 
hostilities  which  had  then  been  inaugurated  with  the  English, 
his  death  was  caused  by  some  wretch  of  his  own  tribe  for  the 
purpose  of  obtaining  the  price  which  the  governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania  had  offered  for  his  scalp. 

TEEDYUSCUNG,  the  most  distinguished  of  the  modern  Lenape 
kings,  was  the  successor  of  Tadame.  Major  Parsons  writes 
that  he  was  "  a  lusty,  raw-boned  man,  but  haughty  and  very 
desirable  of  respect  and  command."  Reichel,  in  his  Memorials 
of  the  Moravian  Church^  adds  :  "  According  to  his  own  state- 

1  Shiktllimy  was   one  of  the  viceregent          2  Memorials  of  the   Moravian    Church, 
Oneida     chiefs,    residing    at    Shamokin.     i,   67. 
He  died  in  1748.  3  History  of  Wyoming. 


. 
302  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

ment,  he  was  born  about  the  year  1700,  in  New  Jersey,  east 
of  Trenton,  in  which  neighborhood  his  ancestors  of  the  Unamis 
had  been  seated  from  time  immemorial.  Old  Captain  Harris, 
a  noted  Delaware,  was  his  father.  The  same  was  the  father 
also  of  Captain  John  of  Nazareth,  of  young  Captain  Harris,  of 
Tom,  of  Jo,  and  of  Sam  Evans,  a  family  of  high-spirited  sons 
who  were  not  in  good  repute  with  their  white  neighbors.  The 
latter  named  them,  it  is  true,  for  men  of  their  own  people,  and 
TEEDYUSCUNG  they  named  Honest  John ;  yet  they  disliked 
and  then  feared  them,  for  the  Harrises  were  known  to  grow 
moody  and  resentful,  and  were  heard  to  speak  threatening  words 
as  they  saw  their  paternal  acres  passing  out  of  their  hands,  and 
their  hunting-grounds  converted  into  pasture  and  plowed  fields." 
When  the  Moravians  appeared  at  Bethlehem,  TEEDYUSCUNG 
came  to  hear  them  ;  soon  after  professed  conversion  and  was  bap 
tized.  His  conversion,  however,  was  not  proof  against  the 
wrongs  which  his  people  had  suffered,  and  when  the  offer  of  the 
crown  was  made  to  him  he  readily  accepted  it,  and  became 
their  leader.  At  the  conferences  which  he  attended,  says  the 
writer  last  quoted  :  "  TEEDYUSCUNG  stood  up  as  the  champion 
of  his  people,  fearlessly  demanding  restitution  of  their  lands,  or 
an  equivalent  for  their  irreparable  loss,  and  in  addition  the  free 
exercise  of  the  right  to  select,  within  the  territory  in  dispute,  a 
permanent  home.  The  chieftain's  imposing  presence,  his 
earnestness  of  appeal,  and  his  impassioned  oratory,  as  he  plead 
the  cause  of  the  long-injured  Lenape,  evoked  the  admiration  of 
his  enemies  themselves.  He  always  spoke  in  the  euphonious 
Delaware,  employing  this  Castilian  of  the  new  world  to  utter 
the  simple  and  expressive  figures  and  tropes  of  the  native  rhe 
toric  with  which  his  harangues  were  replete,  although  he  was 
conversant  with  the  white  man's  speech.  It  would  almost 
appear,  from  the  minutes  of  these  conferences,  that  the  English 
artfully  attempted  to  evade  the  point  at  issue,  and  to  conciliate 
the  indignant  chieftain  by  fair  speeches  and  uncertain  promises. 
The  hollowness  of  the  former  he  boldly  exposed,  and  the  latter 
he  scornfully  rejected  ;  so  that  it  was  soon  perceived  that  the 
Indian  king  was  as  astute  and  sagacious,  as  he  was  unmovable 
in  the  justice  of  his  righteous  demands.  This  conviction  forced 


APPENDIX.  303 

itself  upon  his  hearers,  and  then  they  yielded  to  the  terms  he 
laid  down."  He  was  the  hero  of  the  war  of  1755,  for  while 
Hendrik  boldly  demanded  the  simple  distribution  of  presents, 
TEEDYUSCUNG  wrung  the  liberties  of  his  people  from  both  his 
civilized  and  uncivilized  enemies. 

In  the  spring  of  1758,  TEEDYUSCUNG  removed  to  Wyoming, 
where,  agreeably  to  his  request  and  the  conditions  of  treaty,  a 
town  had  been  built  for  him  and  his  followers  by  the  govern 
ment  of  Pennsylvania.  Here  he  lived  not  unmindful  of  his 
long  cherished  object,  and  here  he  was  burned  to  death  on  the 
night  of  the  iQth  of  April,  1763,  while  asleep  in  his  lodge. 
"  The  concurrent  testimony  of  his  time  agrees  in  representing 
him  as  a  man  of  marked  ability,  a  brave  warrior,  a  sagacious 
counsellor  and  a  patriot  among  his  people.  Although  he  was 
governed  by  strong  passions,  and  a  slave  of  that  degrading  vice 
which  was  the  bane  of  his  race,  he  was  not  devoid  of  feeling, 
but  susceptible  of  the  gentler  influences  of  our  nature.  Numer 
ous  are  the  anecdotes  extant,  illustrating  his  love  of  humor,  his 
ready  wit,  his  quickness  of  apprehension  and  reply,  his  keen 
penetration,  and  his  sarcastic  delight  in  exposing  low  cunning 
and  artifice."  Stone  adds :  "  In  regard  to  the  character  of 
TEEDYUSCUNG,  the  sympathies  of  Sir  William  Johnson  were 
with  his  own  people  ;  yet  in  his  correspondence,  while  he  labored 
somewhat  to  detract  from  the  lofty  pretensions  of  the  Delaware 
captain,  the  baronet  conceded  to  him  enough  of  talent,  influence, 
and  power  among  his  people,  to  give  him  a  proud  rank  among 
the  chieftains  of  his  race.  Certain  it  is,  that  TEEDYUSCUNG 
did  much  to  restore  his  nation  to  the  rank  of  MEN." 

NETAWATWEES,  the  successor  of  Teedyuscung,  is  spoken  of 
in  the  highest  terms  by  Loskiel  and  Heckewelder.  Loskiel 
says  :  "  This  wise  man  spared  no  pains  to  conciliate  the  affection 
of  all  his  neighbors.  He  sent  frequent  embassies  to  his  grand 
children,  admonishing  them  to  keep  the  peace,  and  proved  in 
truth  a  wise  grandfather  to  them.  He  used  to  lay  all  affairs  of 
state  before  his  counsellors  for  their  consideration,  without  tell 
ing  them  his  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave  him  their 
opinion,  he  either  approved  of  it,  or  stated  his  objections  and 
amendments,  always  stating  the  reasons  of  his  disapprobation. 


304  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Thus  he  kept  them  active,  and  maintained  great  respect.  When 
the  war  of  the  revolution  came  on  he  did  every  thing  in  his 
power  to  preserve  peace  among  the  Indian  nations.  He,  however, 
received  a  message  from  the  Hurons,  "  that  the  Delaware; 
should  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness,  to  join  the  warriors." 
>This  message  he  would  not  accept,  but  sent  several  to  the  Hu- 
rons  admonishing  them  to  sit  still,  and  to  remember  the  misery 
they  had  brought  upon  themselves  by  taking  share  in  the  late 
war  between  the  English  and  the  French.  These  belts  were 
carried  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Hurons  in  Fort  Detroit,  but  as  it 
was  necessary  to  deliver  them  in  the  presence  of  the  English 
governor,  the  latter,  "  to  fulfill  his  duty,  cut  them  in  pieces, 
cast  them  at  the  deputies'  feet,  and  commanded  them  to 
depart."  He  died  at  Pittsburg  in  1776.  Loskiel  adds  :  uEver 
since  his  sentiments  changed  in  favor  of  the  Gospel,  he  was 
a  faithful  friend  of  the  brethren,  and  being  one  of  the  most 
experienced  chiefs  of  his  time,  his  council  proved  often  very 
serviceable  to  the  mission.  The  wish  he  uttered  as  his  last  will 
and  testament,  that  the  Delaware  nation  might  hear  and  believe 
the  word  of  God,  preached  by  the  brethren,  was  frequently  re 
peated  in  the  council  by  his  successors,  and  then  they  renewed 
their  covenant  to  use  their  utmost  exertions  to  fulfill  this  last 
wish  of  their  old,  worthy  and  honored  chief.  Upon  such  an 
occasion  Captain  White  Eyes,  holding  the  Bible  and  some  spell 
ing  books  in  his  hands,  addressed  the  council  with  great  emotion 
and  even  with  tears.  My  friends,  said  he,  you  have  now 
heard  the  last  will  and  testament  of  our  departed  chief.  I  will 
therefore  gather  together  my  young  men  and  their  children,  and 
kneeling  down  before  that  God  who  created  them,  will  pray 
unto  him,1  that  he  may  have  mercy  upon  us  and  reveal  his  will 
unto  us.  And  as  we  cannot  declare  it  to  those  who  are  yet 
unborn,  we  will  pray  unto  the  Lord  our  God,  to  make  it  known 
to  our  children,  and  children's  children."  Heckewelder  says  : 
"  All  the  surrounding  nations  appeared  to  have  been  sensible  of 
his  worth.  While  living,  he  often  encouraged  his  people  to 
adopt  the  way  of  living  by  agriculture,  and  finally  become  civil 
ized.  His  ideas  were,  that  unless  the  Indians  changed  their 
mode  of  living  they  would  in  time  dwindle  to  nothing." 


APPENDIX.  305 

Captain  WHITE  EYES,  or  Coquehageahton^  distinguished  for 
his  friendship  for  the  Americans  in  the  early  stages  of  the 
revolution,  was  the  successor  of  Netawatwees,  but  held  the 
government  only  two  years.  On  his  death,  in  1778,  a  regency 
took  the  direction  during  the  minority  of  the  lineal  heir  to  the 
throne.  On  the  death  of  the  latter,  in  1781,  GELELEMAND, 
alias  Killbuck,  became  king  by  election. 

One  of  the  earliest  chiers  of  the  Skawanoes,  of  whom  record 
has   been  preserved,   was  PAXINOS  or  Paxinosa,  who  came  to 
theMinnisink  country  in  1692,  and  who  appears,  in  the  records  of 
New  York,  as  chief  of  the  Minnisinks.    He  subsequently  fell  back 
with  his  people  to   the  Delaware  country,  and  next  appears  in 
the  difficulties  which  grew  out  of  the  removal  of  the  Lenapes  to 
Wyoming.     With  a  desire  to  strengthen    themselves    at  the 
latter  place,  Teedyuscung  and   PAXINOS   visited  the   "  believing 
Indians"  at  Gnadenhiitten,  in  1752,  and  desired  them  to  remove 
to  the  lands  which   they  had  selected,  repeating  as  the  order  of 
the  Six  Nations  :  u  They  (the   Iroquois)   rejoice  that  some  of 
the   believing  Indians   have   removed   to  Wyoming  ;  but  now 
they  lift  up  the  remaining  Mahicam  and  Delaware*  and  settle 
them  down  in  Wyoming,  for  there  a  fire  is  kindled  for  them, 
and  there  they  may  plant  and  think  on   God."     About  eighty 
of  the  converts  accompanied  the   parties  to  Wyoming,  but  the 
remainder  refused  to  do  so,  under  the  advice  of  the  missionaries. 
In   the  spring  of  1754,  PAXINOS  again  appeared  in  the  settle 
ment,  accompanied  by  twenty-three  warriors  and  three   Iroquois 
embassadors,  and  added  to  the  order  already  quoted,  that  if  the 
invitation  was  not  heeded,  "  the  great  head  (the  Iroquois)  would 
come  down  and  clean   their  ears  with  a  red-hot  poker."     Says 
Loskiel :  "PAXINOS  then  turned  to   the  missionaries,  earnestly 
demanding  of  them  not  to  hinder  the  Indians  from  removing  to 
Wajomick,  for  that  the  road  was  free,  therefore  they  might 
visit  their  friends  there,  stay  with  them  till  they  were  tired,  and 
then  return  to  their  own  country."     On  the  nth  of  February, 
1755,  PAXINOS  "demanded  an  answer  to  the  message  he  had 
brought  last  year,"  and  was  told  that  "  the  brethren  would  con 
fer  with    the    Iroquois  themselves,    concerning    the    intended 
removal  of  the  Indians  at  Gnadenhiitten  to  Wajomick."     Los- 


306  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

kiel  adds  :  "  PAXINOS,  being  only  an  embassador  in  this  business, 
was  satisfied,  and  even  formed  a  closer  acquaintance  with  the 
brethren.  His  wife,  who  heard  the  gospel  preached  daily,  was 
so  overcome  by  its  divine  power,  that  she  began  to  see  her  lost 
estate  by  nature,  and  earnestly  begged  for  baptism.  Her  hus 
band,  having  lived  thirty-eight  years  with  her  in  marriage,  to 
mutual  satisfaction,  willingly  gave  £is  consent,  prolonged  his 
stay  at  Bethlehem,  was  present  in  the  chapel,  and  deeply 
affected  when  his  wife  was  baptized  by  Bishop  Spangenberg." 
The  Indians  did  not  remove,  and,  soon  after  PAXINOS'  last  visit, 
the  Moravian  settlement  near  Shamokin  was  attacked,  and  four 
teen  persons  killed.  On  the  24th  of  November,  Shamokin 
shared  the  same  fate.  Several  persons  were  killed,  and  eleven 
belonging  to  the  mission  were  burned  alive ;  and,  on  New 
Year's  day  the  work  of  destruction  was  completed.  What 
connection  PAXINOS  had  with  these  hostilities  does  not  appear, 
but  it  is  said  that  he  sent  his  two  sons  to  rescue  brother  Kiefer,  if 
he  should  be  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  that  that  mission 
ary  was  conducted  by  them  to  Gnadenhiitten,  showing  that  he 
must  have  been  aware  that  the  attack  was  contemplated.  He 
was  present  at  the  treaty  with  Johnson  in  1756,  and  at  Easton 
with  Teedyuscung  in  1757,  on  which  latter  occasion  he  was 
addressed  by  Governor  Denny  as  "  our  hearty  friend  and  a 
lover  of  peace."  Reichel  says  he  removed  with  his  family  to 
the  Ohio  country  in  1758,  and  that  he  was  the  last  Shawanoe 
king  east  of  the  Alleghanies.  At  the  time  of  his  removal  he 
was  an  old  man,  and  was  doubtless  soon  after  gathered  to  his 
fathers.  His  son  Kolapeka  or  Teatapercaum^  alias  Samuel,  was 
a  distinguished  chief  in  the  war  of  1764. 

Although  perhaps  not  strictly  a  part  of  the  history  of  the 
Indians  of  Hudson's  river,  the  connection  of  the  Skawanoes 
with  the  Minsis  will  permit  the  introduction  of  one  or  two  of 
their  more  prominent  chiefs.  BENEVISSICA  represented  them 
in  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix  in  1764,  and  again  in  1765.  In 
1774,  it  is  said  that  a  belt  was  sent  to  NERERAHHE,  a  Shawanoe, 
u  but  he  being  a  sachem,  sent  it  to  the  chief  warrior  of  his 
nation,  SOWANOWANE."  Although  it  does  not  positively  appear, 
there  is  some  ground  for  the  presumption  that  the  latter  was 


APPENDIX.  307 

Hpne  other  than  the  famous  CORNSTALK,  who  stood  at  the  head 
of  the  western  confederacy  in  that  year,  and  who  held  the  com 
mand  in  the  engagement  with  the  forces  under  Dunmore  and 
Lewis  at  Point  Pleasant.  He  was  a  man  of  more  than  ordinary 
nerve  and  power,  as  well  as  one  of  the  most  eloquent  of  his 
race.  Says  Stone :  "  Col.  Wilson  who  was  present  at  |he 
interview  between  the  chief  and  Lord  Dunmore,  thus  speaks  of 
the  chieftain's  tearing  on  the  occasion  :  '  When  he  arose,  he 
was  in  no  wise  confused  or  daunted,  but  spoke  in  a  distinct  and 
audible  voice,  without  stammering  or  repetition,  and  with  pecu 
liar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  addressing  Dunmore,  were 
truly  grand  and  majestic,  yet  graceful  and  attractive.  I  have 
heard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia,  Patrick  Henry  and  Richard 
Henry  Lee  ;  but  never  have  I  heard  one  whose  powers  of  deli 
very  surpassed  those  of  CORNSTALK.'  '  After  his  treaty  with 
Dunmore  he  became  a  friend  to  the  English,  and  to  that  friend 
ship  gave  up  his  life.  Learning  that  his  people  were  determined 
to  make  war  upon  the  English,  he  visited  the  latter  in  1777,  at 
the  fort  which  they  had  erected  at  Point  Pleasant  to  take  advice. 
The  commandant  of  the  fort  detained  him  as  a  hostage,  and 
while  thus  detained  he  ^was  joined  by  his  son  Ellinipsico. 
Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  latter,  a  white  man  named  Gilmore 
was  killed  near  the  fort.  The  cry  of  revenge  was  raised,  and 
a  party  of  ruffians  assembled,  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Hall,  who,  instead  of  pursuing  'the  guilty,  fell  upon  the  hostages 
in  the  fort.  Seeing  that  there  was  no  escape  for  him,  the  old 
chief  addressed  his  son  :  "  My  son,  the  Great  Spirit  has  seen  fit 
that  we  should  die  together,  and  has  sent  you  to  that  end.  It 
is  his  will,  and  let  us  submit."  CORNSTALK  fell,  perforated 
with  seven  bullets,  and  died  without  a  struggle,  while  his  son 
met  his  fate  with  composure  and  was  shot  on  the  seat  upon 
which  he  was  sitting.  "  Thus,"  says  Withers  in  his  Indian 
Chronicles,  "perished  the  mighty  CORNSTALK,  sachem  of  the 
Shawanoes,  and  king  of  the  northern  confederacy  in  1774,  a 
chief  remarkable  for  many  great  and  good  qualities.  He  was 
disposed  to  be  at  all  times  the  friend  of  the  white  man,  as  he 
was  ever  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his 
country's  wrongs  summoned  him  to  battle,  he  became  the 
39 


308  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

thunderbolt  of  war,  and  made  his  enemies  feel  the  weight  <af 
his  arm.  His  noble  bearing,  his  generous  and  disinterested 
attachment  to  the  colonies,  his  anxiety  to  preserve  the  frontier 
of  Virginia  from  desolation  and  death,  all  conspired  to  win  for 
him  the  esteem  and  respect  of  others  ;  while  the  untimely  and 
perfidious  manner  of  his  death  caused  a  deep  and  lasting  feeling 
of  regret  to  pervade  the  bosoms,  even  of  those  who  were  ene 
mies  to  his  nation,  and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all  towards 
his  inhuman  murderers." 

The  most  distinguished  chief  of  the  Shawanoes,  of  more 
modern  times,  was  TECUMSEH,  who,  as  Parton  justly  writes, 
"  though  not  the  faultless  ideal  of  a  patriot  prince  that  romantic 
story  represents  him,  was  all  of  a  patriot,  a  hero,  a  man,  that 
an  Indian  can  be."  He  was  a  cross-breed,  the  son  of  a  Skawa- 
noe  by  a  Creek  woman,  and  at  a  very  early  age  gave  evidence 
of  superior  abilities  in  the  wars  which  were  terminated  by  the 
treaty  of  1794.  Thoroughly  indoctrinated  in  the  policy  of  his 
people,  and  a  willing  student  of  the  schools  which  demanded  a 
line  beyond  which  the  whites  should  not  advance  to  the  hunting 
grounds  of  the  west,  the  sale  of  the  lands  of  his  tribe  on  the 
Wabash,  soon  after  Mr.  Jefferson  came  into  power,  gave  him 
great  offense.  About  this  time  Hendrik,  of  the  Mahicans, 
conceived  the  plan  of  uniting  the  tribes  of  the  west  for  the 
better  protection  of  their  interests.  TECUMSEH  seized  the  idea 
quickly  and  perverted  its  purpose  to  the  accomplishment  of  an 
organization  which  should  have  for  its  object  the  entire  destruc 
tion  of  the  whites,  after  the  plan  of  his  great  prototype,  King 
Philip.  From  tribe  to  tribe  he  passed,  declaring  :  "  The  Great 
Spirit  gave  this  great  island  to  his  red  children  ;  he  placed  the 
whites  on  the  other  side  of  the  big  water  ;  they  were  not  con 
tented  with  their  own,  but  came  to  take  ours  from  us.  They 
have  driven  us  from  the  sea  to  the  lakes  ;  we  can  go  no  further. 
They  have  taken  upon  them  to  say  this  land  belongs  to  the 
Miamis,  this  to  the  Delaware*,  and  so  on  ;  but  the  Great  Spirit 
intended  it  as  the  common  property  of  us  all."  For  four  years 
he  was  engaged  in  the  work  of  preparing  the  tribes  for  a  gene 
ral  war.  A  silent  man  in  the  ordinary  circumstances  of  life, 
he  could  employ  more  than  the  eloquence  of  Logan,  and  when 


APPENDIX.  309 

descanting  upon  the  Indian's  wrongs,  and  the  white  man's 
encroachments.  General  Harrison,  who  was  long  his  patient 
and  forbearing  adviser,  and  then  his  conqueror,  speaks  of  him 
as  "  one  of  those  uncommon  geniuses  which  spring  up  occa 
sionally  to  produce  revolutions,  and  overturn  the  established 
order  of  things.  If  it  were  not  for  the  vicinity  of  the  United 
States,  he  would,  perhaps,  be  the  founder  of  an  empire,  that 
would  rival  in  glory  Mexico  or  Peru.  No  difficulties  deter 
him.  For  four  years  he  has  been  in  constant  motion.  You 
see  him  to-day  on  the  Wabash,  and  in  a  short  time  hear  of  him 
on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie  or  Michigan,  or  on  the  banks  of 
the  Mississippi  ;  and  wherever  he  goes  he  makes  an  impression 
favorable  to  his  purposes."  Failing  to  accomplish  his  purpose, 
he  accepted  the  overtures  of  the  British  and  brought  to  their 
aid,  in  the  war  of  1812,  two  thousand  warriors  —  an  alliance 
more  powerful  than  that  which  that  government  had  ever  been 
able  to  command  even  in  the  palmiest  days  of  the  Five  Nations. 
On  the  banks  of  the  Thames,  on  the  5th  of  October,  in  an 
engagement  which  will  forever  occupy  a  prominent  place  in 
American  history  from  its  association  with  his  fate,  he  gave  up 
his  life  in  endeavoring  to  promote  the  cause  of  those  in  whose 
selfish  purposes  he  had  no  interest,  but  in  whom  he  found  what 
he  believed  to  be  the  avengers  of  the  wrongs  of  his  people. 
He  is  described  as  a  person  of  erect,  athletic  frame,  of  noble, 
commanding  appearance,  and  the  air  of  a  king.  When  he  arose 
before  his  savage  audiences,  his  imposing  manner  created  a  feel 
ing  of  awe ;  but  when  he  kindled  with  his  great  subject,  he 
seemed  like  one  inspired.  His  eye  flashed  fire,  his  swarthy  bosom 
heaved  and  swelled  with  imprisoned  passion,  his  whole  frame 
dilated  with  excitement,  and  his  strong  untutored  soul  poured 
itself  forth  in  eloquence,  wild,  headlong,  and  resistless.  When 
not  addressing  his  clans,  he  was  cold  and  haughty.  "  His 
withering  sarcasm,"  says  Headley,  "  when  Proctor  proposed  to 
retreat  from  Walden ;  his  reply  to  the  interpreter,  who,  offering 
him  a  chair  in  the  presence  of  Harrison,  said,  *  Your  father 
wishes  you  to  be  seated/ — '  My  Father  !  the  sun  is  my  father, 
and  the  earth  my  mother  ;  I  will  rest  on  her  bosom ' —  reveal  a 
nature  conscious  of  its  greatness."  And  Parton  adds  :  u  If  to 


310  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

conceive  a  grand,  difficult,  and  unselfish  project,  to  labor  for 
years  with  enthusiasm  and  prudence  in  attempting  its  execution  ; 
to  enlist  in  it  by  the  magnetism  of  personal  influence  great 
multitudes  of  various  tribes  ;  to  contend  for  it  with  unfaltering 
valor  longer  than  there  was  hope  of  success  ;  and  to  die  fighting 
for  it  to  the  last,  falling  toward  the  enemy  covered  with  wounds, 
is  to  give  proof  of  an  heroic  cast  of  character,  then  is  the  Sha- 
wanoe  chief  TECUMSEH,  in  whose  veins  flowed  no  blood  that 
was  not  Indian,  entitled  to  rank  among  heroes."  * 

The  Six  Nations  were  not  without  their  great  men,  of  whom 
King  HENDRIK,  or  Soi-en-ga-rah-ta,  who  stood  for  so  many 
years  at  the  head  of  the  Mohawks^  was  one.  It  is  said  that 
he  was  born  in  1680,  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who 
visited  England  in  I7io.2  His  father  was  a  Mabican  chief, 
called  by  his  people  The  Wolf,  who,  either  by  captivity  and 
adoption  became  a  member  of  the  Mohawk  family,  or  was 
attracted  thither  by  the  fair  charmer  who  became  his  wife, 
herself  the  daughter  of  a  king.  In  the  right  of  his  mother, 
HENDRIK  became  king.  When  about  twenty  years  of  age, 
and  for  half  a  century  or  more  subsequently,  he  represented  his 
people  in  council  and  in  camp,  coming  down  to  the  present  time 
as  a  model  of  Indian  courage  and  the  embodiment  of  Indian 
eloquence.  His  greatest  service  to  the  English  appears  to  have 
been  performed  in  the  battle  under  Johnson,  at  Lake  George, 
in  1755,  where  he  lost  his  life,  and  his  greatest  speech  that 
which  he  delivered  before  the  conference  at  Albany  in  1754. 
That  the  reader  may  judge  of  its  merits,  without  the  trouble  of 
reference,  its  most  important  parts  are  copied  : 

u  Brethren  :  We  return  you  all  our  grateful  acknowledgments 
for  renewing  and  brightening  the  covenant  chain.  This  chain 
belt  is  of  very  great  importance  to  our  united  nations,  and  all 
our  allies  ;  we  will  therefore  take  it  to  Onondaga,  where  our 
council-fire  always  burns,  and  keep  it  so  securely  that  Slither 
thunder  nor  lightning  shall  break  it ;  there  we  will  consult  over 


1  Parton's  Life   of  Jackson  ;   Hcadley's  *  The  statement  of  Governor  Hunter 

Second  War  ivitA  England;   Drake's  Life  (Colonial  History,  v,  358),  leaves  no  room 

of  Tecumseh ;   Montgomery^  Life  of  Har-  to  doubt  that  Hendrik  was    one   of  the 

riton.  chiefs  named  as  parties  to  this  expedition. 


APPENDIX.  311 

it,  and  as  we  have  lately  added  two  links  to  it,  so  we  will  en 
deavor  to  add  as  many  more  links  to  it  as  lies  in  our  power ; 
and  we  hope  when  we  show  you  this  belt  again,  we  shall  give 
you  reason  to  rejoice  at  it,  by  your  seeing  the  vacancies  in  it 
filled  up.  In  the  meantime  we  desire  that  you  will  strengthen 
yourselves,  and  bring  as  many  into  this  covenant  chain  as  you 
possibly  can. 

"  We  do  now  solemnly  renew  and  brighten  the  covenant 
chain  with  our  brethren  here  present,  and  all  our  other  absent 
brethren  on  the  continent. 

"  Brethren  :  As  to  the  accounts  you  have  heard  of  our  living 
dispersed  from  each  other,  'tis  very  true.  We  have  several 
times  endeavored  to  draw  off  those  of  our  brethren  who  are 
settled  at  Oswegatchie  but  in  vain,  for  the  governor  of  Canada 
is  like  a  wicked  deluding  spirit ;  however,  as  you  desire  we  shall 
persist  in  our  endeavors. 

"  You  have  asked  us  the  reason  of  our  living  in  this  dispersed 
manner.  The. reason  is,  your  neglecting  us  for  these  three 
years  past.  You  have  thus  (taking  a  stick  and  throwing  it  be 
hind  his  back),  thrown  us  behind  your  back,  and  disregarded  us, 
whereas  the  French  are  a  subtle  and  vigilant  people,  ever  using 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  bring  our  people  over  to  them.  • 

"  Brethren :  It  is  very  true  as  you  told  us  that  the  clouds 
hang  heavy  over  us,  and  'tis  not  very  pleasant  to  look  up,  but 
we  give  you  this  belt  to  clear  away  all  clouds,  that  we  may  all 
live  in  bright  sunshine,  and  keep  together  in  strict  union  and 
friendship;  then  we  shall  become  strong  and  nothing  can  hurt  us. 

"  Brethren  :  This  is  the  ancient  place  of  treaty,  where  the 
fire  of  friendship  always  used  to  burn,  and  'tis  now  three  years 
since  we  have  been  called  to  any  public  treaty  here.  'Tts  true 
there  are  commissioners  here,  but  they  have  never  invited  us  to 
smoke  with  them  ;  but  the  Indians  of  Canada  come  frequently 
and  smoke  here,  which  is  for  the  sake  of  their  beaver ;  but  we 
hate  them.  'Tis  your  fault,  brethren,  that  we  are  not  strength 
ened  by  conquest,  for  we  would  have  gone  and  taken  Crown 
point,  but  you  hindered  us  ;  we  had  concluded  to  go  and  take 
it,  but  we  were  told  it  was  too  late,  and  that  the  ice  would  not 
bear  us  ;  instead  of  this,  you  burnt  your  own  fort  at  Saratoga 


312  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

and  run  away  from  it,  which  was  a  shame  and  a  scandal  to  you. 
Look  about  your  country  and  see  ;  you  have  no  fortifications 
about  you,  no,  not  even  to  this  city  ;  'tis  but  one  step  from 
Canada  hither,  and  the  French  may  easily  come  and  turn  you 
out  of  your  doors. 

"  Brethren  :  You  desire  us  to  speak  from  the  bottom  of  our 
hearts,  and  we  shall  do  it.  Look  about  you  and  see  all  these 
houses  full  of  beaver,  and  the  money  is  all  gone  to  Canada, 
likewise  powder,  lead  and  guns,  which  the  French  now  make 
use  of  at  Ohio. 

"  Brethren  :  The  goods  which  go  from  hence  to  Oswego, 
go  from  thence  to  Ohio,  which  further  enables  the  French  to 
carry  on  their  designs  at  the  Ohio. 

1  "  Brethren  :  You  were  desirous  that  we  should  open  our 
minds,  and  our  hearts  to  you  ;  look  at  the  French,  they  are 
men,  they  are  fortifying  everywhere  ;  but,  we  are  ashamed  to 
say  it,  you  are  all,  like  women,  bare  and  open  without  any 
fortifications." 

At  the  same  conference,  in  subsequent  session,  he  spoke  as 
follows  : 

u  Brethren  :  There  is  an  affair  about  which  our  hearts  tremble 
and  our  minds  are  deeply  concerned  ;  this  is  the  selling  of  rum 
in  our  castles.  It  destroys  many,  both  of  our  old  and  young 
people.  We  request  of  all  the  governments  here  present,  that 
it  may  be  forbidden  to  carry  any  of  it  amongst  the  Five  Nations. 

"  Brethren  :  We  are  in  great  fears  about  this  rum  ;  it  may 
cause  murder  on  both  sides*  We  don't  want  it  to  be  forbid  to 
be  sold  to  us  at  Albany,  but  that  none  may  be  brought  to  our 
castles.  The  Cayugas  now  declare  in  their  own  name,  that 
they  will  not  allow  any  rum  to  be  brought  up  their  river,  and 
those  who  do  so  must  take  the  consequences. 

"  Brethren  :  We,  the  Mohawks  of  both  castles,  have  also  one 
request  to  make,  which  is,  that  the  people  who  are  settled 
round  about  us,  may  not  be  suffered  to  sell  our  people  rum  ;  it 
keeps  them  all  poor,  makes  them  idle  and  wicked  ;  if  they  have 
any  money  or  goods  they  lay  it  all  out  in  rum  ;  it  destroys  vir 
tue  and  the  progress  of  religion  amongst  us.  We  have  a  friendly 
request  to  make  to  the  governor  and  all  the  commissioners  here 


l] 

TIIK    GKKA'i'    f  ALTAI  A  Or  THF,  SIX  NATIONS. 
•iniir,! ih'iirm,  i  'mi'm-il  J'.iiiitin.i  ,v 't'.l(,'/iui<-\ ;in  lit,'  <'<><it'ii<i'/<  /•/'///.  .  ,,/, -7 ',',;/•/-'•  '/////•;;?/ r, A/-'  /.v'.V. 


APPENDIX.  313 

present,  that  they  will  help  us  to  build  a  church  at  Canajoharie, 
and  that  we  may  have  a  bell  in  it,  which,  together  with  the 
putting  a  stop  to  the  selling  of  rum,  will  tend  to  make  us  religious 
and  lead  better  lives  than  we  now  do." 

Comparisons,  it  is  said,  are  odious  ;  in  this  case  they  are  not 
necessary  in  order  to  strip  from  history  the  high  coloring  which  has 
been  given  to  the  eloquence  of  HENDRIK.  Nor  can  it  with  truth 
be  added  that  Aupaumut  "  for  capacity,  bravery  and  vigor  of 
mind,  and  immovable  integrity  united,  he  excelled  all  the  abo 
riginal  inhabitants  of  whom  we  have  any  knowledge."  Concede 
to  him  all  that  even  charity  demands  for  his  race,  he  yet  failed 
to  rise  to  the  greatness  of  Massasoit,  Uncas,  Philip,  Teedyuscung, 
dupaumut,  Pontiac,  or  Tecumseh.  He  was  less  eloquent  than 
Logan  the  Oneida,  than  Aupaumut  the  Mahican,  than  Corn- 
planter  or  Red  Jacket  of  the  Senecas ;  his  bravery  and  his  integrity 
were  alike  tarnished  by  his  selfishness.  That  he  was  a  great 
man  among  his  people,  "  esteemed  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
among  the  Iroquois"  is  true.  The  concurrent  testimony  of 
every  traditionist  awards  to  him  great  natural  talents,  judgment 
and  sagacity.  His  death  was  heroic  ;  his  life,  a  criticism  on 
the  debasing  influences  of  civilization  upon  his  race. 

THAYENDANEGA,  or  Joseph  Brant,  who  is  regarded  as  the 
successor  of  King  Hendrik*  is  said  to  have  been  the  son  of  a 
Mohawk  woman  by  a  chief  of  the  OnondagasJ  although  there 
have  been  those  who  have  regarded  him  as  one  of  the  illegitimate 
children  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  He  was  born,  says  Stone,  in 
the  Ohio  country,  in  1742,  where  his  father  and  mother  were 

1  Speaking  of  the  succession  of  kings,  supplied  by  the  election  of  Joseph  Brant, 
Schoolcraft  remarks  :  "  The  din  of  ihe  an  entirely  new  man  in  the  line  of  chiefs, 
chief's  oldest  sister  was  the  chief  pre-  It  was  the  wise  policy  of  Sir  Wm.  John- 
sum  ptive.  Such  was  the  Iroquois  rule  son  and  his  son,  to  lay  the  greatest  stress 
when  King  Hendrik  fell  at  the  battle  of  on  his  tribal  authority,  and  to  strengthen 
Lake  George  5  he  had  a  son  of  mature  age,  it  by  every  means,  as  the  best  and  most 
who  made  use  of  the  memorable  expres-  direct  way  of  exercising  an  influence  over 
sion,  on  hearing  his  father's  death,  "  No,  the  tribes."  (Hist.  Indian  Tribes,  part  iv, 
he  is  not  dead,  but  lives  here,"  striking  481).  In  Colonial  History,  vin,  53,  Abra- 
his  breast.  Yet  he  did  not  succeed  his  father  ham'  is,  said  to  have  been  the  great  Hen- 
in  the  Mohawk  chieftaincy.  It  fell  to  drik's  brother,  not  a  son  of  the  sister  of 
his  sister's  son,  Little  Abraham,  a  mild  that  chief,  as  stated  by  Schoolcraft.  But 
and  politic  chief,  who  died  at  the  era  of  he  was  not  the  less  the  legitimate  suc- 
the  opening  of  the  American  revolution,  cessor  to  the  throne. 
On  this,  there  was  a  vacancy  which  was 


314  HUDSON  RWER  INDIANS. 

then  temporarily  residing,  and  where  his  father  soon  after  died. 
His  mother,  on  her  return  to  Canajoharie,  married  an  Indian 
called  Carrihogo,  or  News  Carrier,  whose  Christian  name 
was  Barnet  or  Bernard,  which  was  subsequently  contracted  into 
Brant,  by  which  name  his  step-son  was  also  known,  being  first 
called  Brant's  Joseph,  and  subsequently,  by  inversion, 
Joseph  Brant.  His  position  as  chief  was  mainly  due  to  his 
associations  with  the  Johnsons.  His  sister,  Mary  or  Molly,  was 
the  concubine  of  Sir  William,  and  as  her  brother  was  perhaps 
necessarily  much  in  her  company,  Johnson  sent  him  to  Dr. 
Wheelock's  school,  and  subsequently  employed  him  as  his  secre 
tary  as  an  agent  in  public  affairs.  Throughout  the  revolution  he 
was  engaged  in  warfare  chiefly  upon  the  border  settlements  of 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  in  connection  with  the  Johnsons 
and  Butlers.  After  the  war  he  devoted  himself  to  the  social 
and  religious  improvement  of  the  Mohawks,  who  were  settled 
upon  the  Ouise  or  Grand  river,  in  Upper  Canada,  upon  lands 
granted  to  them  by  the  governor  of  that  province.  He  trans 
lated  the  Gospel  of  St.  Mark  into  the  Mohawk  language  ;  and 
in  many  ways  his  exertions  for  the  spiritual  and  temporal  wel 
fare  of  his  people  were  eminently  successful,  and  endeared  him 
to  his  nation.  He  was  far  from  being  a  great  or  an  able  chief, 
many  of  his  contemporaries  being  his  peers  in  courage  and  in 
native  ability.  "His  education  and  his  association  with  the  John 
sons  gave  him  in  prominence  what  he  lacked  in  distinctive 
merit.  He  died  at  his  residence  at  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario, 
November  24th,  1807,  aged  65  years.  One  of  his  sons  (John) 
was  an  officer  in  the  British  service,  on  the  Niagara  frontier  in 
the  war  of  1812.  (Lossing,  I,  257).  Schoolcraft  repudiates  the 
claim  set  up  by  Stone  that  Brant  was  made  the  war  chieftain  of 
the  confederacy.  He  asserts  that  no  such  office  existed,  and 
that  Brant  was  simply  a  chief  of  the  third  and  lowest  class. 
(Notes  on  the  Iroquois,  496).  The  authority  which  he  exercised 
was  undoubtedly  by  virtue  of  his  commission  from  the  British 
government.  At  no  time  was  his  course  approved  by  the  united 
voice  of  the  confederacy  in  council  at  Onondaga. 

LOGAN,  who  was  regarded  by  Jefferson  as  the  most  eloquent 
of  all  the  aborigines,  "  was  the  son  of  Shikellimy,  alias  Swatane, 


APPENDIX.  315 

an  Onetda  chief  of  the  Oquacbo  or  Wolf  tribe  of  Indians,  who 
was  in  1728,  acting  representative  of  the  Five  Nations,  in  busi 
ness  affairs  with  the  proprietary  government,  and  who  was  ap 
pointed  their  vicegerent,  and  in  this  capacity  administered  their 
tributaries  within  the  province  of  Pennsylvania,  with  Shamokin 
for  his  seat.1  His  father  was  one  of  the  earliest  to  encourage 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  by  the  Moravians.  He  was  a 
great  friend  of  the  celebrated  James  Logan,  who  accompanied 
Penn  on  his  last  voyage  to  America,  and  who  subsequently 
became  distinguished  in  the  colony  for  his  learning  and  benevo 
lence.  Hence  the  name  of  his  son.  LOGAN  married  a  Sba- 
wanoe  woman  and  removed  from  his  father's  lodge  to  the  Ohio 
country  where  he  became  a  chief,  and,  from  the  fact  of  his 
intermarriage  with  the  Shawanoes,  a  Mingoe.  He  was  a  friend 
of  the  white  men,  by  education  and  association,  and  one  of  the 
noblest  of  his  race,  not  only  by  right  of  birth,  but  in  considera 
tion  of  his  own  character.  During  the  Indian  wars  connected 
with  the  contest  with  France,  he  took  no  part  save  in  the  cha 
racter  of  a  peace-maker.  In  the  spring  of  1774,  a  company  of 
land  "agents  and  traders  on  the  Ohio  came  in  collision  with  the 
Indians,  and  in  retaliation  for  the  loss  of  two  of  their  men, 
succeeded  in  killing  LOGAN'S  entire  family,  including  his  young 
est  brother  and  his  sister.  For  this  and  similar  acts,  LOGAN 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  Ohio  •  Senecas,  and,  in 
company  with  the  Lenapes  and  Shawanoes  under  Cornstalk,  in 
vaded  the  Virginia  border  with  fire  and  tomahawk.  At  the 
treaty  of  peace  with  Dunmore,  LOGAN  was  not  present.  On 
being  visited  for  the  purpose  of  securing  his  assent  to  the  terms, 
he  delivered  the  famous  speech  which  Jefferson  has  preserved 
in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  and  which  has  become  familiar  wher 
ever  the  English  language  is  spoken  :  "  I  appeal  to  any  white 
man  to  say  if  he  ever  entered  LOGAN'S  cabin"  hungry,  and  he 
gave  him  not  meat  ;  if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked  and  he 
clothed  him  not.  During  the  course  of  the  last  long  and  bloody 
war,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin,  an  advocate  for  peace. 

1  Memorials    Moravian  Church,    i,    83.  both  were  full-blooded  Oneidas.      Shikel- 

Shikellimy  is   called    a   Cayuga    chief,    by  limy  had  three  sons,  John,  James  Logan, 

some  writers,  and  his  son  a  Mingoe,  but  and  John    Petty.      He   died   in    1749. 

the  testimony  of  Reichel  seems  clear  that  Loskiel,  n,   119. 

40 


316  HUDSON  R17ER  INDIANS. 

Such  was  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my  countrymen  pointed, 
as  they  passed,  and  said,  '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  the  white  men.' 
I  had  even  thought  to  live  with  you,  but  for  the  injuries  of  one 
man.  Colonel  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood  and  unpro 
voked,  murdered  all  the  relations  of  Logan,  not  even  sparing 
my  women  and  children.  There  runs  not  a  drop  of  my  blood 
in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature.  This  called  on  me  for 
revenge.  I  have  sought  it ;  I  have  killed  many  ;  I  have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beams 
of  peace ;  but  do  not  harbor  a  thought  that  mine  is  the  joy  of 
fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will  not  turn  on  his  heel  to 
save  his  live.  Who  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ?  Not  one." 
Soon  after  the  treaty  at  which  this  speech  was  delivered,  LOGAN 
became  intemperate,  and  on  his  return  from  one  of  his  visits  to 
Detroit  was  murdered  in  the  woods. 

Among  the  distinguished  men  of  the  Five  Nations  at  an 
earlier  period  was  GARANGULA,  who'was  called. "the  pride  of 
the  Onondaga  tribe,"  and  whose  speech  in  reply  to  M.  de  la 
Barre,  the  governor  of  Canada,  in  1684,  is  quoted  by  Thatcher 
and  Drake.  At  the  time  of  its  delivery  he  was  an  old  man, 
and  disappears  from  history  soon  after.  A  man  of  more  activity 
was  the  warrior  called  by  the  English,  BLACK  KETTLE.  Golden 
speaks  of  him  as  a  "  famous  hero  ;  "  but  few  of  his  exploits 
have  come  down  to  the  present  time.  "  It  is  only  known," 
says  Thatcher,  "  that  he  commanded  large  parties  of  his  country 
men,  who  were  exceedingly  troublesome  to  the  French.  In 
1691,  he  made  an  irruption  into  the  country  around  Montreal, 
at  the  head  of  several  hundred  men.  "  He  overran  Canada  (say 
the  French  annalists),  as  a  torrent  does  the  low  lands,  when  it 
overflows  its  banks,  and  there  is  no  withstanding  it.  The  troops 
of  the  stations  received  orders  to  stand  upon  the  defensive ;  and 
it  was  not  until  the  enemy  were  returning  home  victorious,  after 
having  desolated  the  French  possessions,  that  a  force  of  four 
hundred  soldiers  was  mustered  to  pursue  them.  BLACK  KET 
TLE  is  said  to  have  had  but  half  that  number  with  him  at  this 
juncture,  but  he  gave  battle  and  fought  desperately.  After  losing 
twenty  men  slain,  with  some  prisoners,  he  broke  through  the 
French  ranks  and  escaped,  leaving  a  considerable  number  of  his 


! 


APPENDIX.  317 

enemies  wounded  and  killed."     The  story  is  no  doubt  exagge 
rated,  but  the  courage  and  daring  of  the  famous  chief  is  well  attested. 
At  a  later  period  the  names  of  SKENANDO,  CORNPLANTER  and 
RED  JACKET  are  prominent  in   Indian  annals.     The   former 
was  of 'the  Qnetdas,  and  the  author  of  this  famous  reply:  "  I  am 
an    aged    hemlock ;    the    winds  of  an    hundred    winters    have 
whistled  through  my  branches ;  I  am  dead  at   the  top.     The 
generation  to  which  I  belonged  has  run  away  and  left   me." 
He  was  one  of  the  converts  to  the  missionary,  Kirkland  ;  was 
a  warm  friend  of  the  Americans  during  the  revolution,  and  died 
in   1816,  at  the  age  of  one   hundred  and   ten  years.     CORN- 
PLANTER   was   a    Seneca  half-breed,   his   father  being  a  Dutch 
trader.     RED  JACKET  was  a  full-blooded  Seneca.     Both  were 
distinguished  for  their  eloquence,  and  both  were  engaged  in  the 
border  wars  of  the  revolution  as  inveterate  enemies  of  the  colo 
nists.     The   former  died  in  1836,   at   the  age  of  one  hundred 
and  one  years,  and  the  latter  in  1830,  aged  about  ninety  years. 
PASSACONNAWAY,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the    Pennacooks 
at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the   Indian  nations.     "  His   name,"   says   Schoolcraft, 
"  is  indicative  of  his  warlike  character  — Papisseconewa,  as  writ 
ten  by  himself,  meaning  The  Child  of  the  Bear."     We  first 
hear  of  him  in  1627  or  8.     Thomas  Morton,  in  his   New  Eng 
lish  Canaan,  thus  speaks  of  him,  being  in  this  country  at  that 
time  :  "  That  Sachem  or  Sagamore  is  a  Powah  of  great  estima 
tion  amongst  all  kind  of  salvages,   there  hee  is  at  their  Revels 
(which   is   the   time  when  a  greate  company  of  salvages  meete 
from  several  parts  of  the  country,  in  amity  with  their  neighbors), 
hath  advanced  his  honor  in  his  feats  or  jugling  tricks  (as  I  may 
right  tearme  them],  to  the  admiration  of  the  spectators,  whom 
hee  endeavored  to  perswade  that  hee  would  goe  under  water  to 
the  further  side  of  a  river   to   broade  for  any  man  to  undertake 
with  a  breath,  which  thing  hee  performed  by  swiming  over  and 
deluding  the  company  with  casting  a  mist  before  their  eyes  that 
see  him  enter  in  and  come  out  ;  but  no  part  of  the  way  he  has 
bin   scene  ;  likewise  by  our   English  in  the  heat  of  all  summer, 
to  make  ice  appear  in  a  bowle  of  faire   water,  first   having   the 
water  set  before  him,  hee  hath  begunne  his  incantation  accord- 


318  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

ing  to  their  usual  custom,  and  before  the  same  hath  bin  ended, 
a  thick  cloude  has  darkened  the  aire,  on  a  sodane  a  thunderclap 
hath  bin  heard  that  has  amazed  the  natives  ;  in  an  instant  hee 
hath  showed  a  firme  peece  of  ice  to  flote  in  the  middest  of  the 
bowle  in  the  presence  of  the  vulgar  people,  which  doubtless 
was  done  by  the  agility  of  Satan  his  consort." 

But  he  was  something  more  than  a  juggler  ;  his  ability  as  a 
warrior  and  as  a  ruler  is  acknowledged.  Gookin  wrote  of  him 
in  1675  :  "  He  lived  to  a  very  great  age,  as  I  saw  him  alive  at 
Pawtucket  when  he  was  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  years 
old."  Schoolcraft  argues  that  the  time  when  Gookin  saw  him 
was  in  1648,  and  hence  that  he  was  one  hundred  years  old  when 
the  English  first  purchased  land  from  him.  He  was  converted 
by  Eliot  in  1648,  and  continued  a  professing  Christian  until  the 
time  of  his  death.  In  1660,  when  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  years  old,  he  called  his  tribe  around  him  and  delivered  his 
farewell  speech.  "  The  occasion,"  says  Schoolcraft,  "  filled  all 
with  sorrow,  in  spite  of  Indian  stoicism.  PASSACONNAWAY  was 
deeply  affected,  and  his  voice,  tremulous  with  age  and  emotion, 
still  was  musical  and  powerful — a  splendid  remnant  of  that 
whose  power  and  beauty,  in  the  fullness  and  vigor  of  manhood, 
had  soothed  or  excited  the  passions  of  assembled  savages,  and 
moulded  them  to  suit  the  purposes  of  the  speaker. 

"  Hearken,"  said  he,  "  to  the  words  of  your  father.  I  am 
an  old  oak,  that  has  withstood  the  storms  of  more  than  an 
hundred  winters.  Leaves  and  branches  have  been  stripped  from 
me  by  the  winds  and  frosts  —  my  eyes  are  dim  —  my  limbs 
totter  —  I  must  soon  fall !  But  when  young  and  sturdy,  when 
no  young  man  of  the  Pennacooks  could  bend  my  bow  —  when 
my  arrows  would  pierce  a  deer  at  an  hundred  yards,  and  I  could 
bury  my  hatchet  in  a  sapling  to  the  eye  —  no  weekwam  had  so 
many  furs,  no  poll  so  many  scalp-locks  as  Passaconaway's  ! 
Then,  I  delighted  in  war.  The  whoop  of  the  Pennacook  was 
heard  upon  the  Mohawk — ^and  no  voice  so  loud  as  Passacona 
way's.  The  scalps  upon  the  pole  of  my  weekwam  told  the 
story  of  Mohawk  suffering. 

"  The  English  came,  they  seized  our  lands  ;  I  sat  me  down 
at  Pennacook.  They  followed  upon  my  footsteps ;  I  made 


APPENDIX.  319 

war  upon  them,  but  they  fought  with  fire  and  thunder ;  my 
young  men  were  swept  down  before  me  when  no  one  was  near 
them.  I  tried  sorcery  against  them,  but  still  they  increased  and 
prevailed  over  me  and  mine,  and  I  gave  place  to  them,  and 
retired  to  my  beautiful  island  of  Natticook.  I,  that  can  make 
the  dry  leaf  turn  green  and  live  again  ;  I,  that  can  take  the  rat 
tlesnake  in  my  palm  as  I  would  a  worm,  without  harm  ;  I,  who 
had  communion  with  the  Great  Spirit,  dreaming  and  awaking  ; 
I  am  powerless  before  the  pale  faces.  The  oak  will  soon  break 
before  the  whirlwind,  it  shivers  and  shakes  even  now;  soon  its 
trunk  will  be  prostrate,  the  ant  and  the  worm  will  sport  upon 
it.  Then  think,  my  children,  of  what  I  say  ;  I  commune  with 
the  Great  Spirit.  He  whispers  me  now.  '  Tell  your  peopl'e, 
peace,  peace  is  the  only  hope  of  your  race.  I  have  given  fire  and 
thunder  to  the  pale  faces  for  weapons  ;  I-  have  made  them  plentier 
than  the  leaves  of  the  forest,  and  still  they  shall  increase ! 
These  meadows  they  shall  turn  with  the  plough,  these  forests 
shall  fall  by  the  axe,  the  pale  faces  shall  live  upon  your  hunting- 
grounds,  and  make  their  villages  upon  your  fishing  places.'  The 
Great  Spirit  says  this,  and  it  must  be  so.  We  are  few  and 
powerless  before  them.  We  must  bend  before  the  storm. 
The  wind  blows  hard  !  The  old  oak  trembles  !  Its  branches 
are  gone  !  Its  sap  is  frozen  !  It  bends  !  It  falls  !  Peace,  peace 
with  the  white  man  is  the  command  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
the  wish  —  the  last  wish  of  Passaconnaway." 

The  old  chief  did  not  die  at  that  time,  but  his  activity  was 
so  impaired  that  he  abdicated  his  throne  to  his  son  Wannalancet. 
He  died  between  1663  and  1669  —  the  oldest,  most  learned, 
and  most  eloquent  of  his  race. 

SOQUANS  and  MINICHQUE  appear  as  representatives  of  the 
Mahicdns  on  the  Hudson  in  1700.  The  first  was  a  speaker  of 
more  than  ordinary  merit,  as  his  public  addresses  attest. 
MINICHQUE  is  called  the  u  great  sachem  "  of  his  people,  and 
great  he  certainly  was  in  forgiving,  upon  his  death-bed,  his  mur 
derers,  and  praying  that  they  might  be  spared  the  punishment 
due  for  the  offense  which  they  had  committed.  There  is  a 
moral  grandeur  in  this,  the  crowning  act  of  his  life,  which  appeals 
to  every  reasonable  mind.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  so  little  is 


320  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

known  of  his  history.  There  is  no  doubt  he  was  one  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Mahicans  at  the  time  the  Mohawks  appealed  to 
the  governor  of  Canada,  to  protect  them  against  his  nation,1  and 
that  he  subsequently  became  firmly  attached  to  the  English 
government.  He  was  an  intemperate  man,  but  in  this  was  no 
exception  to  his  race ;  he  was  beloved  by  his  people  for  his 
greatness  as  a  savage  ;  his  dying  wish  associates  with  his  memory 
one  of  the  "  attributes  of  the  gods." 

The  "  oldest  man "  among  the  Mahicans^  when  the  New 
England  missionaries  first  visited  them,  was  Captain  JOHN 
KONAPOT.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  to  the  deed  to  Parsons 
and  his  associates  in  1724,  and  subsequently  became  an  influen 
tial  member  of  the  mission  church  at  Stockbridge.  Hopkins 
says  of  him  :  "  KONAPOT,  the  principal  man  among  the  Muhhe- 
kanok  of  Massachusetts,  was  strictly  temperate,  very  just  and 
upright  in  his  dealings,  a  man  of  prudence  and  industry,  and 
inclined  to  embrace  the  Christian  religion  j  "  and  Sergeant  adds  : 
"  He  is  an  excellent  man,  and  I  do  believe  has  the  true  spirit  of 
Christianity  in  him."  He  had  from  Gov.  Belcher  a  commission 
as  captain,  and  served  his  people  and  the  Massachusetts  govern 
ment  well  and  faithfully.  His  son,  JOHN  KONAPOT,  Jr.,  is 
said  to  have  been  the  grandson  of  old  King  Hendrik  of  the 
Mohawks.  The  date  of  his  death  is  not  given,  but  it  probably 
occurred  about  1750. 

The  most  distinguished  man  of  the  Mabicans  was  Captain 
HENDRIK  AUPAUMUT,  subsequently  known  as  Captain  HEN 
DRIK,  who  appears  to  have  sustained  the  most  important  rela 
tion  to  his  tribe  and  to  the  nation  for  nearly  half  a  century.2 
Of  his  birth  and  parentage  nothing  is  known.  He  is  first 

1  Brodhcad,  n,  161.  death  of  King  Solomon,  the  government, 

2  In  1771,  Benjamin  Kok-ke-we-nau-  it  is  said,  devolved   upon  Joseph   Quan- 
naut,  called    King   Benjamin,   being   94  au-kaunt  (pronounced,  by  the  English  at 
years  of  age,  resigned  his  office  of  sachem,  least,  Quinney-hong,  and  now  generally 
and  requested  his  people  to  elect  a  succes-  spelled  Quinney),  who  divided  his  power 
sor.     Solomon  Un-haun-nau-waun-nutt  more  equally  with  his  counsellors — Peter 
was  chosen.      He  was  acting  in  that  ca-  Poh-quon-nop-peet  (pronounced  Ponkne- 
pacity  at  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution  and  peet),  Captain  Hendrik  Aupaumut  and 
was  addressed  by  the  Massachusetts  Con-  Captain   John    Konapot,    Jr.     The   wife 
vention.   He  died  in  February,  1777,  while  of  Captain  Hendrik  and  the  wife  of  King 
Benjamin  lived  until  1781,  dying  at  the  Solomon,      were     the     sisters    of    King 
advanced   age  of  104  years.      After   the  Joseph. — Stockbridgc,  Past  and  Present. 


APPENDIX.  321 

introduced  as  the  speaker  in  the  conference  with  the  Mohawk 
embassadors  during  the  war  of  1746.  At  the  conference  in 
Albany,  in  1754,  he  represented  his  tribe,  and  in  response^to  the 
governor,  delivered  the  following  address  : 

"  Fathers  :  We  are  greatly  rejoiced  to  see  you  all  here.  It 
is  by  the  will  of  Heaven  that  we  are  met  here,  and  we  thank 
you  for  this  opportunity  of  seeing  you  altogether,  as  it  is  a  long 
time  since  we  have  had  such  an  one. 

"  Fathers  :   Who   sit   present   here,   we  will  just  give  you  a 
short   relation  of  the  long  friendship   which  hath  subsisted  be 
tween  the  white  people  of  this  country  and  us.     Our  forefathers 
had  a  castle  on  this  river.     As  one  of  them  walked  out  he  saw 
something  on  the  river,   but  was  at  a  loss  to  know  what  it  was. 
He  took  it  at  first  for  a  great  fish.     He  ran   into  the  castle  and 
gave  notice  to  the  other  Indians.     Two  of  our  forefathers  went 
to  see  what  it  was,  and  found  it  a  vessel  with  men  in  it.     They 
immediately  joined   hands   with  the   people   in  the   vessel  and 
became  friends.     The  white   people  told  them  they  should  not 
come   any  further   up  the   river  at  that  time,   and  said  to  them 
they  would  return  back  whence  they  came  and  come  again  in  a 
year's  time.     According  to  their  promise  they  returned  back  in 
a  year's  time,  and  came  as  far  up  the  river  as  where  the  old  fort 
stood.     Our  forefathers  invited  them  on  shore  and  said  to  them, 
here  we  will  give  you  a  place  to  make  you  a  town  ;  it  shall  be 
from  this  place  to  such  a  stream,  and  from  the  river  back  up  to 
the  hill.     Our  forefathers  told  them,  though  they  were  now  a 
small  people  they  would   in  time  multiply  and  fill  up  the  land 
they  had  given   to  them.     After  they  went  ashore  some  time, 
some  other  Indians  who  had  not  seen  them  before,  looked  fiercely 
at  them,  and  our  forefathers  observing  it,  and  seeing  the  white 
people   so   few   in   number,   lest  they  should  be  destroyed,  took 
and   sheltered  them  under  their   arms.     But  it  turned  out  that 
those  Indians  did  not  desire  to  destroy  them,  but  wished  also  to 
have  the  white   people   for   their  friends.     At  this  time,  which 
we  have  now  spoken  of,  the  white  people  were  small,  but  we 
were   very  numerous  and  strong.     We  defended  them  in  that 
low  state,  but  now  the  case  is  altered.     You  are  numerous  and 
strong  j  we  are  few  and  weak  ;  therefore  we  expect  you  to  act 


322  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

by  us  in  these  circumstances  as  we  did  by  you  in  those  we  have 
just  now  related.  We  view  you  now  as  a  very  large  tree  which 
has  taken  deep  root  in  the  ground  ;  whose  branches  are  spread 
very  wide.  We  stand  by  the  body  of  this  tree  and  we  look 
around  to  see  if  there  be  any  who  endeavor  to  hurt  it,  and  if  it 
should  so  happen  that  any  are  powerful  enough  to  destroy  it, 
we  are  ready  to  fall  with  it. 

"  Fathers  :  You  see  how  early  we  made  friendship  with  you. 
We  tied  each  other  in  a  very  strong  chain.  That  chain  has 
not  yet  been  broken.  We  now  clean  and  rub  that  chain  to 
make  it  brighter  and  stronger,  and  we  determine  on  our  part 
that  it  shall  never  be  broken,  and  we  hope  you  will  take  care 
that  neither  you  nor  any  one  else  shall  break  it.  And  we  are 
greatly  rejoiced  that  peace  and  friendship  have  so  long  subsisted 
between  us. 

u  Fathers  :  Don't  think  strange  at  what  we  are  about  to  say. 
We  would  say  something  respecting  our  lands.  When  the 
white  people  purchased  from  time  to  time  of'  us,  they  said  they 
only  wanted  to  purchase  the  low  lands  ;  they  told  us  the  hilly 
land  was  good  for  nothing,  and  that  it  was  full  of  wood  and 
stones ;  but  now  we  see  people  living  all  about  the  hills  and 
woods,  although  they  have  not  purchased  the  lands.  When 
we  inquire  of  the  people  who  live  on  these  lands  what  right 
they  have  to  them,  they  reply  to  us,  that  we  are  not  to  be 
regarded,  and  that  these  lands  belong  to  the  king;  but  we  were 
the  first  possessors  of  them,  and  when  the  king  has  paid  us  for 
them,  then  they  may  say  they  are  his.  Hunting  now  has 
grown  very  scarce,  and  we  are  not  like  to  get  our  living  that 
way.  Therefore  we  hope  our  fathers  will  take  care  that  we  are 
paid  for  our  lands  that  we  may  live."  x 

In  the  war  which  followed,  HENDRIK  served  the  English 
faithfully,  and  returned  to  his  people  with  honor.  In  1774,  he 
represented  his  tribe  at  the  Albany  conference  held  by  the  com 
missioners  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  there  delivered  one 
of  the  most  eloquent  speeches  in  the  English  language.  "  Depend 
upon,"  said  he,  "we  are  true  to  you,  and  mean  to  join  you. 
Wherever  you  go,  we  will  be  by  your  sides.  Our  bones  shall 

1  Colonial  History,  vi,  88 1. 


APPENDIX.  323 

lie  with  yours.  We  are  determined  never  to  be  at  peace  with 
the  red  coats,  while  they  are  at  variance  with  you.  We  have 
one  favor  to  beg :  we  should  be  glad  if  you  would  help  us  to 
^establish  a  minister  among  us,  that  when  our  men  are  gone  to 
war,  our  women  and  children  may  have  the  advantage  of  being 
instructed  by  them.  If  we  are  conquered,  our  lands  go  with 
yours  ;  but  if  you  are  victorious,  we  hope  you  will  help  us  to 
recover  our  just  rights."  And  in  this  spirit  himself  and  his 
people  fought  to  make  a  free  nation  for  white  men. 

Welcoming  the  missionaries  among  his  people,  HENDRIK 
impressed  upon  them  a  recognition  of  his  worth  even  while 
refusing  to  unite  with  them,  and  in  all  his  intercourse  with  them 
and  with  the  authorities,  won,  by  his  demeanor  and  his  integrity, 
the  tribute  due  to  royalty.  Says  his  biographer :  "  He  was 
often  employed  as  an  interpreter,  and  in  this  capacity  his  strong 
memory,  his  clear,  lucid  manner,  and  his  mind-illumed  face, 
as  he  conveyed  the  thoughts  of  a  preacher  to  his  people,  are 
highly  praised.  His  public  speeches  are  spoken  of  as  always 
remarkable  for  perspicuity  and  sound  sense.  '  I  have,'  says  our 
informant,  '  seen  many  Indian  chiefs,  but  never  his  equal  ; ' ! 
testimony  which  is  the  more  valuable,  coming  as  it  does  from 
one  who  had  no  personal  ends  to  serve  by  magnifying  the  con 
sequence  of  the  people  among  whom  he  labored,  and  who  at 
one  time  had  "  the  Great  Hendrik "  of  the  Mohawks  among 
his  pupils. 

After  the  war  of  the  revolution  HENDRIK  was  frequently 
employed  by  the  government  on  missions  to  the  western  Indians, 
and  was  an  important  agent  in  the  negotiations  with  them. 
In  1810,  says  his  biographer,  Captain  HENDRIK  *  was  on  the 

1  Captain  Hendrik  was  employed  in  this  the  Six  Nations.  Captain  Hendrik  is 
capacity  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Rev.  well  acquainted  with  their  customs  and 
Mr.  Kirkland,  who  wrote  to  General  manners,  and  has  since  the  war  received 
Knox,  then  secretary  of  war  (April  2,2,  several  invitations  to  make  them  a  visit. 
1791),  as  follows:  "As  I  deprecate  an  As  you  are  in  a  measure  a  stranger  to 
Indian  war  from  every  principle  of  hu-  Captain  Hendrik,  allow  me  to  say,  from 
manity  and  policy,  permit  me,  sir,  to  sug-  long  personal  acquaintance  with  him, 
gest  the  idea  of  sending  Captain  Hendrik,  that  he  is  very  little  inferior  to  Corn- 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Stockbridge  tribe  planter,  who  himself  has  a  high  esteem 
to  the  westward.  This  tribe  had  formerly  for  the  Stockbridge  chief." —  Sparks'  Life 
more  influence  with  the  Miamies,  Shawa-  of  Kirkland. 
noes,  Delawares  and  Chippewas,  than  all 

41 


324  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

White  river,  with  his  son  Abner,  and  designed  to  have  settled 
on  the  land  given  the  Mahicans  by  the  Miamis.  Here  he 
formed  the  plan  of  collecting  all  the  eastern  Indians  in  that 
region  at  a  place  where  they  might  live  in  peace  with  the  whites, 
and  in  fellowship  with  each  other.  Before  Tecumseh  began  his 
labors,  HENDRIK  had  sent  a  speech  to  his  people  on  the  subject, 
and  was  anxiously  waiting  for  a  reply,  when  his  work  was  over 
taken  by  the  former  and  diverted  into  a  gospel  of  hate.  Then 
it  was  that  the  government  paid  to  HENDRIK  the  highest  com 
pliment  that  could  be  given,  by  appointing  him  as  the  man  most 
fit  of  all  others  to  meet  the  eloquent  chief  of  the  Shawanoes  on 
his  own  ground.  For  three  years  he  followed  the  footsteps  of 
Tecumseb  and  his  brother,  and  so  well  and  thoroughly  did  he 
combat  their  eloquence  and  their  sophistry,  that,  had  not  the  war 
of  1812  intervened,  and  the  seductive  influences  of  the  British 
been  given  to  the  aid  of  the  Shawanoes,  they  would  have  been 
powerless  for  evil.  Of  his  labors  in  this  field  the  Rev.  John 
Sergeant  writes  :  "  It  appears  that  through  the  judicious  arrange 
ments  of  Captain  HENDRIK,  the  influence  of  the  prophet  is 
nearly  at  an  end."  His  biographer  adds  :  "  Captain  HENDRIK 
himself  says  that  the  head  men  of  the  various  tribes  do  not  join 
the  prophet,  but  only  the  ignorant  and  unwary  j  that  the  mes 
sage  of  the  Delaware*  had  already  shut  his  mouth,  and  he 
believed  that  in  the  course  of  the  next  summer  he  would  '  be 
brought  down  from  the  Wabash,  to  the  ground  from  which  his 
ancestors  were  created,'  and  so  it  proved.  We  find  nothing,  in 
the  public  histories  of  those  times  respecting  Captain  HENDRIK, 
but  we  do  find  that  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  hazarded 
because  the  already  waning  power  of  Tecumseh  required  some 
desperate  act ;  and  the  eloquence  of  Captain  HENDRIK,  his 
influence  as  a  Muh-he-ka-neew  chief  with  the  western  Indians, 
and  the  information  communicated  by  Mr.  Sergeant,  take  us 
c  behind  the  scenes,'  and  show  us  at  least  one  great  cause  of 
that  waning.  All  due  honor  to  the  c  hero  of  Tippecanoe  ; ' 
but  let  not  the  faithful  Mahican,  who,  by  sapping  and  mining, 
prepared  the  way  for  that  victory,  be  forgotten."  x 

Stockbridge,  Past  and  Present ;  Stone's  Life  of  Brant,  u,  307. 


APPENDIX.  325 

In  the  war  of  1812,  Captain  HENDRIK  joined  the  American 
army,  was  favorably  noticed,  and  promoted  to  office.  In  all 
his  public  duties  he  never  for  a  moment  forgot  his  people,  and 
one  of  his  last  acts  was  to  write  a  history  of  his  nation.  In  1829, 
he  removed  to  Green  Bay,  Wisconsin,  where  he  was  gathered 
to  his  fathers,  the  "noblest  Roman  of  them  all."  What  his 
namesake  was  to  the  English  government,  Captain  HENDRIK 
was  to  the  United  States ;  what  his  namesake  was  not  to  his 
people,  Captain  HENDRIK  was :  an  example  of  unselfish  devo 
tion  and  purity  of  character. 

OCCUM,  a  >M.ahican,  was  the  first  educated  and  ordained 
Indian  minister.  He  attended  Dr.  Wheelock's  school  at  Leba 
non,  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  embraced 
Christianity  and  was  baptized  by  the  mame  of  SAMSON.  He 
began  his  labors  as  a  teacher  and  evangelist  among  the  Mon- 
tauks  on  Long  island,  where  he  kept  a  school  for  some  years. 
He  was  afterwards  ordained  by  the  Presbytery  to  preach 
the  gospel,  and  became  an  efficient  means  of  introducing 
Christianity  to  the  Indian  bands  located  at  separate  places  in 
New  England  and  New  York.  In  1755-56,  he  visited  England, 
in  company  with  the  Rev.  Mr.  Whitaker,  in  order,  by  personal 
appeals,  to  solicit*  funds  for  the  support  of  Dr.  Wheelock's 
school.  Not  only  was  his  mission  successful,  but,  as  he  was 
the  first  Indian  minister  who  had  visited  that  country,  he  attracted 
special  attention,  and  wherever  he  went  crowds  gathered  to 
hear  him.  About  1786,  he  went  to  the  country  of  the  Oneidas, 
taking  with  him  several  Indians  of  kindred  blood,  who  clung 
to  him  as  their  leader.  He  was  subsequently  joined  by  a 
number  of  Mohegans  from  the  sea-coast  of  New  England,  and 
a  few  Nanticokes,  Narragqnsetts  and  Pequots.  Differences 
existing  in  their  dialects,  they  agreed  to  drop  them 
altogether,  and  adopt  the  English,  taking  the  name  of  Brother- 
tons.  He  continued  to  devote  himself  to  the  interests  of  his 
people  till  age  incapacitated  him,  and  younger  laborers  stepped 
in.  During  his  old  age,  he  went  to  live  with  his  kindred 
at  New  Stockbridge,  where  he  died  in  1792.  Schoolcraft 
adds  :  "  It  is  expressly  stated  by  the  New  England  clergy, 
to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  these  notices,  that  his  Christian 


326  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

and  ministerial  character  were  well  approved,  and  that  he  was 
deemed  to  possess  a  peculiar  fluency  and  aptness  in  teaching  the 
Indians,  over  whom  he  exercised  a  happy  influence.  It  is 
inferable,  but  not  distinctly  said,  that  the  first  or  early  period 
of  his  ministry  formed  the  one  of  his  most  active  usefulness  ; 
but  his  whole  life,  after  his  conversion,  is  to  be  regarded  as  a 
triumphant  evidence  of  the  power  and  endurance  of  the  gospel 
truth  in  the  Indian  heart.  Nor  am  I  aware  that  we  have  a 
superior,  if  an  equal,  instance  of  an  individual  of  the  pure  Indian 
blood  having  been  ordained  to  the  ministry  who  has  left  behind 
him  so  excellent  a  testimony  of  consistent  usefulness.  The 
foundation  of  the  tribe  of  the  Brothertons  is  a  work  due  to  his 
enterprise,  foresight  and  exertions.  The  practical  working  of 
the  plan  which  he  introduced  was  excellent.  The  Brothertons 
continued  to  dwell  together  at  their  first  location  in  Oneida 
county  till  they  had  well  advanced  in  elementary  education  and 
the  arts.  At  this  period  of  their  history,  they  sent  delegates  to 
Wisconsin  to  procure  a  cession  of  territory  from  the  indigenous 
Indians  of  Fox  river  of  that  state,  on  the  borders  of  Winne- 
bago  lake.  Having  disposed  of  their  possessions  in  Oneida 
county,  they  in  due  time  migrated  to  that  location,  where  they 
now  reside.  By  an  act  of  congress,  the  Brothertons  of  Wis 
consin  were  admitted  to  all  the  rights  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  They  were  also  admitted,  by  a  state  act,  to  the  rights 
of  citizens  of  Wisconsin.  The  problem  of  their  triple  emanci 
pation  from  barbarism,  idleness,  and  political  defranchisement, 
is  thus  completely  worked  out ;  and  worked  out  in  a  practical 
way,  in  which  the  experience  and  wisdom  of  Occum  and  his 
clerical  teachers  of  the  olden  time  predicted,  it  could  only  be 
done."  During  his  later  years  Occum's  reputation  passed  under 
a  cloud,  and  before  his  death  he  relapsed  into  some  of  the  worst 
habits  of  his  tribe  ;  but  this  fact  cannot  detract  from  his  per 
sonal  worth  or  the  excellence  of  his  earlier  life.  Men  can  be 
found  in  all  nations,  whose  record  is  marred  by  the  weaknesses 
of  age.  "  It  is  not  conceived  necessary  to  digress  or  deny  the 
fact  that  Noah  got  drunk." x 

1  History  of  Indian  Nations,  part  v,  518,  etc. 


APPENDIX.  327 

The  Moravian  missionaries  have  preserved  in  their  records 
the  names  and  services  of  many  of  the  Indian  chiefs  with  whom 
they  were  associated,  but  none  whose  character  is  brighter  than 
that  of  the  Mahican  chieftain,  WASAMAPAH,  or  Tschoop,  who, 
after    his    conversion  was    called    John.     He  was    tfie    ruling 
chief  at  Shekomeko,  in  the  present  county  of  Dutchess.     When 
first  met  by  the  missionary  Rauch,  he  is  described  as  the  "  great 
est  drunkard  "  among  his   people,  and  as  being  crippled   by  his 
vices.      He  became  not  only  a  convert,  but  an  interpreter  and  a 
preacher  of  the  word  of  life.     Most  eloquent  is  his  own  account 
of  his  conversion  :   cc  Brethren,    I   have   been  a  heathen,  and 
have  grown  old  among   the  heathen,  therefore  I   know  how 
the  heathen  think.     Once  a  preacher  came  and  began  to  explain 
to    us   that    there    was    a  God.     We   answered  :  '  Dost  thou 
think  we  are  so  ignorant  as  not  to  know  that  ?     Go  back  to 
the  place  from  whence  thou  earnest  ? '     Then,  again,  another 
preacher  came  and  began  to  teach  us  and  to  say,  '  You  must 
not  steal,  nor  lie,  nor  get  drunk,'  etc.     We  answered  :  'Thou 
fool,  dost  thou  think  we  don't  know  that  ?     Learn  first  thyself, 
and  then  teach  the  people,  to  whom  thou  belongest,  to  leave  off 
these  things  ;  for  who  steal  and   lie,  or  who  are  more  drunken 
than  thine  own  people  ? '  and  thus  we  dismissed  him.     After  some 
time,  Brother  Christian  Henry  Rauch   came  into  my  hut  and 
sat  down  by  me.     He  spoke  to  me  nearly  as  follows  :  '  I  come 
to  you  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  heaven  and  earth.     He  sends 
rrie  to  let  you  know  that  he  is  willing  to  make  you  happy,  and 
to  deliver  you  from  the  misery  in  which  you  are  at  present. 
To  this  end  he  became  a  man,  gave  his  life  as  a  ransom  for 
man,  and  shed  his  blood  for  him.'     When  he  had  finished,  he 
lay  down  upon  a  board,  being  fatigued  with  his  journey,  and 
fell  into  a  sound  sleep.     I  then  thought,  '  What  kind  of  a  man 
is  this  ?     There  he  lies  and  sleeps  ;  I  might  kill  him  and  throw 
him  into  the  woods,  and  who  would  regard  it  ?     But  this  gives 
him  no  concern !     However,   I   could    not  forget  his  words. 
They  constantly  recurred  to  my  mind.     Even  when  I  slept  I 
dreamed  of  that   blood  which  Christ  shed  for  us.     This  was 
something  different   from   what  I  had  ever  before  heard,  and  I 
interpreted    Christian    Henry's  words    to  the   other   Indians." 


328  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

WASAMAPACH  removed  from  Shekomeko  to  the  Delaware, 
in  August,  1745.  Here  he  acted  as  interpreter  in  the  service 
held  for  the  Indians  on  Sunday  afternoon  ;  he  also  gave  instruc 
tion  in  Mahican  to  a  number  of  brethren  and  sisters  who  were 
designed  for  missionaries.  On  the  organization  of  the  refugees 
from  Shekomeko  into  a  Christian  congregation,  at  Friedenshut- 
ten,  on  the  24th  of  July,  1746,  he  was  appointed  their  teacher. 
Soon  after  the  small  pox  broke  out,  and  he  became  one  of  its 
victims,  after  an  illness  of  seven  days,  during  which  he  gave 
evidence  of  the  thoroughness  of  his  conversion.  His  death 
took  place  on  the  27th  of  August,  and  his  funeral  on  the  28th. 
Loskiel  writes  :  "  John  was  one  of  the  first  fruits.  As  a 
heathen  he  distinguished  himself  by  his  heathen  and  sinful  prac 
tices,  and  as  his  vices  became  more  seductive,  on  account  of 
his  natural  wit  and  humor,  so  as  a  Christian  he  became  a  most 
powerful  and  persuasive  witness  of  our  Saviour  among  his  nation. 
His  gifts  were  sanctified  by  the  grace  of  God,  and  employed  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  be  the  means  of  blessing  both  to  Euro 
peans  and  Indians.  Few  of  his  countrymen  could  vie  with  him 
in  point  of  Indian  oratory.  His  discourses  were  full  of  anima 
tion,  and  his  words  penetrated  like  fire  into  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen  ;  his  soul  found  a  rich  pasture  in  the  gospel,  and 
whether  at  home,  or  on  a  journey,  he  could  not  forbear  speak 
ing  of  the  salvation  purchased  for  us  by  the  sufferings  of  Jesus, 
never  hesitating  a  moment,  whether  his  hearers  were  Christians 
or  Indians.  In  short,  he  appeared  chosen  by  God  to  be  a  wft- 
ness  to  his  people,  and  was  four  years  active  in  this  service. 
Nor  was  he  less  respected  as  a  chief  among  the  Indians,  no 
affairs  of  state  being  transacted  without  his  advice  and  consent." 
And  Bishop  Spangenberg  adds  :  u  In  his  mien  was  the  majesty 
of  a  Luther,  a  man  whose  mind  grappled  as  by  intuition  the 
glorious  mysteries  of  the  gospel  of  Christ,  and  whose  strength 
of  will,  inspired  and  sanctified  by  Christianity,  at  once  triumphed 
over  the  vilest  passions  and  most  hideous  vices  by  which  the 
human  heart  can  be  deformed." 

SHABASCH,  the  associate  of  Wasamapab,  is  also  favorably 
spoken  of  by  Loskiel.  He  became  a  convert  and  was  baptized 
under  the  name  of  Abraham.  He  was  appointed  elder  of  the 


APPENDIX.  329 

congregation  at  Shekomeko,  and  discharged  its  duties  with 
credit.  He  subsequently  accepted  the  chieftaincy  of  the  Mahi- 
cans  of  the  Delaware  country  and  represented  them  in  the  con 
ferences  with  Johnson,  and  also  with  the  governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  He  died  in  1762,  "  much  respected  on  account  of  his 
wisdom  and  grave  deportment." 

The  Wappingers  were  not  without  their  hero  in  the  person 
of  DANIEL  NIMHAM,  who,  in  1765,  is  described  as  "a  native 
Indian  and  acknowledged  sachem  or  king  of  a  certain  tribe  of 
Indians  known  and  called  by  the  name  of  Wappingers"  He 
appears  to  have  taken  up  his  residence  at  Westenhuck  in  1746, 
and  to  have  subsequently  taken  part  in  the  war  of  that  period 
and  also  of  that  of  1754.  The  proceedings  to  which  he  was  a 
party  for  the  recovery  of  the  lands  of  his  people,  would  occupy 
a  volume.  The  facts  stated  in  the  case,  as  reported  by  the 
lords  of  trade,  on  the  hearing  of  NIMHAM,  who  visited  England, 
for  that  purpose,  are  "  that  the  tract  of  land,  the  property  and 
possession  whereof  is  claimed  by  these  Indians,  and  their  title 
disputed,  is  situated  between  Hudson's  river  and  the  line  which 
divides  the  province  of  New  York  from  that  of  Connecticut, 
extending  in  length  from  east  to  west  about  twenty  miles,  and 
in  breadth  from  north  to  south  about  sixteen  miles,  and  con 
taining  about  two  hundred  and  four  thousand  and  eight  hundred 
acres  of  land ;  that  they  continued  in  the  uninterrupted  posses 
sion  of  these  lands,  and  in  the  actual  improvement  and  settle 
ment  of  the  same,  by  themselves  and  their  tenants,  until  the 
commencement  of  the  late  war  (1755),  when  the  head  sachem, 
accompanied  by  all  the  males  of  that  tribe  able  to  bear  arms, 
went  into  your  majesty's  service  under  Sir  William  Johnson, 
and  the  residue  removed  to  Stockbridge,  for  their  greater  con 
venience  and  accommodation ;  that  whilst  the  said  sachem  and 
his  people  were  righting  under  your  majesty's  banner;  all  this 
tract  of  land  was  taken  up  by  persons  claiming  under  a  grant 
thereof  made  by  the  governor  of  New  York  .to  one  Adolph 
Phillipse  in  1697,  and  afterwards  purchased  by  him  of  the 
ancestors  of  the  said  Indians,  which  purchase  they  allege,  was 
not  a  purchase  of  the  whole  tract  comprehended  in  the  grant 


330  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

of  1697,  but  only  of  a  small  part  of  it ; x  that  finding  themselves 
by  these  claims  likely  to  be  dispossessed  of  their  patrimonial 
lands,  they  chose  a  guardian  of  their  rights,  and  proceeded  to 
try  their  claim  in  various  suits  and  actions  in  the  courts  of  law 
of  New  York  ;  that  judgment  having  been  given  against  them 
on  those  several  suits  and  actions  (in  the  trial  of  which  they 
state  great  prejudice  and  partiality),  they  applied  by  petition  in 
February,  1765,  to  the  lieutenant-governor  and  council,  and 
had  a  hearing  upon  their  case  ;  that  in  the  proceedings  before 
the  lieutenant  governor  and  council  they  were  treated  with  great 
supercilious  neglect,  the  claims  of  their  adversaries  countenanced 
and  supported  with  apparent  partiality,  and  a  decision  given 
against  them  upon  the  evidence  of  a  deed  of  purchase  of  these 
lands  from  their  ancestors,  which  deed  they  suggest  to  have 
been  fraudulent  and  counterfeit."  It  subsequently  appeared 
that  Phillipse  obtained  his  patent  five  years  before  he  made  his 
purchase,  in  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  province,  and  there  is 
very  little  reason  to  doubt  that  he  then  obtained  it  from  self- 
constituted  proprietors  to  cover  a  most  nefarious  transaction. 
That  NIMHAM  and  the  Wappingers  were  unlawfully  deprived 
of  the  lands  embraced  in  the  present  county  of  Putnam,  may 
be  regarded  as  certain.2 

NIMHAM'S  tragic  death,  in  Westchester  county,  has  already 
been  referred  to.  The  following  account  of  the  engagement 
in  which  he  sealed  his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  colonists 
with  his  life,  is  from  the  pen  of  those  against  whom  he  fought,3 
American  historians  refusing,  apparently,  to  do  justice  to  the 
memory  of  one  who  was  wronged  in  his  life  and  in  his  death  : 

"  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe,  returning  from  head-quarters,  the  3Oth 
of  August,  heard  a  firing  in  front,  and  being  informed  that 
Lieut.  Col.  Emerick  had  patrolled,  he  immediately  marched  to 
his  assistance.  He  soon  met  him  retreating ;  and  Lieut.  Col. 

1  The    reference    is    to    the   Canopus'  quently  purchased  the  reversionary  interest 
lands    included    in    the  manor   of  Cort-  of  the  heirs,  for  $100,000,  and  ten  years 
landt.  afterwards  received  from  the  state  of  New 

2  Phillipse  did  not  live  to  enjoy  his  ill-  York  $500,000  in  six  per  cent  stocks  for 
gotten  lands.     On  his  death  they  became  the  title  which  he  had  acquired. 

the  property  of  his  father,  and  afterwards          3  Simcoe' s  Military  Journal. 
of  his  heirs.     John  Jacob  Astor  subse- 


APPENDIX.  331 

Emerick  being  of  opinion  the  rebels  were  in  such  force  that  it 
would  be  advisable  for  him  to  return,  he  did  so.  Lieut.  Col. 
Simcoe  understood  that  NIMH  AM,  an  Indian  chief,  and  some  of 
his  tribe,  were  with  the  enemy  ;  and  by  his  spies,  who  were 
excellent,  he  was  informed  that  they  were  highly  elated  at  the 
retreat  of  Emerick's  corps,  and  applied  it  to  the  whole  of  the 
light  troops  at  Kingsbridge.  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe  took  measures 
to  increase  their  belief;  and,  ordering  a  day's  provisions  to  be 
cooked,  marched  the  next  morning,  the  3151  of  August,  a  small 
distance  in  front  of  the  fort,  and  determined  to  wait  there  the 
whole  day,  in  hopes  of  betraying  the  enemy  into  an  ambuscade. 
His  idea  was,  as  the  enemy  moved  upon  the  road,  to  advance 
from  his  flanks  ;  and  he  meant  to  gain  the  heights  in  the  rear  of 
the  enemy,  attacking  whomsoever  should  be  within  reach  by  his 
cavalry  and  such  infantry  as  might  be  necessary.  In  pursuance 
of  these  intentions,  Lieut.  Col.  Emerick  with  his  corps  was 
detached  from  the  Queen's  Rangers  and  Legion,  as  Lieut.  Col. 
Simcoe  thought  fully  instructed  in  the  plan ;  however,  he  most 
unfortunately  mistook  the  nearer  house  for  the  one  at  a  greater 
distance,  the  names  being  the  same,  and  there  he  posted  himself, 
and  soon  after  sent  from  thence  a  patrol  forward  upon  the  road, 
before  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe  could  have  time  to  stop  it.  This- 
patrol  had  no  effect,  not  meeting  the  enemy ;  had  a  single  man 
of  it  deserted,  or  been  taken,  the  whole  attempt  had,  probably, 
been  abortive.  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe,  who  was  half  way  up  a 
tree,  on  the  top  of  which  was  a  drummer  boy,  saw  a  flanking 
party  of  the  enemy  approach.  The  troops  had  scarcely  fallen 
into  their  ranks  when  a  smart  firing  was  heard  from  the  Indians, 
who  had  lined  the  fences  of  the  road,  and  who  were  exchanging 
shots  with  Lieut.  Col.  Emerick,  whom  they  had  discovered. 
The  Queen's  Rangers  moved  rapidly  to  gain  the  heights,  and 
Lieut.  Col.  Tarleton  immediately  advanced  with  the  Hussars 
and  the  Legion  of  cavalry ;  not  being  able  to  pass  the  fences  in 
his  front,  he  made  a  circuit  to  return  further  upon  their  right  ; 
which,  being  reported  to  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe,  he  broke  from  the 
column  of  rangers,  with  the  grenadier  company,  and,  directing 
Major  Ross  to  conduct  the  corps  to  the  heights,  advanced  to 
the  road,  and  arrived  without  being  perceived,  within  ten  yards 
42 


332  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

of  the  Indians.  They  had  been  intent  on  the  attack  on  Eme- 
rick's  corps  and  the  Legion  ;  they  now  gave  a  yell  and  fired  upon 
the  grenadier  company,  wounding  four  of  them,  and  Lieut.  Col. 
Simcoe.  They  were  driven  from  the  fences  ;  and  Lieut.  Col. 
Tarleton,  with  the  cavalry,  got  among  them,  and  pursued  them 
rapidly  down  Cortlandt's  ridge.  That  active  officer  had  a  nar 
row  escape  ;  in  striking  at  one  of  the  fugitives,  he  lost  his 
balance  and  fell  from  his  horse  ;  luckily  the  Indian  had  no  bayo 
net,  and  his  musket  had  been  discharged.  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe 
joined  the  battalion  and  seized  the  heights.  A  captain  of  the 
rebel  light  infantry  and  a  few  of  his  men  were  taken  ;  but  a 
body  of  them,  under  Major  Stewart,  who  afterwards  was  dis 
tinguished  at  Stony  Point,  left  the  Indians  and  fled.  Though 
the  ambuscade,  its  greater  part,  failed,  it  was  of  consequence. 
Near  forty  of  the  Indians  were  killed  or  desperately  wounded  ; 
among  others  NIMHAM,*  a  chieftain  who  had  been  to  England, 
and  his  son ;  and  it  was  reported  to  have  stopped  a  large  number 
of  them,  who  were  excellent  marksmen,  from  joining  General 
Washington's  army.  The  Indian  doctor  was  taken  •,  and  he 
said  that  when  NIMHAM  saw  the  grenadiers  close  in  his  rear, 
he  called  out  to  his  people  to  fly,  *  that  he  himself  was  old  and 
would  die  there.'  He  wounded  Lieut.  Col.  Simcoe,  and  was 
on  the  point  of  dragging  him  from  his  horse,  when  he  was 
killed  by  Wright,  his  orderly  Hussar.  The  Indians  fought  most 
gallantly  ;  they  pulled  more  than  one  of  the  cavalry  from  their 
horses.  French,  an  active  youth,  bugle-horn  to  the  Hussars, 
struck  at  an  Indian,  but  missed  him  ;  the  man  dragged  him 
from  his  horse,  and  was  searching  for  his  knife  to  stab  him, 
when,  loosening  French's  hand,  he  luckily  drew  out  a  pocket 
pistol,  and  shot  the  Indian  through  the  head,  in  which  situation 
he  was  found.  One  man  of  the  Legion  Cavalry  was  killed, 
and  one  of  them  and  two  of  the  Hussars,  wounded." 
The  battlements  of  the  Hudson, — 

"  The  mountain  columns 

With  which  earth  props  heaven," — 

the  early  home  of  the  patriot  chief,  are  the  monuments  to  his 
memory  ;  the  eternal  flow  of  the  Mahicanituk  his  requiem. 


APPENDIX.  333 


II.  LANGUAGE. 

jHE  early  Dutch  writers  resolved  the  various  dialects 
which  they  met  among  the  Indians  into  "  four  dis 
tinct  languages,  namely :  Manhattan,  Minqua, 
Savanos,  and  Wappanoos"  With  the  Manhattan 
they  included  the  dialect  spoken  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort 
Amsterdam,  "along  the  North  river,  on  Long  island,  and  at 
the  Neversink  ;  with  the  Minqua,  the  Senecas  and  other  inland 
tribes."  The  Savanos  was  the  dialect  of  the  south,  and  the 
Wappanoos  that  of  the  east.  The  progress  of  the  inquiry 
resulting  in  this  classification  was  slow.  Wassanaar  writes, 
in  1621  :  "'Tis  worthy  of  remark,  that  so  great  a  diversity  of 
language  exists  among  the  numerous  tribes.  They  vary  fre 
quently  not  over  five  or  six  miles  ;  forthwith  comes  another 
language  ;  they  meet  and  can  hardly  understand  one  another. 
There  are  some  who  come  sixty  miles  from  the  interior,  and 
cannot  well  understand  those  on  the  river."  Michaelius,  writ 
ing  in  1 628,  says :  "  Their  language  methinks  is  entirely  peculiar. 
Many  of  our  common  people  call  it  an  easy  language,  which  is 
soon  learned,  but  I  am  of  a  contrary  opinion.  For  those  who 
can  understand  their  words  to  some  extent  and  repeat  them,  fail 
greatly  in  the  pronunciation  and  speak  a  broken  language,  like 
the  language  of  Ashdod.  For  these  people  have  different  aspi 
rates  and  many  guttural  letters  which  are  formed  -more  in  the 
throat  than  by  the  mouth,  teeth,  and  lips,  which  our  people  not 
being  accustomed  to,  guess  at  by  means  of  their  signs,  and  then 
imagine  that  they  have  accomplished  something  wonderful.  It 
is  true,  one  can  learn  as  much  as  is  sufficient  for  the  purposes 
of  trading,  but  this  occurs  almost  as  much  by  signs  with  the 
thumb  and  fingers  as  by  speaking.  It  also  seems  to  us  that  they 
rather  design  to  conceal  their  language  from  us  than  to  properly 
communicate  it,  except  in  things  which  happen  in  daily  trade ; 
saying  that  it  is  sufficient  for  us  to  understand  them  in  those  : 
and  then  they  speak  only  half  their  reasons  with  shortened 
words  ;  and  frequently  call  a  dozen  things  and  even  more  by 


334  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

one  name  ;  and  all  things  which  have  only  a  rude  resemblance 
to  each  other  they  frequently  call  by  the  same  name.  In  truth 
it  is  a  made  up  childish  language  :  so  that  even  those  who  can 
best  of  all  speak  with  the  Indians  and  get  along  well  in  trade, 
are  nevertheless  wholly  in  the  dark  and  bewildered  when  they 
hear  the  Indians  speaking  with  each  other  by  themselves." 
Another  writer  says  :  cc  The  language  of  this  people  is  very 
various  ;  they  are  very  difficult  for  strangers  to  learn  as  they 
are  spoken  without  any  principles."  And  Van  der  Donck, 
writing  in  1656,  concludes:  "Their  languages  and  dialects  are 
very  different,  as  unlike  each  other  as  the  Dutch,  French,  Greek 
and  Latin  are.  Their  declensions  and  conjugations  have  an 
affinity  with  the  Greek  and  accord  to  it.  Their  declensions, 
augmentations,  cases  and  adverbs,  are  like  the  Greek ;  but  to 
reduce  their  language  to  any  of  ours,  would  be  impossible,  for 
there  is  no  resemblance  between  the  same.  Before  we  have 
acquired  a  knowledge  of  any  of  their  languages  or  dialects,  we 
know  no  more  of  what  they  say  than  if  a  dog  had  barked." 

While  these  sturdy  Dutch  linguists  were  plodding  over  the 
subject,  the  Rev.  John  Eliot,  of  Massachusetts,  had  grasped 
the  hidden  key  of  the  language  and  proclaimed  that  it  had  prin 
ciples  and  form  ;  that  even  that  which  Michaelius  denominated 
"  shortened  words "  was  made  in  accordance  with  rules,  and 
that  in  the  observation  of  that  writer  of  the  fact  that  they  fre 
quently  called  "  a  dozen  things  and  even  more  by  one  name," 
he  had  simply  failed  to  note  the  inflections  which  constituted 
an  important  principle  of  the  language.  But  notwithstanding 
the  publication  of  Eliot's  grammar  in  1666,  and  the  observations 
of  the  Jesuit  and  Moravian  priests,  it  was  not  until  1819  that 
Du  Ponceau,  after  a  thorough  comparison  of  the  Writings  of 
his  predecessors,  was  enabled  to  announce  the  proposition : 
"  That  the  American  languages  in  general  use  are  rich  in  words 
and  in  grammatical  forms,  and  that,  in  their  complicated  con 
struction,  the  greatest  order,  method,  and  regularity  prevail." 
It  remained,  however,  for  subsequent  writers,  and  especially  for 
Gallatin x  and  Schoolcraft,  to  elucidate  fully  the  grammatical 

\  A  Synopis  of  the  Indian  Tribes  'within  tains,  etc.,  by  Hon.  Albert  Gallatin,  1836. 
the  United  States  east  of  the  Rocky  Moun- 


APPENDIX.  335 

structure  of  the  languages  and  define  the  characteristic  features 
of  the  several  dialects. 

According  to  these  writers  there  were  but  two  generic  Indian 
languages,  the  Algonquin  and  the  Iroquois ;  but  these  two  were 
divided  into  tribal  dialects  and  groups  with  distinctive  charac 
teristics.  While  each  Iroquois  tribe  had  its  dialect,  the  generic 
language,  as  spoken  by  the  Five  Nations  of  New  York,  differed 
in  many  respects  from  that  spoken  by  the  southern  and  western 
Iroquois  families.  The  Algonquin  was  represented  by  equally 
distinct  tribal  and  general  types.  Edwards  says  that  the  Mabi- 
can  was  spoken  u  by  all  the  Indians  throughout  New  England  ;  " 
that  though  each  tribe  had  "  a  different  dialect,"  the  language 
was  "  radically  the  same."  Yet  the  Algonquin  of  the  Mablcans 
was  essentially  different  from  the  Algonquin  of  the  Lenapes. 
Loskiel  explains  this  more  fully  :  "  Though  the  three  tribes  of 
the  Delawares  have  the  same  language,  yet  they  speak  different 
dialects.  The  Unamis  and  Wunalacbtikos,  who  formerly 
inhabited  the  eastern  coast  of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey, 
nearly  agree  in  pronunciation  ;  but  the  dialect  of  the  Monsys^ 
who  formerly  lived  in  Menissing,  beyond  the  Blue  mountains, 
differs  so  much  from  the  former,  that  they  would  hardly  be  able 
to  understand  each  other,  did  they  not  keep  up  a  continual 
intercourse.  The  language  of  the  Delawares  has  an  agreeable 
sound,  both  in  common  conversation,  and  public  delivery. 
The  dialect  spoken  by  the  Unamis  and  JVunalachtikos  is  pecu 
liarly  grateful  to  the  ear,  and  much  more  easily  learnt,  by  an 
European,  than  that  of  the  Monsys^  which  is  rougher  and  spoken 
with  a  broad  accent.  However,  the  Monsy  dialect  is  a  key  to 
many  expressions  in  the  Unamis  and  Wunalacbtlkos.  The  latter 
have  a  way  of  dropping  some  syllables,  so  that,  without  a 
knowledge  of  the  former,  it  would  be  impossible  either  to  spell 
their  words  or  guess  their  meaning. 

"  Several  other  languages  derive  their  origin  from  the  Delaware, 
and  this  proceeds  chiefly  from  the  vicinity  or  connections  of  the 
different  nations  and  tribes.  For  instance,  the  language  of  the 
Mabikans  is  nearly  related  to  the  Monsy  dialect,  these  two  na 
tions  having  formerly  been  neighbors  in  the  province  of  New 
York.  The  Shawanose  is  also  related  to  the  Monsy^  but  more 


336  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

to  the  Mahikan;  only  the  former  generally  place  the  accent 
upon  the  last  syllable.  The  Ottawa  is  nearly  related  to  the 
Shawanose,  but  the  Chippewa  more  immediately  to  the  Delaware. 
The  language  of  the  Twichtwees  and  Wawlachtanos  resembles 
the  Sbawanose ;  in  dialect  the  Kikapus,  Tukachohas,  Moshkos, 
and  Karhaski,  differ  from  the  Delaware  in  proportion  to  their 
distance  from  each  other,  but  all  are  nearly  related." 

The  Algonquin  dialects  spoken  in  the  valley  of  the  Hudson, 
at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  were  at  least  six  in  number  :  The 
Manhattan,  the  Wappanoo,  the  Mohican,  the  Minsi,  the  Unami 
and  the  Unalachtin.  It  is  stated  that  the  Mahicans  conquered 
the  territory  which  they  occupied,  mixed  with  their  own  the 
dialect  of  the  people  whom  they  had  subdued  and  formed  that 
subsequently  spoken  by  themselves.  It  is  also  said  that  the 
Wappanoos  overran  the  old  Manhattans  and  created  another 
mixed  dialect,  while  the  third  type  was  found  among  the  na 
tives  of  Long  Island,  in  which  perhaps  many  of  the  essential 
features  of  the  Manhattan  were  preserved.  .Of  the  three  types 
on  the  west,  the  Unami  and  the  Unalachtin  are  classed  as 
Delaware  as  distinguished  from  the  Minsi.  The  Mahican 
has  been  preserved,  partially  at  least,  as  has  also  to  some  extent 
the  Long  Island, —  the  latter  extending  along  the  east  side  of  the 
river  as  far  as  the  Highlands,  where  it  met  the  Wappanoos, 
which  has  been  preserved  as  spoken  by  its  more  eastern  families 
in  the  Massachusetts ;  but  the  dialects  on  the  west,  .as  they 
were  modified  by  association  with  those  on  the  east,  and  the 
dialects  of  the  east  as  modified  by  association  with  those  on 
the  west,  are  lost  except  as  they  live  in  geographical  names, 
which  resist  established  rules  of  interpretation,  or  are  approxi 
mately  preserved  as  they  were  spoken  elsewhere,  modified  by 
different  associations.  How  widely  they  differed,  can  be  inferred 
from  Loskiel's  statement  that  the  Minsi  of  the  Hudson  resem 
bled  the  Mahican  and  the  Sbawanoeand  was  scarce  understood  by 
its  more  western  families  —  how  widely  they  differ  in  the  imper 
fect  forms  in  which  they  have  been  preserved,  a  few  words  from 
each  will  sufficiently  illustrate.  Man,  in  Long  Island,  is 
run ;  wonnun  (white  man)  in  Wappinoo  or  Massachusetts, 
wosketomp-,  in  Mahican  neemanoo;  in  Delaware  and  Minsi,  lenno. 
Mother,  in  Long  Island,  is  cwca-y  in  Massachusetts,  okaooh ; 


APPENDIX.  337 

in  Mahican,  okegan ;  in  Minsi,  guy;  in  Delaware,  gabowes. 
Stone,  in  Long  Island,  is  sun ;  in  Massachusetts,  bussun;  in  Ma 
hican,  thaunaumka;  in  Minsi,  achsun,  in  Delaware,  akbsm 
(stone),  pemapukhk  (rock).  Earth,  in  Long  Island,  is  keagb ;  in 
Massachusetts,  abke;  in  Mahican,  akek;  in  Minsi,  acbgi;  in 
Delaware,  aki,  akbki. 

But  while  the  peculiar  dialects  of  the  valley  have  been  lost, 
or  have  at  best  an  imperfect  preservation,  the  principles  upon 
which  they  were  based  have  been  written.  Gallatin  says : 
u  The  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  Indian  languages  of 
America  appear  to  be  a  universal  tendency  to  express  in  the 
same  word,  not  only  all  that  modifies  or  relates  to  the  same 
object,  or  action,  but  both  the  action  and  the  object  ;  thus  con 
centrating  in  a  single  expression  a  complex  idea,  or  several  ideas 
among  which  there  is  a  natural  connection.  All  the  other  fea 
tures  of  the  language  seem  to  be  subordinate  to  that  general 
principle.  The  object  in  view  has  been  attained  by  various 
means  of  the  same  tendency  and  often  blended  together :  a 
multitude  of  inflections  properly  so  called  ;  a  still  greater  num 
ber  of  compound  words,  sometimes  formed  by  the  coalescence 
of  primitive  words  not  materially  altered,'  more  generally  by  the 
union  of  many  such  words  in  a  remarkably  abbreviated  form, 
and  numerous  particles,  either  significative,  or  the  original 
meaning  of  which  has  been  lost,  prefixed,  added  as  terminations, 
or  inserted  in  the  body  of  the  word."  An  extreme  illustration 
of  this  principle  is  furnished  by  Mather,  in  the  compound  phrase 
"  Kummogkodonattoottummooetiteaongannunnonash,"  which  is 
presumed  to  imply,  "  our  question."  Edwards  illustrates  it  in  a 
simpler  form  in  the  Mahican.  "  If  a  man  hold  out  his  hand 
to  an  Indian  to  know  the  name,  he  may  receive  the  answer 
"  knish"  — thy  hand  ;  but  if  he  touches  the  hand  of  the  Indian^ 
he  is  told  "  nnisk" — my  hand ;  and  in  either  case  he  will  infer 
that  he  has  received  the  Indian  word  for  hand,  simply,  when 
there  is  no  such  word  in  the  language."  Schoolcraft,  in  his 
treatise,1  explains  this  principle  more  fully  and  defines  the  idioms 
and  structure  of  the  language.  From  this  treatise  the  annexed 
synopsis  is  made,  presuming  that  those  having  occasion  to  do  so, 

1 "  An  Essay  on  the  Grammatical  Struc-     of  Indian  Tribes,  part  n,  353,  etc. 
ture  of  the  Algonquin  Language"  — History 


338  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

or  whose  curiosity  prompts  them  to  the  study,  will  consult  the 
original. 

Grammar  of  the  Algonquin  Language. 

I.  Alphabet.  The  Algonquin  possesses  all  the  vowel  sounds 
as  heard  in  far,  fate,  fall  ;  met,  meet ;  shine,  pin  ;  not,  note, 
move  ;  put,  nut.  It  has  two  labials,  b  and/);  five  dentals,  d, 
/,  j,  z,  and  j  or  £,  soft ;  two  nasals,  m  and  n ;  and  two  primary 
gutturals,  k  and  £,  hard.  The  letters/,  r,  v,  are  wanting.  The 
sound  of  x  is  also  believed  to  be  wanting  in  all  the  Algonquin 
dialects  but  the  Delaware  and  Mahican  of  the  Hudson  valley, 
in  which  it  is  fully  heard  in  Coxsackie,  and  in  a  few  of  the  ear 
lier  geographical  terms  of  New  Jersey,  the  sound  of  r  is  repre 
sented  in  ah.  Thus  an  alphabet  of  five  vowels  and  thirteen 
consonants  is  capable  of  expressing,  either  simply  or  in  com 
bination,  every  full  sound  of  the  Algonquin  language.  In  this 
estimate  of  primary  sounds,  the  letters  <:,  and  ^,  and  y  as  re 
presenting  a  vowel  sound,  are  entirely  rejected.  The  soft  of 
c  is  J,  the  hard,  k.  The  sound  of  ^is  always  that  of  k.  In  the 
formation  of  words  the  vowelic,  diphthongal  and  mixed  sounds 
are  syllabic.  The  following  table  represents  the  elementary 
syllables  on  the  primary  vowel  sounds : 


(0 

(*) 

(3) 

(4) 

AI  ^s  A  in  Fate. 

A  as  in  Father. 

A  as  in  Fall. 

A  as  in  Hat 

Aib    Bai 

Ahb  Bah 

Aub  Baa 

only  utterecrwith  a  con 
sonant  following. 

Aid    Dai 

Ahd  Dah 

Aud   Dau 

Ab 

Aig     Gai 

Ahg  Gah 

Aug    Gau 

Ad 

Aih    Hai 

Ah     Hah 

Auh   Hau 

Ag 

Aik    Kai 

Ahj    Jah 

Auj     Jau 

Ah 

Ail     Lai 

Ahk   Kah 

Auk   Kau 

Aj 

Aij      Jai 

Ahl    Lah 

Aul    Lau 

Ak 

Aim   Mai 

Ahm  Mah 

Aum  Mau 

Al 

Ain    Nai 

Ahn  Nah 

Aun   Nau 

Am 

Aip    Pai 

Ahp  Pah 

Aup   Pau 

An 

Ais     Sai 

Ahs    Sah 

Aus    Sau 

AP 

Ait     Tai 

Aht    Tah 

Aut    Tau 

As 

Aiw   Wai 

Ahw  Wah 

Auw  Wau 

At 

Aiz    Yai 

Ahz   Zah 

Auz   Yau 

Au 

Aizh  Zhai 

Auzh  Zhau 

Az 

APPENDIX.  339 


(0 

EE  as  in  me 

(2) 
E  as  in  met 

(0 

I  as  in  Fine. 

(2) 

I  as  in  Pin. 

Eeb    Bee 

Eb 

Bi 

Ib 

Bed   Dee 

Ed 

Di 

Id 

Eeg    Gee 

Eeh   He 

Eg 
Eh 

Gi 

Hi 

Ig 
Ih 

Eej     Jee 
Eel    Lee 

Ej 
Ek 

Ji 

Ki 

Ij 
Ik 

Eek   Kee 

El 

Li 

11 

Eem  Mee 

Em 

Mi 

Im 

Een   Nee 

En 

Ni 

In 

Eep   Pee 

Ees    See 

Ep 
Es 

Pi 

Si 

IP 
Is 

Eet    Tee 

Et 

Ti 

It 

Eew  Wee 

Eu 

Wi 

Iw 

Eez   Zee 

Ez 

Yi 

Iz 

Zi 

(0 

O  as  in  Note 

« 
O  as  in  Move. 

(4) 
O  as  in  Not. 

U  as  in  But. 

Bo 

Oob    Boo 

Ob 

Ub 

Do 

Ood    Doo 

Od 

Ud 

Go 

Ho 

Oog    Goo 
Ooh    Hoo 

Og 
Oh 

Ug 

Uh 

Jo 
Ko 

Ooj     Joo 

Ook    Koo 

Oj 
Ok 

Uj 
Uk 

lo 
Mo 

Ool     Loo 

Oom  Moo 

01 
Om 

Ul 
Urn 

No 

Oon    Noo 

On 

Un 

Po 
So 

Oop    Poo 
Oos     Soo 

Op 
Os 

Up 
Us 

To 

Got     Too 

Ot 

Ut 

Wo 

Oow   Woo 

Ow 

Uz 

Yo 

Zo 

Ooy    Yoo 
Ooz    Zoo 

Oy 
Oz 

Diphthongal  sounds  are  heard  in  limited  classes  of  words,  end 
ing  in  z<7,  w,  and  ou.  The  nasal  sounds,  which  abound  in  the 
language,  are  chiefly  confined  to  the  letter  w,  and  the  combina 
tion  ng.  The  gutturals  are  mostly  formed  by  the  -letters  gb  and 
kb.  The  hard  sound  of  g  has  its  expression  in  the  half  utterance 
43 


340  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

of  k  by  which  it  is  followed,  as  in  the  attempt  to  pronounce  gk. 
The  combinations  of  cb,  sh,  and  z£,  are  common,  as  are  also 
those  of  bw^  dw,  gw,  and  hw.  Al  expresses  the  sound  of  a  as  in 
fate  ;  ah  the  sound  of  a  as  in  father  ;  au,  as  in  fall,  auction,  and 
au  in  law  ;  ee  is  the  sound  of  e  as  in  feel ;  ia,  as  the  sound  of  i 
in  media  ,•  <?/,  the  sound  of  o  in  voice  •,  alw ,  ouw  and  eow  appear 
in  converting  verbs  indicative  into  different  moods  ;  ib,  the 
sound  of  i  suddenly  stopped  off;  ooh,  the  sound  of  o  suddenly 
stopped  off;  uk,  the  sound  of  «,  roughly  aspirated,  and  also  ugh ; 
ck,  as  in  English,  also,  sh  and  zh ;  bw  as  in  bwoin;  gw  as  in 
gwiuk  ;  hw  as  in  mohwa;  kw  as  in  wewukwun  ;  mw  as  in 
wa-mwa;  ny  as  in  nyauj  tshw  as  in  tshwe  —  tshwees-ke-wa,  a 
snipe. 

2.  Substantives.  In  a  general  survey  of  the  language  there  is 
perhaps  no  feature  which  obtrudes  itself  so  constantly  to  view, 
as  the  principle  which  separates  all  words,  of  whatever  denomi 
nation,  into  animates  and  inanimates,  as  they  are  applied  to 
objects  in  the  animal,  vegetable,  or  mineral  kingdom.  This 
principle  has  been  grafted  upon  most  words,  and  carries  its  dis 
tinctions  throughout  the  syntax.  It  is  the  gender  of  the  lan 
guage  ;  but  a  gender  of  so  unbounded  a  scope,  as  to  merge  it 
in  the  distinctions  of  a  masculine  and  feminine,  and  to  give  a 
two-fold  character  to  the  parts  of  speech. 

Nouns  animate  embrace  the  tribes  of  quadrupeds,  birds,  fishes, 
insects,  reptiles,  Crustacea,  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  thunder, 
and  lightning  ;  for  these  are  personified,  and  whatever  possesses 
animal  life,  or  is  endowed,  by  the  peculiar  opinions  and  super 
stitions  of  the  Indians,  with  it.  In  the  vegetable  kingdom  their 
number  is  comparatively  limited,  being  chiefly  confined  to  trees, 
and  those  only  while  they  are  referred  to  as  whole  bodies,  and 
to  the  various  species  of  fruits,  seeds,  and  esculents.  It  is  to 
be  remarked,  however,  that  the  names  for  animals  are  only 
employed  as  animates,  while  the  objects  are  referred  to  as  whole 
and  complete  species  ;  but  the  gender  must  be  changed  when  it 
becomes  necessary  to  speak  of  separate  members.  Man,  woman, 
father,  mother,  are  separate  nouns,  so  long  as  the  individuals  are 
meant  ;  but  hand,  foot,  head,  eye,  ear,  tongue,  are  inanimates. 
Buck  is  an  animate  noun,  while  his  entire  carcase  is  referred  to, 


APPENDIX.  341 

whether  living  or  dead  ;  but  neck,  back,  heart,  windpipe,  take 
the  inanimate  form.  In  like  manner  eagle,  swan,  dove,  are 
distinguished  as  animates  ;  but  beak,  wing,  tail,  are  arranged 
with  inanimates.  So  oak,  pine,  ash,  are  animates  j  branch, 
leaf,  root,  inanimates. 

No  language  is  perhaps  so  defective  as  to  be  totally  without 
number.  But  there  are  few  which  furnish  so  many  modes  of 
indicating  it  as  the  Algonquin.  There  are  as  many  modes  of 
forming  the  plural  as  there  are  vowel  sounds,'  yet  there  is  no  dis 
tinction  between  a  limited  and  an  unlimited  substantive  plural ;  al 
though  there  is,  in  the  pronoun,  an  inclusive  and  an  exclusive  plu 
ral.  Whether  we  say  man  or  men,  two  men  or  twenty  men,  the 
singular  inin-e,  and  the  plural  ininewug,  remain  the  same.  But 
if  we  say  we,  us  or  our  men  (who  are  present),  or  we,  us,  or 
our  Indians  (in  general),  the  plural  we,  and  us,  and  our  —  for 
they  are  rendered  by  the  same  form  —  admit  of  a  change  to  in 
dicate  whether  the  objective  person  or  persons  be  included  or 
excluded.  This  principle  forms  a  single  and  anomalous  instance 
of  the  use  of  particular  plurals  ;  and  it  carries  its  distinctions, 
by  means  of  the  pronouns,  separable  and  inseparable,  into  the 
verbs  and  substantives,  creating  the  necessity  of  double  conju 
gations  and  double  declensions,  in  the  plural  forms  of  the  first 
person.  Thus  the  term  for  Our  Father,  which,  in  the  inclusive 
form,  is  Kosinaun,  is,  in  the  exclusive,  Nosinaun. 

The  general  plural  is  variously  made.  But  the  plurals  mak 
ing  inflections  take  upon  themselves  an  additional  power  or 
sign,  by  which  substantives  are  distinguished  into  animates  and 
inanimates.  Without  this  additional  power,  all  nouns  plural 
would  end  in  the  vowels  a,  e,  /,  o,  u ;  but  to  mark  the  gender, 
the  letter  g  is  added  to  animates,  and  the  letter  n  to  inanimates, 
making  the  plurals  of  the  first  class  terminate  in  ag,  eeg,  ig,  og, 
ug,  and  of  the  second  class  in  an,  een,  in,  on,  un.  Ten  modes 
of  forming  the  plural  are  thus  provided,  five  of  which  are  ani 
mate,  and  five  inanimate  plurals.  A  strong  and  clear  distinc 
tion  is  thus  drawn  between  the  two  classes  of  words,  so  unerring 
indeed,  in  its  application,  that  it  is  only  necessary  to  inquire  how 
.  the  plural  is  formed  to  determine  whether  it  belong  to  one  or 
the  other  class. 


342  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Where  a  noun  terminates  with  the  vowel  in  the  singular,  the 
addition  of  the  g,  or  n,  shows  at  once  both  the  plural  and  the 
gender.  In  other  instances,  as  in  peena,  a  partridge  ;  seebe,  a 
river ;  it  requires  a  consonant  to  precede  the  plural  vowel,  in 
conformity  with  a  rule  previously  stated.  Thus  peenal-wug ; 
and  seebe-wun.  Where  the  noun  singular  terminates  in  the 
broad  instead  of  the  long  sound  of  #,  as  in  ogimau,  a  chief; 
ishpatinau^  a  hill,  the  plural  is  ogim-aug,  ishpatinaun.  But  these 
are  mere  modifications  of  two  of  the  above  forms,  and  are  by 
no  means  entitled  to  be  considered  as  additional  plurals. 

Comparatively  few  substantives  are  without  number.  There 
is,  however,  one  exception  from  the  general  use  of  number. 
This  exception  consists  of  the  want  of  number  in  the  third  per 
son  of  the  declensions  of  animate  nouns,  and  the  conjugation  of 
animate  verbs.  Not  that  such  words  are  destitute  of  number, 
in  their  simple  forms,  or  when  used  under  circumstances  requir 
ing  no  change  of  these  simple  forms  —  no  prefixes  and  no  inflec 
tions.  But  it  will  be  seen,  at  a  glance,  how  very  limited  such 
an  application  must  be  in  a  transpositive  language. 

Distinctions  of  number  are  founded  upon  a  modification  of 
the  five  vowel  sounds.  Possessives  are  likewise  founded  upon 
the  basis  of  the  vowel  sounds.  There  are  five  declensions  of 
the  noun  to  mark  the  possessives,  ending,  in  the  possessive,  in 
am,  eem,  im,  om,  um,  oom.  Where  the  nominative  ends  with  a 
vowel,  the  possessive  is  made  by  adding  the  letter  m,  as  in  mal- 
mai,  a  woodcock,  ne  maimaim,  my  woodcock,  etc.  Where 
the  nominative  ends  in  a  consonant,  as  in  ah,  a  shell,  the  full 
possessive  inflection  is  required,  making  nln  dais-im,  my  shell. 
In  the  latter  form,  the  consonant  d  is  interposed  between  the 
pronoun  and  noun,  and  sounded  with  the  noun,  in  conformity 
with  a  general  rule.  Where  the  nominative  ends  in  the  broad, 
in  lieu  of  the  long  sound  of  a,  as  in  ogimau,  a  chief,  the  posses 
sive  is  aum. 

It  is  a  constant  and  unremitting  aim  in  the  Indian  languages, 
to  distinguish  the  actor  from  the  object ;  partly  by  prefixes,  and 
partly  by  inseparable  suffixes.  That  the  termination  un  is  one 
of  these  inseparable  particles,  and  that  its  office,  while  it  con 
founds  the  number  of  the  third  person,  is  to  designate  the 


APPENDIX.  343 

object,  appears  probable,  from  the  fact  that  it  retains  its  connec 
tion  with  the  noun,  whether  the  latter  follow  or  precede  the 
verb,  or  whatever  its  position  in  the  sentence  may  be. 

In  tracing  the  operation  of  the  rule  through  the  doublings  of 
the  language,  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  every  modification 
of  sound,  whether  it  is  accompanied,  or  not  accompanied,  by  a 
modification  of  the  sense.  The  particle  un,  which  thus  marks 
the  third  person  and  persons,  is  sometimes  pronounced  wun,  and 
sometimes  yun,  as  the  euphony  of  the  word  to  which  it  is  suf 
fixed  may  require.  But  not  the  slightest  change  is  thereby 
made  in  its  meaning. 

Substantives  require,  throughout  the  language,  separable  or 
inseparable  pronouns,  under  the  form  of  prefixes.  Inflections 
of  the  first  and  second  persons,  which  occupy  the  place  of  pos- 
sessives,  and  those  of  the  third  person,  resembling  objectives, 
pertain  to  words  which  are  either  primitives,  or  denote  but  a 
single  object,  as  moose,  fire.  There  is,  however,  another  class 
of  substantives,  or  substantive  expressions,  and  an  extensive 
class  —  for  it  embraces  a  great  portion  of  the  compound  de 
scriptive  terms —  in  the  use  of  which  no  pronominal  prefixes 
are  required.  The  distinctions  of  person  are,  exclusively,  sup 
plied  by  pronominal  suffixes.  Of  this  class  are  the  words  de 
scriptive  of  country,  place  of  dwelling,  field  of  battle,  place  of 
employment,  &c.  Thus,*///W<7«^,  home  or  place  of  dwelling, 
in  the  substantive  singular,  is  Aindauyaun,  my  home  ;  Alndau- 
yun,  thy  home;  Aindau-d,  his  home.  And  the  substantive 
plural  is  Aindau-yaun-in,  my  homes  ;  Aindau-yun-in,  thy 
homes  ;  Aindau-yaung-in,  our  homes,  &c. 

Substantives  have  modifications  by  which  locality,  diminution, 
a  defective  quality,  and  the  past  tense  are  expressed  ;  by  which 
various  adjectives  and  adverbal  significations  are  given  ;  and 
finally  the  substantives  themselves  converted  into  verbs.  Such 
are,  also,  the  modes  of  indicating  the  masculine  and  feminine 
(both  merged  in  the  animate  class),  and  those  words  which  are 
of  a  strictly  sexual  character,  or  are  restricted  in  their  use  to 
males  or  females. 

That  quality  of  the  noun  which,  in  the  shape  of  an  inflection, 
denotes  the  relative  situation  of  the  object  by  the  contiguous 


I 

344  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

position  of  some  accessory  object,  is  expressed,  in  the  English 
language,  by  the  prepositions  in,  into,  at  or  on.  In  the  Indian 
they  are  denoted  by  an  inflection.  Thus  the  phrase,  in  the 
box,  is  rendered,  in  the  Indian,  by  one  word,  mukukoong ;  the 
termination  oong  denoting  the  locality,  not  of  the  box,  but  of  the 
object  sought  after.  Generally,  the  inflection  is  employed  when 
there  is  some  circumstance  or  condition  of  the  noun  either  con 
cealed,  or  not  fully  apparent.  The  principal  local  inflections 
are  ing  and  oong,  which  become  aing  and  eeng  as  the  terminal 
vowel  of  the  noun  may  require.  Ishkodai,  fire  ;  hhkod-aing, 
in  or  on  the  fire  ;  Sebe,  river  ;  Sebeeng,  in  or  on  the  river ;  Kon, 
snow  ;  Kon-ing,  in  or  on  the  snow  ;  Azhibik,  rock  ;  Azhibik- 
oong,  in  or  on  the  rock,  &c. 

The  local  form  pertains  either  to  such  nouns  of  the  animate 
class  as  are  in  their  nature  inanimates,  or  at  most  possessed  of 
vegetable  life.  There  is  another  variation  of  the  local  form  of 
the  noun,  indicative  of  locality  in  a  more  general  sense.  It  is 
formed  by  ong  or  nong,  frequent  terminations  in  geographical 
names.  Thus,  from  Ojibwai  (Chippewa)  is  formed  Ojibwainong, 
place  of  the  Chippewas.  The  termination  ing  is  also  sometimes 
employed,  as  Monomonikaun-ing,  in  the  place  of  wild  rice,  &c. 

The  diminutive  forms  of  the  noun  are  indicated  by  ais,  ees, 
os,  and  aus,  as  the  final  vowel  of  the  word  may  require.  Thus, 
Ojibwai,  a  Chippewa,  becomes  Oji^w-ais,  a  little  Chippewa  ; 
Amik,  a  beaver,  Amik-0.r,  a  young  beaver  ;  Minnis,  an  island, 
Minnis-fl/j,  a  small  island  ;  Shomin,  a  grape,  Shomin-^/V,  a  little 
grape  ;  Ossin,  a  stone,  Ossin-m,  a  small  stone  ;  Sebe,  a  river, 
Seb-m,  a  small  river  ;  Negik,  an  otter,  Negik-w,  a  small  otter ; 
Wakiegun,  a  house,  Wakieg-^wi,  a  small  house.  These  diminu 
tives,  as  far  as  they  can  be  employed,  supersede  the  use  of  ad 
jectives,  and  are  happily  employed  by  the  Indian  in  expressing 
ridicule  or  contempt.  When  applied  to  animals,  or  to  inorganic 
objects,  their  meaning,  however,  is  very  nearly  limited  to  an 
inferiority  in  size  or  age.  Sometimes  both  the  local  and  di 
minutive  inflections  are  employed.  Thus  the  word  minnisain- 
sing  signifies,  literally,  in  the  little  island. 

The  syllable  ish,  when  added  to  a  noun,  indicates  a  bad  or 
dreaded  quality,  or  conveys  the  idea  of  imperfection  or  decay. 


APPENDIX.  345 

The  sound  of  this  inflection  is  sometimes  changed  to  eesb,  oosb, 
or  aush.  Thus  Eckwai,  a  woman,  becomes  Eckwai-if/V^,  a 
bad  woman  ;  Nebi,  water,  becomes  Nebe-^,  strong  water  ; 
Webeed,  a  tooth,  becomes  Webeed-tfw.f£,  a  decayed  or  aching 
tooth.  The  rule  is  nearly  universal  that  the  final  sound  of  sh9 
in  any  of  its  forms,  is  indicative  of  a  faulty  quality. 

Substantives  have,  therefore,  a  diminutive  form,  made  in  ais^ 
ees,  oSj  or  aus ;  a  derogative  form,  made  in  isb,  eesb,  oosh,  or 
ausb ;  and  a  local  form,  made  in  aing,  eeng,  ing,  or  ong.  By  a 
principle  of  accretion,  the  second  and  third  may  be  added  to 
the  first  form,  and  the  third  to  the  second. 

While  substantives  have  their  primitive  and  derivative  forms, 
they  also  appear  as  compounds.  Among  the  primitives  may  be 
found  dissyllables  and  possibly  trisyllables  ;  but  as  a  principle, 
all  polysyllabic  words,  all  words  of  three  syllables,  and  most 
words  of  two  syllables,  are  compounds. 

3.  Adjectives.  It  has  been  remarked,  that  the  distinction  of  words 
into  animates  and  inanimates,  is  a  principle  intimately  interwoven 
throughout  the  structure  of  the  language,  constituting  indeed 
its  fundamental  principle.  In  the  plural  only  of  the  substantive 
is  the  adjective  indicated.  One  set  of  adjective  symbols  express 
the  ideas  peculiarly  appropriate  to  animates,  and  another  set  is 
exclusively  applicable  to  inanimates.  Good  and  bad,  black  and 
white,  great  and  small,  handsome  and  ugly,  have  such  modifica 
tions  as  are  practically  competent  to  indicate  the  general  nature 
of  the  objects  referred  to,  whether  provided  with,  or  destitute 
of,  the  vital  principle.  And  not  only  so,  but  by  the  figurative 
use  of  these  forms,  to  exalt  inanimate  masses  into  the  class  of 
living  beings,  or  to  strip  the  latter  of  the  properties  of  life. 

Examples  illustrating  this  principle  are  quoted,  and  explained 
in  complex  and  simple  forms.  Of  the  latter,  it  is  said  :  Ask  a 
Chippewa  the  name  for  a  rock,  and  he  will  answer,  auzbebik. 
Ask  him  the  name  for  red  rock,  and  he  will  answer,  miskwau- 
bik  ;  for  white  rock,  waubaubik  ;  for  black  rock,  mukkuddawau- 
bik  ;  for  bright  rock,  wassyaubik  ;  for  yellow  rock,  ozabwaubik  ; 
for  green  rock,  ozahw ushkwaubik ;  for  smooth  rock,  shoisbk- 
waubik,  etc.,  compounds  in  which  the  words,  red,  white,  black 
yellow,  etc.,  unite  with  aubik. 


346  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Let  this  mode  of  interrogation  be  continued,  and  -extended  to 
other  adjectives,  or  the  same  adjectives  applied  to  other  objects, 
and  results  equally  regular  and  numerous  will  appear.  Minnis, 
we  shall  be  told,  is  an  island  ;  miskominnis,  a  red  island  ;  muk- 
kuddaminnis,  a  black  island,  etc.  Annokwut,  is  a  cloud  ;  misk- 
waunakwut,  a  red  cloud  j  waubabnokwut,  a  white  cloud,  etc. 
Neebe  is  the  specific  term  for  water,  but  is  not  generally  used 
in  combination  with  the  adjective.  The  word  goma,  like  aubo^ 
appears  to  be  a  generic  term  for  water  or  potable  liquids. 
Hence,  gitskee,  great,  gitshig-guma^  great  water  ;  minno,  good, 
minwau-guma,  good  drink,  etc.  Baimwa  is  sound  ;  baimwawa, 
the  passing  sound  ;  minwawa,  a  pleasant  sound  ;  mudwayaussh- 
kau,  the  sound  of  waves  dashing  on  the  shore.  These  exam 
ples  might  be  continued  ad  infinitum.  Every  modification  of 
circumstances,  almost  every  peculiarity  of  thought,  is  expressed 
by  some  modification  of  the  orthography.  Enough  has  been 
given  to  prove  that  the  adjective  combines  itself  with  the  sub 
stantive,  the  verb,  and  the  pronoun  ;  that  the  combinations  thus 
produced  are  numerous,  afford  concentrated  modes  of  convey 
ing  ideas,  and  oftentimes  happy  terms  of  expression. 

Varied  as  the  adjective  is  in  its  changes,  it  has  no  compara 
tive  inflection.  A  Chippewa  cannot  say,  that  one  substance  is 
hotter  or  colder  than  another  ;  or  of  two  or  more  substances 
unequally  heated,  that  this  or  that  is  the  hottest  or  coldest,  with 
out  employing  adverbs  or  accessory  adjectives.  And  it  is  accord 
ingly  by  adverbs  and  accessory  adjectives  that  the  degrees  of 
comparison  are  expressed.  Pemmaudlzzlwin  is  a  very  good 
substantive  expression,  indicating  the  tenor  of  being  or  life. 
Nem  bimmaud-izziwin,  my  tenor  of  life  ;  Ke  bimmaud-izzi- 
win,  thy  tenor  of  life.  To  form  the  positive  degree,  minno, 
good,  and  mudjee,  bad,  is  introduced  between  the  pronoun  d 
and  the  verb,  thus  :  Ne  minno  pimmaud-izziwin,  my  good  tenor 
of  life  ;  Ne  mudjee  pimmaud-izziwin,  thy  bad  tenor  of  life.  To 
c  nstitute  the  comparative  degree,  nahwudj^  more,  is  prefixed  to 
the  adjective.  When  the  adjective  is  preceded  by  the  adverb, 
it  assumes  a  negative  form. 

4.  Pronouns.  Pronouns  are  buried,  if  we  may  so  say,  in  the 
structure  of  the  verb.  In  tracing  them  back,  to  their  primitive 


APPENDIX.  347 

forms,  through  the  almost  infinite  variety  of  modifications  which 
they  assume  in  connection  with  the  verb,  substantive,  and  ad 
jective,  it  will  facilitate  analysis  to  group  them  into  preforma- 
tive  and  subformative  classes  ;  terms  which  have  already  been 
made  use  of,  and  which  include  the  pronominal  prefixes  and 
suffixes.  They  admit  of  the  further  distinction  of  separable 
and  inseparable  pronouns.  By  separable  is  intended  those  forms 
which  have  a  meaning  by  themselves,  and  are  thus  distinguished 
from  the  inflective  and  subformative  pronouns,  and  pronominal 
particles  ;  significant  only  in  connection  with  another  word. 

Of  the  first  class  are  the  personal  pronouns  nee  (I),  kee  (thou), 
and  wee,  or  o  (he  or  she),  which  are  declined,  to  form  the  plu 
ral  persons,  by  neen  owind,  keen  owau,  ween  owau.  The  plural 
of  the  possessive  mine,  or  my,  in  the  inclusive,  is  made  by  k 
the  pronominal  sign  of  the  second  person,  and  the  usual  sub 
stantive  inflection  in  w /«,  with  a  terminal  d.  The  letter  o  is 
a  mere  connective,  without  meaning.  The  second  person  is 
rendered  plural  by  the  particle,  au  instead  of  win.  The  third 
person  has  its  plural  in  the  common  sign  of  w.  The  examples 
cited  embrace  the  mode  of  distinguishing  the  person,  number, 
relation,  and  gender  —  or  what  is  deemed  its  technical  equivalent, 
i.  e.,  the  mutations  words  undergo,  not  to  mark  the  distinctions 
of  sex,  but  the  presence  or  absence  of  vitality  ;  and  also  the 
inflections  which  the  pronouns  take  for  tense,  or  rather,  the 
auxiliary  verbs,  have,  had,  shall,  will,  may,  etc.  This  class 
embraces  the  preformative  or  prefixed  pronouns. 

The  inseparable  suffixed  or  subformative  pronouns  are : 
yaun,  my  ;  yun,  thy  ;  id  or  d,  his  or  hers  ;  yaung,  our  (ex.)  ; 
yung,  our  (in.)  ;  yaig^  your  ;  waud,  their.  These  pronouns  are 
exclusively  employed  as  suffixes  ;  and  as  suffixes  to  the  de 
scriptive  substantives,  adjectives,  and  verbs.  Relative  pronouns 
are  very  limited.  Demonstrative  pronouns,  both  animate  and 
inanimate,  are  found  in  many  forms 

The  Algonquin  language  is  in  a  peculiar  sense  a  language  of 

pronouns.     Originally  there    appear  to  have  been    but    three 

terms,  answering  to  the  three  persons,  I,  thou,  or  you,  and  he 

or  she.     By  these  terms,  the  speaker  or  actor  is  clearly  distin- 

44 


348  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

guished  ;  but  they  convey  no  idea  of  sex,  the  word  for  the 
third  person  in  which  we  should  suspect  it,  being  strictly  epi 
cene.  In  a  class  of  languages  strongly  transitive,  the  purposes 
of  precision  required  another  class  of  pronouns,  which  should 
be  suffixed  to  the  end  of  verbs,  to  render  the  object  of  the  ac 
tion  as  certain  as  the  actor  is.  The  language  being  without 
auxiliary  verbs,  their  place  is  supplied  by  the  tensal  syllables, 
ge,  gab,  and  gub,  which  have  extended  the  original  monysylla- 
bles  into  trisyllables.  This  is  the  first  step  on  the  polysyllabical 
ladder.  To  make  the  suffixed  or  objective  pronouns,  they  ap 
pear  to  have  availed  themselves  of  a  principle  which  they  had 
already  applied  to  nouns  —  namely,  the  principle  of  indicating, 
by  the  letters  g  or  n  added  to  the  plural  terms,  the  two  great 
divisions  of  creation,  on  which  the  whole  grammatical  structure 
is  built  —  namely,  the  genderic  classes  of  living  or  inert  matter. 
As  these  alphabetical  signs,  g  and  n,  could  be  applied  to  the 
five  terminal  vowel  sounds  of  all  nouns  and  all  verbs  (for  they 
must,  to  be  made  plural  or  conjugated,  be  provided  with  terminal 
vowels,  where  they  do  not,  when  used  disjunctively,  exist), 
there  is  naturally  a  set  of  five  vital  or  animate  and  five  non- 
vital  or  inanimate  plurals.  Ten  classes  of  nouns  and  ten 
classes  of  verbs  are  thus  formed.  But  as  the  long  vowels  in 
au  and  aan  require  three  more  varieties  of  numerical  inflection 
in  each  of  these  vowels,  the  respective  number  of  plural  terms 
is  eight,  and  the  total  sixteen  —  sixteen  modes  of  making  the 
plural,  and  sixteen  conjugations  for  the  verb.  This  is  pro 
ductive  of  a  variety  of  terminal  sounds,  and  appears  at  the  first 
glance  to  be  confused,  but  the  principle  is  simple  and  easily 
remembered  ;  so  easily,  that  a  child  need  never  mistake  it. 
The  terminal  g  or  n  of  each  word  denotes  in  all  positions,  the 
two  great  genderic  classes  of  nature,  which  are  the  cardinal 
points  of  the  grammar. 

Agreeably  to  data  furnished,  the  regular  plurals  are  respec 
tively  ag,  eg,  ig,  og,  ug,  and  ain,  een,  in,  on,  un,  with  the  addi 
tional  aug,  eeg,  and  oag,  in  the  vital,  and  aun,  een,  and  oan,  for 
the  long  vowels,  in  the  non-vital  class.  Only  two  ideas  are 
gained  by  thirty-two  numerical  inflections,  namely,  that  the  ob 
jects  are  vital  or  non-vital. 


APPENDIX.  349 

The  pure  verbs,  the  noun-verbs,  the  adjective-verbs,  and 
the  propositional,  adverbial,  and  compound  terms  and  declen-* 
sions,  are  made  plural  precisely  as  the  nouns,  regard  being  al 
ways  had  to  the  principles  of  euphony,  in  throwing  away  or 
adding  a  letter,  or  giving  precedence  to  an  adjective  inflection. 
The  suffixed  pronouns  are  required  to  be  put  at  the  end  of 
these  plurals,  where  they  will  not  always  coalesce  without  in 
serting  them  before  the  sign  of  the  epicene  or  anti-epicene. 

These  suffixed  plural  inflections,  as  before  indicated,  are  yaun, 
yun,  id,  or  simply  d — /,  you,  be,  she ;  which  are  changed  to 
plurals  personal  by  the  usual  inflections  of  the  letter  g,  making 
them  yaung,  we,  us,  our  (ex.)  ;  yung,  we,  us  our  (in.),  and  yaig 
for  ye.  The  vital  particle  are,  is  placed  before  d  for  the  pro 
noun  they. 

As  the  pronouns  are  made  plural  precisely  as  the  nouns,  for 
distinction's  sake,  the  numerical  inflections  aig,  aug,  eeg,  ig,  og, 
oog,  ug,  may  be  employed  to  express  the  various  senses  of  we, 
they,  them,  and  us,  ours,  theirs.  These  fourteen  suffixed 
pronouns  enable  the  speaker  to  designate  the  objective  transi 
tive  persons,  and  to  designate  the  reflex  action  in  the  first  plural, 
which  is  uniform. 

The  anti-epicene  suffixed  pronouns  for  the  same  persons, 
are  am,  een,  in,  on,  aun,  un,  aim,  eem,  im,  om,  oam,  um  ;  with 
such  changes  in  their  adjustment  as  usage  and  the  juxtaposition 
of  consonants  r^ave  produced. 

5.  Verbs.  The  whole  stock  of  verbs  in  the  Indian  vocabulary 
is  grouped  with  five  epicene  and  five  classes  of  anti-epicene 
conjugations.  The  conjugations  embrace  not  only  the  natural 
verbs  in  common  use,  but  they  provide  for  all  the  nouns  and 
noun-adjectives  of  every'  possible  kind  ;  for  these,  it  must  be 
remembered,  can  all  be  converted,  under  the  plastic  rules  of 
the  language,  into  verbs. 

With  a  formidable  display  of  vocal  terms  and  inflective  forms, 
there  is,  therefore,  a  very  simple  principle  to  unravel  the  lexico 
graphy,  namely,  fidelity  to  the  meaning  of  primary  and  vowelic 
sounds.  If  we  compare  this  principle  to  a  thread,  parts  of 
which  are  white,  black,  green,  blue  and  yellow,  the  white  may 
stand  as  the  symbol  of  five  vowelic  classes  of  words  in  a,  the 


350  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

black  in  b;  the  green  in  c;  the  blue  in  d;  and  the  yellow 
in  e.  It  creates  no  confusion  to  the  eye  to  add,  that  there  is 
a  filament  of  red  running  through  the  whole  series  of  colored 
strands,  whereby  five  additional  distinctions  are  made,  making 
ten  in  all.  These  represent  the  two  great  classes  of  sounds  of 
the  Algonquin  grammar,  denoting  what  has  been  called  the 
epicene. and  anti-epicene  scheme. 

If  we  would  know  to  what  class  of  conjugations  a  word 
belongs,  we  must  inquire  how  the  plural  is  made.  It  will  be 
borne  in  mind  that  all  verbs,  like  all  substantives,  either  termi 
nate  in  a  vowel  sound,  or,  where  they  do  not,  that  a  vowel 
sound  must  be  added  in  making  the  plural,  in  order  that  it  may 
serve  as  a  coalescent  for  the  epicene  g  or  the  anti-epicene  ». 
Thus  man,  inine^  is  rendered  men,  ininewug,  not  by  adding  the 
simple  epicene  plural  ug,  but  by  throwing  a  w  before  it,  making 
the  plural  in  wug.  So  paup^  to  laugh,  is  rendered  plural  in  wug^ 
and  not  ug ;  whilst  minnis,  an  island,  sebens^  a  brook,  and  all 
words  ending  in  a  consonant,  take  the  regular  anti-epicene 
plural  in  un.  The  rule  that  in  syllabication  a  vowel  should 
follow  a  consonant  is  indeed  universal. 

The  arrangement  of  the  vowelic  classes  is  so  important  to 
any  correct  view  of  the  grammar  of  the  language,  and  is,  at  the 
same  time,  so  regular,  euphonious,  and  philosophical,  that  it 
will  impress  it  the  better  on  the  mind,  by  presenting  a  tabular 
view  of  it.  «t 

CORRESPONDING  CLASSES  OF  VERBS. 
Epicene  Substantives. 

PLURAL  INFLECTIONS. 

1.  Words  ending  in     ...       a     ....     ag 

2.  "       "         .  .    .  .  e         ...  eg 
3-  "          "       "...  i  ....  i'g 

4.  '«          '*••'"         .       .  .  o         ...  6g 

5.  "       "...  u  ....  ug 

Anti-epicene  Substantives. 

i.  Words  ending  in     ...       a     ....  an 

2        "          "       "                        .  e         ...  en 

3.  "...        i     ....  in 

4.  "  "       "  .  o         ...         on 

5.  "  "       "    *       .       .        u     .       .       .       .      tin 


APPENDIX. 


351 


i.  Verbs  ending  in 

2  ee  tt  ft 

3  «  tt  It 

4.  «  -  " 

5.  "  «  - 


Verbs  ending  in 


Epicene  Verbs. 

.  a  or  ag 
e  or  eg  . 

.  i  or  i'g 
6  or  6g  . 

.  ii  or  iig 

Anti-Epicene  Verbs. 

.  a  or  an 
e  or  en  . 

.  i'  or  in 
n  .  6  or  on  . 

.  ii  or  iin 


CLASS  OF  CONJUGATIONS. 
.  in  class  a 


in  class  a 


6.  Radices.  The  Algonquin  language  is  founded  on  roots 
or  primary  elements  having  a  meaning  by  themselves.  As 
waub,  to  see  ;  paup,  to  laugh  ;  wa,  to  move  in  space  ;  bwa^ 
a  voice.  The  theory  of  its  orthography  is  to  employ  these 
primary  sounds  in  combination,  and  not  as  disjunctive  elements, 
which  has  originated  a  plan  of  thought  and  concords  quite  pe 
culiar.  It  is  evident  that  such  particles  as  ak,  be,  ge,  were  in 
vested  with  generic  meanings  before  they  assumed  their 
concrete  forms  of  ak-e,  earth  ;  ne-be,  water  ;  ge-zis^  sky. 
Without  attention  to  this  theory  of  radices,  and  to  the  word- 
building  principle  of  the  language,  —  to  this  constant  capacity 
of  incremental  extension,  and  to  the  mode  of  doubling,  triplicat 
ing,  and  quadruplicating  ideas,  it  is  impossible  to  analyze  it  — 
to  trace  its  compounds  to  their  embryotic  roots,  and  to  seize 
upon  those  principles  of  thought  and  utterance,  by  attention  to 
which,  there  has  been  created  in  the  forests  of  America,  one 
of  the  most  polysyllabic  and  completely  transpositive  modes  of 
communicating  thought  that  exists. 

Humboldt  applies  the  term  "  agglutinated"  in  defining  the 
structure  of  the  language.  If  by  agglutination  be  meant  accre 
tion,  and  the  adhesive  principle  be  its  syntax,  the  term  is 
certainly  appropriate.  Whatever  is  agglutinated  in  the  material 
world  requires  gluten  to  attach  piece  to  piece,  and  its  analogy 
in  the  intellectual  process  of  sticking  syllable  to  syllable,  and 
word  to  word,  is  the  accretive  principle  ;  and  this  syllabical 


352  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

gluten  is  precisely  that  to  which  the  closest  attention  is  required 
to  trace  its  syntax. 

7.  Word-Building.  The  accretive  system  upon  which  the 
language  is  based  is  most  clearly  illustrated  by  analysis.  Waub 
is,  apparently,  the  radix  of  the  verb,  to  see,  and  of  the  word, 
light.  Waubun  is  the  east,  or  sunlight,  and,  inferentially,  place 
of  light,  dub  is  the  name  of  the  eye-ball,  hence  ai-aub,  to  eye, 
or  to  see  with  the  eye-ball.  Ozh  appears  tb  be  the  root  of 
every  species  of  contrivance  designed  to  float  on  water. 
Wa-mit-ig-o%h,  the  people  of  the  wooden-made  vessel  —  this 
is  the  Algonquin  term  for  a  Frenchman.  O%£,  vessel  ;  mitig, 
trees  or  timbers,  and  wa^  a  plural  phrase  indicative  of  persons. 
It  is  said  the  Indian  must  have  had  a  term  for  grape,  be 
fore  he  made  the  compound  term  for  wine,  since  the  meaning 
of  the  latter  is  grape-liquor.  Aubo  in  the  Algonquin,  means  a 
liquid  or  liquor.  Shomin^  is  a  grape  —  but  this  is  itself  a  dual 
compound.  Min^  in  the  same  language,  means  a  berry.  The 
primordial  root  of  the  word  is  Sho.  Hence  the  terms  : 

A  Radix  ....  Sbo  .  .  .  .A  grape. 
A  Radix,  .  .  .  Min.  .  .  A  berry. 
Undecided,  .  .  .  Aubo  .  .A  liquor. 

A  compound  of  Shominaubo.  Wine,  that  is  grape- 

four  syllables.  berry  liquor. 

The  word  Mishimin  means  an  apple.  It  is  compounded 
from  Misb,  the  primordial  root,  and  Min,  a  berry,  with  the 
short  sound  of  /  thrown  in  for  euphony.  The  principle  of 
euphony  requires  a  vowel  to  be  interposed  where  two  short 
words  meet,  which  would  bring  two  consonants  (as  in  this  case) 
together,  and  a  consonant  in  expressions  which  would  bring 
two  vowels  together.  The  enlargement  of  the  word  into  the 
class  of  trisyllables,  in  all  these  cases,  brings  only  sound  into  the 
new  compound,  without  any  enlargement  of  the  sense.  By 
joining  the  worct  aubo  to  this  dualistic  term,  we  have  the  Indian 
name  for  cider. 

Radix, Misb  .       .       .  Apple. 

Connective,  ....*" 


APPENDIX.  353 

Radix,       .       .       .       .       .  Min    .       .       .  Berry. 
Undecided,  ....        Aubo    .        .        Liquor.  • 
Compound  of  four  syllables.     Misbiminaubo.     Apple-berry  liquor. 

The  term  for  rum  is  ishkoda  wabo.  Ishkoda  is  itself  a  com 
pound  word,  koda  signifies  a  plain  or  valley,  and  ish,  fire,  and 
is  employed  perhaps  to  denote  quality  and  prostration ;  w  is  a 
coalescent  and  aubo,  liquor  —  five  syllables,  fire-liquor.  The 
word  for  mechanical,  and  all  classes  of  implements,  is  'Jegun. 
To  break  up  (any  inanimate  substance),  is  Pegoobidon.  Land 
or  earth  is  Akki  •>  Akkum,  surface  of  the  earth.  Hence,  Pegoo- 
kumibe'ejegun,  a  plough  or  breaking-up-land  instrument.  Wassa- 
au  is  light  ;  Biskoona,  'flame.  Hence,  Was-ko-nen-jegun,  a 
candle  or  light  flame  instrument. 

Not  only  verbs  and  substantives  are  thus  compounded  and 
lengthened  out  in  their  syllabical  structure,  but  adjectives  ad 
mit  of  similar  forms.  Thus  from  the  adjective  radix  misk^  there 
is  formed  a  variety  of  dual  and  trial  compounds,  which  are  in 
daily  vocal  use. 

Misquee,  Blood.         From  miskt  red,  and  nebee,  water. 

Misqueewon,  Bloody.  "  "          won,  a  substance. 

Misqueengtta,  A  blush.  "  "          equa,  a  female. 

•  Misquawauk,  Pved  cedar.  "  '«         auk,  a  tree. 

From  the  word  Mmno^  good,  is  derived. 

Minnomonedo,          .       .    A  good  God,  or  an  heavenly  spirit. 
Minnoinnini,         .       .       A  good  man. 
Minnoequa,       .        .       .A  good  woman. 

From  the  word  Mudjee,  or  Matchee,  as  it  is  usually  written, 
is  formed  : 

Matcbeemonedo A  bad  spirit  of  demon  of  evil. 

Matcbeinnini,       ...       A  bad  man. 

One  of  the  most  striking  sources  of  Indian  compounds  is  that 
derived  from  men's  and  women's  names.  The  open  firmament 
of  heaven  is  the  field  from  which  these  names  'aje  generally 
derived.  They  are,  consequently,  sublime  or  grandiloquent  in 
phraseology  ;  sometimes  poetic,  always  highly  figurative,  and 


354  HUDSON  RIVER  IN  DUNS. 

often  bombastic  or  ridiculous.     The  following  examples  of  the 
personal  names  of  each  sex  will  denote  this  : 

Au  be  tub  gee  zbig,        .       .   Centre  of  the  sky. 

Bairn  wa  wa,       .        .  .       The  passing  thunder. 

Cbeeng  gaus  sin,      .       .       .  The  noise  of  wind. 

Esb  ta  nak  wod,  .       .  .        Clear  sky  or  cloudless  sky. 

Mo  kau  ge  zbig,      .       .       .  The  sun  bursting  from  a  cloud. 

Ning  au  be  uny     .       .  .        The  westerly  wind. 

O  zhau  wus  co  ge  zbig, .       .  The  blue  sky,. 

Pa  bait  ge  me  wong,    .  . '      The  showers. 

Sa  sa  gun,         ....  Hail. 

Waub  un  nung,    .       .  .       The  morning  star. 

Males  have  two  and  sometimes  three  names,  but  generally 
two,  one  of  which  may  be  called  his  baptismal  name,  and  the 
other  that  which  he  has  acquired  from  some  incident  or  cir 
cumstance.  The  former  is  studiously  concealed,  and  never 
revealed  by  the  Indian  bearing  it  j  the  latter  is  the  familiar  cog 
nomen.  It  is  characteristic  of  female  names,  that  they  denote 
the  gender  in  their  terminal  syllable  qua.  The  following  will 
sufficiently  illustrate  the  manner  in  which  they  are  compounded: 

Au  zbe  bik  o  qua,        ....  Woman  of  the  rock. 

Bairn  wa  wa  ge  zbig  a  qua,  .        .        Woman  of  the  thunder-cloud. 

Cbeeng  gosh  kum  o  qua,  .  .  .  Woman  of  the  sounding  foot 
steps. 

Ke  neance  e  qua,      ....       Little  rose-bud  woman. 

Mau  je  ge  zbik  o  qua,        .        .        .  Woman  of  the  zenith. 

O  gin  e  bug  o  qua,  ....       Woman  of  the  rose. 

O  bub  bau  mwa  wa  ge  zbig  o  qua,  Woman  of  the  murmuring  of 

the  skies. 

The  formation  of  geographical  names  is  no  exception  to  the 
rule.  Wombi,  in  the  Natick,  or  Massachusetts  dialect, —  which 
the  Wappingers  are  presumed  to  have  spoken, —  means  white  ; 
/V,  or  //£,  is  a  termination  for  azbfbik^  a  rock  or  solid  formation 
of  rocks.  Hence  Wombic,  the  Indian  name  for  the  White 
mountains  o/  New  Hampshire.  In  the  Algonquin,  monaud 
signifies  bad  ;  nok  and  nac,  in  the  same  language,  is  a  term  indi 
cative  of  rock  or  precipice.  Hence  Monadnock,  a  detached 


APPENDIX.  355 

I 

mountain  of  New  Hampshire,  whose  characteristic  is  thus 
denoted  to  consist  in  the  difficulty  or  badness  of  its  ascent. 
The  Delawares  denominate  their  river  Lenapekituk.  Of  this 
term  Lenape  is  their  own  proper  name,  ituk  is  a  local  phrase. 
The  Mahicans  gave  to  their  river  a  name  similarly  constituted 
in  Mahicanituk.  The  'particle  na  in  the  Chippewa,  indicates, 
in  compounds,  "  fairness,  abundance,  excellence,  something 
surpassing."  Amik,  is  a  term  for  a  beaver,  and  ong  denotes 
place.  Thus  Namikong,  the  name  for  a  noted  point  on  Lake 
Superior,  means  a  surpassing  place  for  beavers.  The  name 
Housatonick  is  a  trinary,  which  appears  to  be  composed  of  wassa, 
bright,  atun,  a  channel  or  stream,  and  ick  from  azkebic,  rocks  ; 
i.  e.,  "  Bright  stream  flowing  through  rocks."  While  it  is 
perhaps  impossible  to  translate  many  of  the  local  and  geographi 
cal  names  which  are  found  in  the  valley  of  the  Hudson,  from 
the  fact  that  the  language  was  a  mixture  of  Algonquin,  Man 
hattan,  Wappenackie,  Mahican,  Minsi  and  Iroquois,  their  form 
ation  was  in  accordance  with  the  concrete  principle,  and  in 
many  cases  the  root  terms  are  easily  detected. 

Connected  with  this  branch  of  his  subject,  the  author  intro 
duces  a  plan  of  a  system  of  geographical  names,  founded 
on  the  aboriginal  languages,  which  gives  to  the  investigation  a 
practical  form,  and,  if  adopted,  would  enrich  our  own  language 
as  well  as  preserve  the  original.  He  says  : 

u  It  is  found  that  many  aboriginal  terms  which  are  graphically 
descriptive  in  the  native  dialects,  fail  in  the  necessary  euphony 
and  shortness  necessary  to  their  popular  adoption.  The  princi 
ples  of  the  polysynthetic  languages  embrace  the  rule  of  concen 
trating,  in  their  compounds,  the  full  meaning  of  a  word  upon  a 
single  syllable,  and  sometimes  a  single  letter.  Thus  in  Alon- 
quin,  the  particle  be  denotes  water ;  wa,  inanimate  motion  ;  ga, 
personal  actidn  ;  ac,  a  tree  ;  bic,  a  rock  or  metal.  The  sylla 
ble  tiy  in  Iroquois,  constantly  means  water ;  tar,  a  rock ;  on,  a 
hill  ;  nee,  a  tree.  In  the  Natick  or  Massachusetts  dialect,  as 
given  by  Mr.  Eliot,  the  negative  form  of  elementary  words  is 
matt a ;  the  local  inflection  ett ;  the  adjective  great,  missi ; 
black,  moot ;  white,  wompi. 
45 


356  HUDSON  RIVER  INDUNS. 

* 

"  The  Indian  languages  also  contain  generic  syllables  or 
particles  in  the  shape  of  inflections  to  nouns  and  verbs  ;  in  the 
Algonquin,  abo,  a  liquid  ;  jegun,  or  simply  gun,  an  instrument ; 
jewun,  a  current ;  wunzh,  a  plant  ;  ong  or  onk,  a  place,  &c. 

"  By  these  concentrations,  descriptive  words  become  replete 
with  meanings  ;  but  it  requires  a  very  nice  collocation  and  ad 
justment  of  syllables  to  attain  the  requisite  degree  of  euphony, 
for  the  adoption  of  such  compounds  by  foreign  ears.  Generally, 
words  of  three  syllables  recommend  themselves  to  the  English 
ear  for  quantity,  in  geographical  names  adopted  from  an  Indian 
language,  as  heard  in  Oswego,  Chicago,  Ohio,  Monadnock, 
and  Toronto.  In  the  terms  suggested  in  the  following  lists  of 
words,  intended  to  be  introduced  into  our  geographical  nomen 
clature,  the  principles  of  elision  and  concentration  referred  to, 
have  been  applied.  The  root-forms  carry  the  entire  significa 
tion  to  which  they  are  entitled,  in  the  elementary  vocabulary, 
after  they  have  been  divested,  by  analysis,  of  their  adjuncts. 
Thus,  in  the  Algonquin,  the  syllable  ac  stands  for  land,  earth, 
ground,  soil  ;  be,  for  water,  liquid  ;  bic,  for  rock,  stone,  metal, 
hard  mineral ;  co  for  object ;  ke  for  country,  precinct,  or  terri 
tory  ;  os  for  pebble,  loose  stone,  detritus  ;  min,  good  ;  ia,  the 
term  for  a  beautiful  scene  ;  na,  a  particle,  which,  in  compound 
words,  denotes  excellence  ;  oma,  a  large  body  of  water  j  non, 
a  place  ;  gan,  a  lake  ;  coda,  a  plain  or  valley  ;  oda,  a  town, 
village,  or  cluster  of  houses,  &c. 

"  By  adding  the  primary  syllable  of  a  word,  as  conveying  the 
entire  signification  of  the  word,  and  employing  it  as  a  nominative 
to  other  syllables,  which  are  also  made  use  of  in  their  concen 
trated  forms,  a  class  of  words  is  formed,  which  are  generally 
shorter  than  their  parent  forms,  more  replete  in  their  meanings, 
and  securing,  at  the  same  time,  a  more  uniformly  euphonious 
pronounciation.  Quantity  and  accent  being  thus  at  command 
by  these  elisions  and  transpositions,  the  number  of  syllables  of 
which  a  new  class  of  words  shall  consist,  is  a  question  to  be 
predetermined.  Expletive  consonants,  harsh  gutturals,  and 
double  inflections,  the  pests  of  Indian  lexography,  are  dropped, 
and  the  selections  made  from  syllables  which  abound  in  liquid 
and  vowel  sounds.  For  it  should  be  the  object  to  preserve,  as 


APPENDIX.  357 

new  elements  in  this  peculiar  branch  of  American  literature, 
not  the  harsh  and  barbarous,  but  the  soft  and  sonorous  sounds. 
I.  Terms  from  the  Algonquin.  "  As  a  basis  for  these  terms, 
we  take,  from  the  vocabulary  of  analyzed  words,  the  primary 
terms  ad,  ab,  os,  w ud,  pat,  mo,  at,  seeb,  gon,  pew,  cbig,  naig,  ag, 
mon,  tig,  cos,  pen,  mig,  won ;  meaning  respectively  deer,  home, 
pebble,  mountain,  hill,  spring,  channel  or  current,  river,  clay- 
land,  iron,  shore,  sand,  water's  edge,  corn,  tree,  grass,  bird,  ea 
gle,  rose-bud.  Subjecting  these  nominatives  to  the  adjective 
expression  ia,  signifying  beautiful,  fair,  admirable,  and  placing 
the  particle  nac,  land,  earth,  soil,  in  the  objective,  and  changing 
the  latter  for  gan  a  lake  ;  bee,  water  ;  min,  good  ;  na,  excellent ; 
ma,  large  water  ;  ock,  forest ;  we  have  the  following  trisyllabic 
terms : 


Deer,    .... 

.  Ad    . 

.       .  Ad  ia  nac. 

Home,     . 
Pebble,         .       .        . 
Mountain, 
Hill,      .       .       .       . 

.       Ab.       . 
.   Os     . 
.       Wud      . 
.   Pat    . 

Ab  ia  nac. 
.   Os  ia  nac. 
Wud  ia  nac. 
•       .  Pat  ia  nac. 

Spring,     . 
Current, 
River, 

.       Mo 
.  At     . 
Seeb      . 

Mo  ia  nac. 
.  At  ia  nac. 
.       Seeb  ia  nac 

Clay-land,    .        .       . 
Iron, 

.  Gon   . 
Pew      . 

.   Gon  ia  nac. 
»       .       Petv  ia  nac 

Shore,  .... 

.  Chi? 

.  Cbig  ia  nac 

Sand, 

Naif 

.       .        Nat?  ia  nac 

Beach,  . 

A? 

AP  ia  nac 

Corn,       . 

Mon       . 

»       .       J^on  ia  nac 

Tree     . 

Tiff 

•   Tip  ia  nac 

Grass,      . 

Cos 

Cos  ia  nac. 

Bird,    .... 

.  Pen 

.          Pen  ia  nac 

Eagle, 

Mi? 

.       Mig  ia  nac. 

Rose-bud,  . 

.    Won   . 

.  Won  ia  nac. 

"  By  reversing  the  action  of  the  verb,  or  noun  nominative, 
a  new  set  of  phrases  is  created,  by  which  the  meaning  is  changed 
from  deer-land,  home-land,  &c.,  to  land  of  deer,  land  of  home, 
&c.  The  number  of  the  objective  syllables  is  as  various  as 
the  objects  in  nature.  The  whole  class  of  animals,  birds,  rep- 


358  HUDSON  RIVE&  INDIANS. 

tiles,  insects,  fishes ;  the  wide-spread  phenomena  of  the 
heavens,  of  the  forests  and  of  the  waters,  supply  words  which 
are  susceptible  of  being  employed  in  the  construction  of  new 
terms.  Not  only  can  the  objective  be  exchanged  for  the  nomi 
native,  but  the  qualifying  word  admits  of  many  euphonious  ex 
changes,  and  it  may  itself  be  employed  as  an  objective,  and  the 
nominative  itself  thrown  in  the  body  of  the  terms  as  a  qualify 
ing  syllable  ;  producing  a  set  of  words  like  those  heard  in  Peoria 
and  Kaskaskia,  where  the  terminal  syllable,  ia,  denotes  fair  or 
beautiful.  In  these  terms  the  syllable  osy  denoting  pebble  or 
drift,  is  the  adjunct  noun. 

Adbsia   .       .        .  Fair  deer  land,  .       .  From  Adic. 

Abbsia,      .       .        Fair  home  land,     .       .          "      Abia. 
Patbsia,        .       .  Fair  hill,  .     "      Isbpatina. 

"  If  the  terminal  ome  or  oma,  as  it  is  heard  in  Gitchig-oma, 
be  employed,  we  have  a  set  of  terms  denoting  water  prospects. 

Min-b-ma, Good  water. 

Mos-b-mat  .       .               .       .       Moose  water. 

Mon-b-ma,  .       .       .       .       .       .  Spirit  water. 

Mok-b-ma,  .        .               .       .       Spring  water. 

Ac-b-mat Rock  water. 

"  The  particle  na  as  heard  in  Namikong,  denotes  excellent, 
abundant,  surpassing.  By  taking  this  for  the  objective  syllable, 
and  retaining  the  same  nominative,  and  the  same  qualifying 
syllable  made  use  of  above,  the  resulting  terms  are  as  follows  : 

Min-ia-na,       ....  Good,  fair  and  excellent. 
Ack-ia-na,    ....  "  "  land. 

Tig-ia-na,       .....  "  "  trees. 

Mon-ia-na,  ....  "  spirits. 

2.  Terms  from  the  Iroquois.  The  syllables  co,  a  cascade  ;  //, 
water ;  tar,  rock  ;  on^  hill ;  asto,  a  defile,  are  selected  as  ex 
hibiting  the  transpositive  capacities  of  this  language. 

u  Termination  in  atea,  a  valley  or  landscape. 

Co-at-at-ea,       .       .       .  Valley  below  falls. 
Ti-at-at-ea  .       .       .       Well  watered  valley. 


APPENDIX.  359 

Tar-at-at-ea,    .       .       .  Rocks  of  the  valley. 

On-at-at-ea,  .       .       .      Hills  of  the  valley. 

As-to-at-ea,      .       .       .  Narrow  pass  of  a  river  in  the  valley. 

"Terminations  in  oga,  a  place,  change  these  terms  to 
"place  of  water  and  rocks,"  "place  of  hills  and  rocks," 
"  place  of  the  watery  vale,"  etc.  Terminations  in  /0,  beautiful : 
Co-i-o,  beautiful  falls ;  Te-i-o,  beautiful  waters ;  On-ti-o, 
beautiful  hills ;  Tar-i-o,  beautiful  rocks ;  Os-i-o,  beautiful 
view." 

Examples  of  transpositions  and  elisions  are  abundantly  fur 
nished,  but  sufficient  have  been  quoted  to  illustrate  the  principle 
and  direct  attention  to  the  subject.  Instead  of  Smith's  corners, 
Johnson's  mills,  arid  a  class  of  local  terms  without  significance, 
might  be  introduced  Na-pee-na,  abounding  in  birds  ; .  Al-gan-see, 
water  of  the  plains  ;  I-6s-co,  water  of  light ;  I-e-nia,  wanderer's 
rest;  Was-sa-han-na,  bright  river;  Sho-min-ac,  grape-land; 
Mon-a-kee,  spirit  land  ;  Tal-lu-la,  leaping  waters ;  Os-se-go, 
beautiful  view ;  Bis-co-da,  beautiful  plain,  terms  of  appropriate  and 
permanent  import.  For  private  residences  or  country  seats,  no 
class  of  terms  could  be  applied  more  expressive  or  more  Ame 
rican.  The  titles  of  the  old  world  certainly  need  not  be  copied 
when  those  that  are  fresh  and  fragrant  await  adoption. 

Dialectic  Vocabularies. 

Dialectic  vocabularies,  while  not  without  their  value  for 
comparative  purposes  and  for  supplying  primitive  terms,  afford 
but  little  aid  in  other  respects.  As  a  general  rule,  those  which 
have  been  preserved  are  composed  of  words  spoken  in  different 
localities  and.  at  different  periods,  and  frequently  mislead  the 
inquirer.  Those  having  occasion  to  do  so,  will  consult  them  in 
their  most  complete  form  in  Schooler  affs  History,  and  in  Galla- 
tin's  Synopsis.  The  table  annexed  is  introduced  as  simply 
illustrative. 


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APPENDIX.  361 


III.  GEOGRAPHICAL  NOMENCLATURE  AND  TRADITIONS. 

(N  addition  to  the  geographical  terms  which  have 
been  given  in  the  body  of  this  work,  there  are 
many  to  which  reference  may  very  properly  be 
made,  as  well  as  traditions  "  which  take  the  form 
of  history,"  from  their  very  general  acceptance  as  such.  It  is 
to  be  regretted  that  the  orthography  of  most  of  the  Indian  geo 
graphical  terms  is  so  ba'dly  rendered  in  the  official  records  as  to 
make  interpretation  almost  impossible,  even  where  the  dialect 
has  been  preserved,  and  especially  is  it  to  be  regretted  that  the 
dialects  themselves  have  not  been  preserved  with  more  of  their 
original  character.  As  an  almost  universal  rule,  however,  the 
statement  may  be  accepted  as  a  fact  that  the  Indians  had  little 
of  poetry  in  their"  composition,  and  that,  while  many  of  their 
terms  can  be  made  poetical,  they  were  originally  of  the  plainest 
and  simplest  descriptive  equivalents.  A  black  hill  or  a  red  hill, 
a  large  hill  or  a  small  one,  a  small  stream  of  water  or  a  larger 
one,  or  one  which  was  muddy  or  stony,  a  field  of  maize,  or  of 
leeks,  overhanging  rocks  or  dashing  waterfalls  (patternack), — 
almost  invariably  denoting  some  physical  peculiarity,  or  some 
product  of  the  soil.  Their  commemorative  terms  were  few. 

Manhattan  has  already  been  explained  as  signifying  island, 
or,  in  its  plural  form,  islands;  as  applied  to  the  people,  "  the 
people  of  the  islands."  The  extreme  point  of  land  between 
the  junction  of  East  and  North  rivers,  of  which  the  battery  is 
now  a  part,  was  called  Kapsee,  and  is  still  known  to  many  per 
sons  as  the  Copsie  point.  The  term  appears  to  have  denoted 
a  "  safe  place  of  landing,"  formed  by  eddy  waters.  Sappokani- 
kan,  a  point  of  land  on  the  Hudson  below  Greenwich  avenue, 
is  supposed  to  indicate,  "  the  carrying  place,"  from  sipon^  river, 
and  oumgan,  a  portage.  The  Indians  carried  their  canoes  either 
over  the  point  or  across  the  island  to  East  river,  at  this  place,  to 
save  the  trouble  of  paddling  down  to  the  foot  of  the  island  and 
then  up  the  East  river.  (O* Callaghari).  Corlear's  hook  was 
called  Naghtognk,  according  to  Benson.  The  name  is  also  given 


362  HUDSON  RWER  INDIANS. 

as  Rtcbtauck ;  from  reckwa^  sand.  A  tract  of  meadow  land  on 
the  north  end  of  the  island,  near  Kingsbridge,  was  called  Mus- 
coota,^that  is  "  meadow  or  grass  land."  (Benson.)  Warpoes 
was  a  term  bestowed  on  a  piece  of  elevated  ground,  situated 
above  and  beyond  the  small  lake  or  pond  called  the  kolck ;  the 
latter  occupying  several  acres  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  present 
halls  of  justice  in  Centre  street.  Many  of  the  streets  of  the 
city  are  laid  out  upon  the  old  Indian  paths.  This  is  true  of 
Broadway  from  the  battery  to  the  Park,  where  the  Indian  paths 
forked,  one  running  east  to  Chatham  square,  and  the  other 
west  to  Tivoli  garden,  etc.  This  would  lead  to  Warpoes  by 
paths  on  the  east  and  west  side  of  the  kolck.  At  or  beyond 
Warpoes  the  paths  again  forked,  one  leading  to  Sappokanikan  on 
the  Hudson,  and  the  other  to  Nagbtognk  or  Corlear's  hook.  The 
island  was  not  a  place  of  permanent  abode  of  the  Indians,  but 
was  only  occupied  during  certain  seasons.  It  was  sold  to 
Minuet,  the  first  director-general  of  the  Holland  government, 
in  1624,  and  was  then  estimated  to  contain  about  twenty-two 
thousand  acres.  The  price  paid  to  the  Indians  was  sixty  guild 
ers,  or  about  twenty-four  dollars. 

Staten  island  bears  different  names  in  different  deeds.  In 
the  deed  to  Michael  Pauw,  in  1631,  it  is  called  Matawucks, 
and  in  that  to  Capellen,  in  1655,  Eghquaous.  DeVries  says 
that  it  was  called  Monocknong,  and  that  the  clan  occupying  it 
were  Monatons.  The  deed  to  Capellen  states  that  it  was  jointly 
owned  by  the  Raritans  and  the  Hackinsacks.  Governor's 
island  was  called  by  the  Indians,  Pagganck ;  Bedloe's  island, 
Minnisais ;  Ellis'  island,  Kiosbk;  and  Blackwell's  island,  Minna- 
kanock,  the  latter  signifying  "  at  the  island,"  or  "  the  island 
home."  ct  The  word  is  a  compound  of  Menahan,  an  island, 
and  uck,  locality."  (O' Callaghan). 

On  the  point  of  land  now  occupied  by  Fort  Schuyler  is  lo 
cated  a  tradition  which  Judge  Benson  relates  in  his  Memoirs 
of  New  York.  Directly  opposite  the  fort  are  the  famous  step 
ping  stones,1  consisting  of  a  number  of  rocks  which  project 

1  On  a  map  descriptive  of  the  battle     on    the   Hudson. — Documentary    History, 
near    Lake  George,    in    1755,    Stepping     iv,  259. 
Stones    is  also  applied  to    the     palisades 


APPENDIX.  363 

in  a  line  from  the  Long  Island  shore,  and  show  their  bare  tops 
at  low  water.  "  An  Indian  origin,"  says  Benson,  "  is  asserted 
for  this  name,  and  a  tradition  vouched  as  authority."  It  is  said, 
that  at  a  certain  time  the  evil  spirit  set  up  a  claim  against  the 
Indians,  to  Connecticut,  as  his  peculiar  domain  ;  but  they  being 
in  possession,  determined,  of  course,  to  try  to  hold  it.  The 
surface  of  Connecticut  and  Long  Island  were  then  the  reverse 
of  what  they  are  now.  The  latter  was  covered  with  rocks  ; 
Connecticut  was  free  from  them.  The  Indians  first  tried  to 
negotiate  with  his  majesty  ;  offering  to  retire  from  the  land, 
provided  they  were  permitted  to  girdle  the  trees  and  remove 
their  property.  No  answer  was  made  to  the  proposition,  and 
both  parties  appealed  to  arms.  The  arch-leader  took  the  field 
alone ;  and  being  an  overmatch  for  the  Indians  in  skill  and 
spirit,  he  at  first  advanced  on  them  ;  but,  they  having  provided 
there  should  be  constant  reinforcements  on  their  march,  thereby 
preserving  their  corps  entire,  and  harassing  him  incessantly, 
giving  him  no  rest  night  nor  day,  he  was  obliged  finally  to  yield 
to  vigilance  and  perseverance,  and  fall  back.  He  retired  col 
lected,  and,  as  usual,  gave  up  the  ground  only  inch  by  inch  ; 
and  though  retiring,  still  presenting  a  front  whenever  attack 
threatened.  He  kept  close  to  the  sound  to  secure  his  flank 
from  attack  on  that  side  ;  and  having  reached  the  point,  and  the 
water  becoming  narrow,  and  the  tide  running  out,  and  the  rocks 
showing  their  heads,  he  availed  himself  of  them,  and  stepping 
from  one  to  the  other  effected  his  retreat  to  Long  Island.  He 
at  first  betook  himself,  silent  and  sullen,  to  Coram,  in  the  middle 
of  the  island  ;  but  it  being  in  his  nature  not  to  remain  idle  long, 
and  rage  being  superadded,  soon  roused  him  and  ministered  to 
him  the  means  of  revenge.  He  collected  all  the  rocks  in  the 
island  in  heaps  at  Cold  Spring,  and  throwing  them  in  different 
directions,  to  different  distances  across  the  sound  in  Connecticut, 
covered  the  surface  of  it  with  them  as  we  now  see  it." 

This  tradition  was  given  to  the  first  settlers  at  Cold  Spring, 
and  the  last  Indians  who  remained  there  not  only  undertook  to 
show  the  spot  where  his  majesty  stood,  but  insisted  that  they 
could  still  discern  the  prints  of  his  feet.  A  projecting  point  of 
land  on  the  neck  is  still  called  Satan's  Toe. 
46 


364  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Among  the  natural  curiosities  of  Long  Island  is  Ronconcoa 
lake,  lying  upon  the  boundary  line  which  divides  the  four  towns 
of  Smithtown,  Setauket,  Islip,  and  Patchogue.  This  lake  is  of 
great  depth  and  for  a  long  time  was  supposed  to  be  unfathomable. 
It  has  an  ebb  and  flow  in  its  waters  at  different  periods  ;  and  was 
early  made  the  theme  of  Indian  story  and  tradition.  They  re 
garded  it  with  a  species  of  superstitious  veneration,  and  although 
it  abounded  in  a  variety  of  fish,  they,  at  the  early  settlement, 
refused  to  eat  them,  believing  they  were  superior  beings  and 
placed  there  by  the  Great  Spirit. 

About  thirty  miles  from  Brooklyn  and  midway  between  the 
north  and  south  sides  of  the  island,  is  a  hill  known  as  Marietta, 
a  corruption  of  the  original  name,  which  was  Manitou,  or  the 
hill  of  the  Great  Spirit.  The  tradition  is,  that  many  ages  since, 
the  aborigines  residing  in  those  parts  suffered  extremely  from 
the  want  of  water.  Under  their  suffering  they  offered  up 
prayers  to  the  Great  Spirit  for  relief.  That  in  reply  to  their 
supplications,  the  Great  Spirit  directed  their  chieftain  should 
shoot  his  arrow  in  the  air,  and  on  the  spot  where  it  fell  they 
shpuld  dig,  and  would  assuredly  discover  the  element  they  so 
much  desired.  They  pursued  the  direction,  dug,  and  found 
water.  There  is  now  a  well  situated  on  this  rising  ground  ;  and 
the  tradition  continues  to  say,  that  this  well  is  on  the  very  spot 
indicated  by  the  Good  Spirit.  The  probabilities  are  that  the 
hill  takes  its  name  from  the  fact  that  it  was  used  as  the  place  of 
general  offering  to  the  Great  Spirit. 

Canoe  Place,  on  the  south  side  of  the  island,  near  Southampton, 
derives  its  name  from  the  fact,  that  more  than  two  centuries  ago 
a  canal  was  made  there  by  the  Indians,  for  the  purpose  of  pass 
ing  their  canoes  from  one  bay  to  the  other,  that  is  across  the 
island  from  Mecox  bay  to  Peconlc  bay.  Although  the  trench 
has  been  in  a  great  measure  filled  up,  yet  its  remains  are  still 
visible,  and  partly  flowed  at  high  water.  It  was  constructed  by 
Mongotucksee,  or  Long  Knife,  who  then  reigned  over  the  nation 
of  Montauk  —  a  chief  of  gigantic  form,  proud  and  despotic  in 
peace,  and  terrible  in  war.  But  although  a  tyrant  of  his  people, 
he  protected  them  from  their  enemies,  and  commanded  their 
respect  for  his  savage  virtues.  He  sustained  his  power  not  less 


APPENDIX.  365 

by  the  resources  of  his  mind  than  by  the  vigor  of  his  arm.  An 
ever  watchful  policy  guided  his  councils.  Prepared  for  every 
exigency,  not  even  aboriginal  sagacity  could  surprise  his  canton. 
To  facilitate  communication  around  the  seat  of  his  dominion  — 
for  the  purpose  not  only  of  defense  but  of  annoyance  —  he 
constructed  this  canal,  which  remains  a  monument  of  his  genius. 
The  praises  of  Mongotucksee  are  still  chanted  in  aboriginal  verse 
to  the  winds  that  howl  around  the  eastern  extremity  of  the 
island. 

Long  Island,  as  already  stated,  was  called  Sewanbackey. 
Among  the  localities,  Occopoque  (Riverhead),  takes  its  name 
from  accup,  a  creek.  The  Indian  village  of  Accopogue  was  situ 
ated  on  the  creek  which  enters  Little  Peconic  bay  on  the  north 
side.  Nepeage  was  the  name  of  the  peninsula  which  unites 
Montauk  to  the  western  part  of  East  Hampton,  and  is  supposed 
to  mean  "  water  land,"  from  nepe,  water,  and  eage,  earth  or  land. 
(O'Callagban.)  Montauk,  the  name  for  the  east  end  of  the 
island,  is  from  mintuck,  a  tree,  in  the  Narragansett  dialect. 
The  place  abounded  with  trees,  according  to  Thompson. 
(Ibid.}  Namke,  from  namaas,  fish  and  ke,  place  was  the  name  of 
the  creek  near  Riverhead.  {Ibid.}  Mereyckawick  (Brooklyn), 
is  from  me,  the  article  in  the  Algonquin  ;  reckwa,  sand,  and  ick, 
locality,  "the  sandy  place."  The  name  was  probably  applied, at 
first,  to  the  bottom  land  or  beach.  Wallabout  bay  was  called 
"  the  boght  of  Mareckawick."  (Ibid}  Huppogues,  in  Smithtown, 
is  an  abbreviation  of  sumhuppaog,  the  Narragansett  word  for 
beavers.  (Rhode  Island  Historical  Collections,  I,  95.) 

Bolton,  in  his  History  of  Westchester  County,  has  preserved 
many  of  the  Indian  names  in  that  district.  To  the  Spuyten 
Duyvel  creek  he  assigns  the  term,  Papirinimen.  O'Callaghan 
gives  the  same  name  to  a  tract  "  on  the  north  end  of  the  island 
of  Manhattans,"  about  228th  street,  between  Spuyten  Duyvel 
creek  on  the  west  and  Harlem  river  on  the  east.  Saw  mill 
creek  was  called  Neperah,  from  nepe,  water,  and  gave  its  name 
to  the  Indian  village  of  Nappeckamak,  which  stood  on  the  site 
of  the  present  village  of  Yonkers,  literally  "the  rapid  water 
settlement."  In  an  obscure  nook  on  the  Hudson,  west  of  the 
Neperah,  is  a  large  rock  which  was  called  Meghkeekassin,  or 


366  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Amackassin*  ox  "the  great  stone,"  to  which  it  is  said  the  Indians 
paid  reverence  as  an  evidence  of  the  permanency  and  immuta 
bility  of  their  deity.  * 

No  Indian  name  more  frequently  occurs  in  the  history  of  the 
county  than  that  of  Weckquaesgeek,  nor  one  the  precise  location 
of  which  there  is  more  difficulty  in  determining.  O'Callaghan 
says:  "This  tract  is  described  as  extending  from  the  Hudson 
to  the  East  river.  The  name  is  from  wigwos,  birch  bark,  and 
keag,  country — "  the  country  of  the  birch  bark."  Bolton  gives 
the  name  to  an  Indian  village  which  occupied  the  site  of  Dobbs' 
ferry,  which  he  denominates  "the  place  of  the  bark  kettle."  In 
Albany  Records,  m,  379,  is  this  entry  :  "  Personally  appeared 
Sauwenare,  sachem  of  Wieckqueskeck,  Amenameck  his  brother, 
and  others,  all  owners,  etc.^  of  lands  situated  on  North  river 
called  Wieckquaeskeck,  and  declared  that  they  had  sold  the  same 
to  Wouter  Van  Twiller  in  1645."  In  a  deed  to  Frederick 
Phillipse,  April  12,  1682,  the  bounds  of  the  tract  conveyed  are 
given  as,  "southerly  to  a  creek  or  fall  called  by  the  Indians 
Weghquegsike,"  and  in  another  deed  the  tract  is  described  as 
"a  piece  of  land  lying  about  Wighquaeskeek"  and  in  still  another 
the  creek  is  called  Weghqueghe.  Bolton  says  the  creek  was 
called  Wysquaqua. 

The  Indian  name  for  Tarrytown  was  Alipconck,  "  the  place  of 
elms."  Sing-Sing  takes  its  name  from  an  Indian  village  called 
Ossing-sing,  from  ossin,  a  stone,  and  ing,  a  place,  the  "  place  of 
stones,"  or  "  stone  upon  stone."  (BoltonJ)  In  a  deed  to  Philip 
Phillipse,  1685,  it  is  said,  "a  creek  called  Kitchawan,  called  by 
the  Indians  Sinksink"  Bolton,  however,  gives  the  name  of 
Kitcbawonck  to  the  Croton  river.  The  site  of  the  present  vil 
lage  of  Peekskill  was  called  Sackhoes  and  was  occupied  by  an 
Indian  village  known  by  that  name.  Teller's  point  was  called 
Senasqua.  Tradition  weaves  the  story  that  the  forms  of  the 
ancient  warriors  still  haunt  the  surrounding  glens  and  woods  of 
this  district,  and  the  Haunted  Hollow,  and  the  sachems  of 
Teller's  point,  have  become  household  words  in  the  neighbor 
hood.  Another  tradition  tells  us  that  a  desperate  conflict  was 

1  In  one  of  the    Phillipse  Deeds,  it  is     described  as   "  a  great   rock  called  by  the 

Indians  SiggAes." 


APPENDIX.  367 

once  held  here  by  the  Kitchawongs  against  their  enemies,  and  that 
the  mound  near  the  entrance  to  Teller's  point  was  erected  over 
the  dead  who  fell  on  that  memorable  occasion. 

Anthony's  nose  was  called  Kittatenny,  a  Delaware  term  signi 
fying  "endless  hills."1  Poconteco  river,  called  also  Pekanteco  or 
Peregbanduck,  is  presumed  to  express  in  its  name  the  dark  river  ; 
from  pohkunni,  dark,  inde.  pecontecue^  night.  The  stream  may 
have  been  densely  overshadowed  by  trees.  (O' Callaghan.) 
Bolton  says  the  name  signifies  "a  run  between  two  hills."  The 
Dutch  styled  it  "  Sleepy  Haven  kil,"  hence  the  origin  of  the 
present  term  Sleepy  Hollow  applied  to  the  valley.  Sacrabung^ 
or  mill  river,  takes  its  name  from  sacra,  rain.  Its  liability  to 
freshets  after  heavy  rains,  may  have  given  origin  to  the  Indian 
name.  (Ibid?)  £)uinnabung,  a  neck  of  land  at  the  mouth  and 
west  side  of  the  Bronck  river, —  from  quinni,  long,  and  unk^ 
locality.  (Ibid.)  Aquebung,  "  the  place  of  peace," — from  aquene, 
peace, —  was  the  name  given  to  the  place  occupied  by  Jonas 
Bronck  in  commemoration  of  the  peace  which  was  there  con 
cluded  with  the  Indians  in  1643.  (Ibid.)  The  Indian  name 
for  the  Bronck  tract,  however,  was  Ranachque  or  Raraque. 
The  tract  commonly  called  by  the  English  the  "  White  Plains," 
was  known  to  the  Indians  as  ^hiaroppas.  Verplanck's  point 
was  called  Meabagb,  and  the  lands  immediately  east,  Appamagb- 
pogh.  Poningo,  the  name  of  the  residence  of  one  of  the  chiefs 
of  the  Siwanoys,  embraces  the  tract  of  land  now  included  in 
the  towns  of  Rye  and  Harrison.  Rye  Neck  was  called  Apaw- 
quammis.  The  town  of  Morisania  was  known  as  Ranachque  or 
Raraque.  The  towns  of  New  Castle  and  Bedford  occupy  a 
tract  called  Shappeqlia,  a  name  now  applied  to  the  Shappequa 
hills,  and  destined  to  be  remembered  from  its  recent  association 
with  trte  name  of  Mr.  Horace  Greeley.  The  west  neck 
adjoining  New  Rochelle  was  called  Magopson.  The  Byram 
river  was  known  by  the  name  of  Armonck,  and  the  meadowy 
bordering  it  Haseco  and  Miosekassaky.  Harlem  river  was  called 
Muscoota;  Blind  brook,  Mockquams,  and  the  high  ridge  east  of 
it,  Enketaupuenson ;  Beaver  dam  or  Stony  Brook,  Pockestersen, 
and  Delancey's  neck,  Waumainuck.  A  tract  called  Rippowams 

1  The  name  is  applied  to  the  entire  range  both  in  New  Jersey  and  New  York. 


368  HUDSON  RWER  INDIANS. 

fell  to  the  share  of  the  people  of  Stamford,  Conn.,  in  1655. 
It  extended  eighteen  miles  north  and  south,  and  eight  miles 
east  and  west. 

In  the  town  of  Carmel,  in  the  county  of  Putnam,  is  located 
Lake  Macookpack,  now  Mahopack^  a  term  probably  signifying 
simply  a  large  inland  lake,  from  ma  large  water  and  aki  land. 
The  same  name  was  applied  to  what  is  now  known  as 
Copake  lake  in  Columbia  county.  The  lake  is  nine  miles  in  cir 
cumference,  and  is  situated  about  eighteen  hundred  feet  above 
the  level  of  the  sea.  On  one  of  the  islands  of  the  lake  is  what 
is  called  the  Chieftain's  rock,  on  which  was  held,  according 
to  tradition,  the  last  council  of  the  tribe.  This  council  was  for 
the  purpose  of  considering  the  proposition  of  the  English  to 
buy  their  lands  and  remove  the  tribe  to  the  far  west.  Canopus, 
the  aged  sachem  of  the  tribe,  urged  his  followers  to  reject  the 
proposal  ;  to  rally  to  the  defense  of  their  empire,  and  the  graves 
of  their  fathers.  His  impassioned  eloquence  determined  the 
council  against  the  proposition.  JOHN  W.  LEE,  Esq.,  of 
New  York,  has  thrown  this  legend  into  the  following  verse : 

"  Once  the  airy  curtain  lifted,  and  the  shadows  rolling  back, 
Shadows  of  the  years  that  hover  o'er  the  lake  of  Mahopac  — 
Showed  me  Indian  warriors  gathered  in  the  wooded  island  dell, 
Which  the  rocks,  all  worn  and  moss-clad,  and  the  waters  guarded  well. 
********** 

Then  upon  the  ledge  above  them,  rose  an  aged,  yet  stalwart  form, 
Like  some  monarch  of  the  f  jrest,  bending  never  to  the  storm, 
Rose  the  CHIEFTAIN  OF  THE  ISLAND,  with  that  bearing  of  a  king, 
Which  the  pride  of  birth  may  strive  for,  but  the  SOUL  alone  can  bring. 

Turned  his  eagle  gaze  upon  them,  and  with  voice  as  clarion  cleaf^ 
Waked  the  dreamers,  and  the  waiting,  wearied  MAIDEN  sleeping  near  : 
"  Rouse,  Mahicans !  sons  of  heroes !  keep  your  ancient  honor  bright ! 
I  have  seen  you  in  the  battle  —  ye  were  lions  in  the  fight. 

"  I  have  seen  you  in  the  council,  when  the  watch-fire  lit  the  glen, 
And  the  clouds  of  war  hung  o'er  us  —  ye  were  all  undaunted  then; 
When  the  faggots  blazed  around  you,  all  defiant  in  your  pain; 
I  have  heard  you  chant  your  death-song  —  chieftains,  NOW  be  men  again  ! 


APPENDIX.  369 

"  Snake  or  traitor  hissed  that  whisper  :  '  Sell  your  forests,  there  is  rest 
On  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  on  the  prairies  of  the  west.' 
Who  the  craven  counsel  uttered  ?     Let  him  in  the  fire-light  stand  ! 
Nay,  he  dares  not.     Crouching  coward  !  palsied  be  thy  trembling  hand  ! 

"  When  the  pale-face,  rushing  on  thee,  grasps  thy  hatchet  and  thy  bow  ! 
Hark,  the  Spirit !  *  Stand,  Mahicans  •  guard  your  forests,  meet  the  foe  ! ' 
By  the  memory  of  our  empire  ;  by  the  mounds  along  the  bank, 
Where  our  fathers  hear  the  moaning  of  the  river  Kicktawanc ! 

"  Brothers  !  gird  ye  for  the  struggle  ;  breast  to  breast,  and  eye  to  eye, 

Let  us  swear  the  oath  of  glory  —  one  to  conquer,  one  to  die ! 

Sound  once  more  your  ancient  war  cry  !     Sound  it  from  the  mountain's 

steep, 
Where  the  eagle  hath  her  eyrie,  and  the  rocks  their  vigils  keep. 

"  Twice  ten  thousand  shouts  shall  answer  from  the  river  to  the  sea ! 
Dare,  nor  falter  !     Fear  is  failure.     Craven-hearted,  will  ye  flee  ? 
Go  !  yet  on  the  darkening  future,  read  the  sentence  of  your  doom, 
As,  in  letters  of  the  lightning,  traced  upon  a  scroll  of  gloom  ! 

"  Go  !  the  western  tribes  shall  meet  you,  ye  will  be  an  handful  then, 
And  shall  perish  in  your  weakness  —  perish  from  the  minds  of  men  ! 
Like  yon  rushing  highland  river,  in  its  mountains  wild  and  free, 
In  the  ocean  lost  forever.      Thus  shall  be  your  destiny ." 

The  Highlands  of  the  Hudson  were  not  called  Matteawan 
mountains,  as  stated  by  Moulton.  The  Indians  had  no  names 
for  mountain  ranges,  but  designated  different  parts  or  peaks  by 
different  names.  In  the  patent  known  as  the  Little  Nine 
Partners,  one  of  the  more  eastern  peaks  of  the  Highland  range 
is  called  Weputing,  from  Weepitung,  literally  tooth  mountain, 
probably  from  its  resemblance  to  a  molar  tooth.  The  nearest 
approach  to  a  name  for  the  range  was  that  which  the  Indians 
sometimes  applied  to  themselves  — Wequekachke,  or  "  the  people 
of  the  hill  country."  x  The  Dutch  used  Hoogland  or  Hoge- 
land  in  speaking  of  the  range,' and,  like  the  Indians,  gave  names 
to  particular  peaks,  as  Anthony's  Nose,  Dunderberg,  ButtabergJ', 
etc. 

1  Hogeland,   or   Hoogland,   Dutch    for     them  Wequchachke,   the  hill  country. — 
Highlands,  a  name  applied  to  the  High-      Memorials  Moravian  Church,  146. 
lands  of  New  York.     The  Indians  called 


- 
370  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

Matteawan  was  the  Indian  name  for  what  is  now  called  Fish- 
kill  creek,  but  which  the  early  settlers  denominated  the  "  Fresh 
kil  or  creek."  The  meaning  of  the  word  has  been  defined 
as  "  good  furs,"  and  Moulton  has  endeavored  to  associate 
it  with  the  incantations  of  Indian  priests,  but  on  no  positive 
authority.  Matta,  in  the  Massachusetts  dialect,  is  the  elemen 
tary  form  of  negative  words,  and  generally  used  for  no ;  wa  is 
inanimate  motion.  This  interpretation  applied  to  the  creek, 
would  be-uno  water  "  or  "  little  water  or  motion."  Another 
classification  would  be  ma,  large  water ;  tea,  valley  or  land 
scape  ;  wan,  inanimate  motion  —  literally  cc  the  large  water  in  the 
valley,"  wan  perhaps  referring  to  that  portion  of  the  creek  near 
its  confluence  with  the  Hudson. 

What  is  now  known  as  Wappinger's  creek,  while  appropri 
ately  preserving  the  name  of  its  aboriginal  owners,  was  not  so 
called  by  them,  but  by  the  very  beautiful  name,  Mawenawasigh. 
The  precise  meaning  of  the  phrase  cannot  be  given.  Ma  is 
the  Algonquin  for  large  water  ;  we  is  also  water ;  na  is  excel 
lence,  fairness,  abundance,  something  surpassing ;  wasigb  is 
apparently  a  corrupt  rendering  of  wassa,  light  or  foamy  water. 
A  large  stream  of  excellent  water,  or  a  large  waterfall,  would 
seem  to  cover  the  original  definition.  Such  names  are  beauti 
ful  without  interpretation,  and  far  more  appropriate  than  many 
English  geographical  terms.  Wappinger's  Falls,  the  name  of  the 
village  near  the  locality  from  which  it  takes  its  name,  might  well 
be  changed  to  Mawenawasigh. 

Apoquague  was  the  Indian  name  of  what  is  now  called  Silver 
lake,  in  Fishkill.  The  name  signifies  "  round  pond."  Wtc- 
copee  was  the  Indian  name  of  the  highest  peak  in  the  Fishkill 
mountains  on  the  south  border  of  East  Fishkill,  and  also  of  the 
pass  or  gorge  in  the  mountains  through  which  the  Indian  trail 
formerly  ran.  An  Indian  castle  is  traditionally  located  here, 
and  another  at  Shenandoab.  It  is  said  that  at  Fishkill  hook 
remains  of  an  Indian  burial  ground  have  been  found,  and  also 
that  apple  trees  planted  by  them  were  still  bearing  within  the 
memory  of  the  earlier  inhabitants. 

An  explanation  of  Wappingers  may  be  proper  in  this  connec 
tion.  Although  passed  irrevocably  into  history,  the  term  is  a 


APPENDIX.  371 

corruption  of  wabun,  east,  and  acki,  land  which,  as  applied  by 
the  Indians  to  themselves,  may  be  rendered  Eastlanders,  or  Men 
of  the  East.  The  French  preserved  the  original  very  nearly  in 
Abenaque,  and  Heckewelder  in  Wapanacbki  (note,  ante  p.  45). 
The  Dutch  historians  are  responsible  for  Wappingers,  perhaps 
from  their  rendering  of  the  sound  of  the  original  word,  and  per 
haps  as  expressing  the  fact  that  they  were,  in  the  Dutch  lan 
guage,  wapen  or  half-armed  Indians. 

Fourteen  miles  west  of  the  Hudson  and  a  few  miles  north  of 
Poughkeepsie  was  ^uerapoquett^  from  whence  the  boundary  of 
the  Sackett  tract  ran  north-east  to  a  tree  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Wesiack  subsequently  known  as  Ten  Mile  river.  Of  the 
Indian  name,  O'Callaghan  says :  "  Wissayck,  rocky  country," 
from  qussuk,  a  rock,  and  ick,  a  locality."  A  more  correct  expla 
nation  is  probably  derived  from  wassa^  light,  and  ick,  locality  — 
the  light  or  bright  waters.  It  was  in  this  district  that  the 
Moravians  found  their  fields  of  labor  in  the  villages  of  Shecomeco^ 
Wecbquadnach  and  Packgatgoch.  The  former  name  is  preserved 
in  that  of  the  stream  upon  which  the  village  stood,  while  the 
second  is  applied  to  the  lake  now  called  Indian  pond. 

A  tract  of  meadow  land  "lying  slanting  to  the  Dancing 
Chamber,"  north  of  Wappinger's  creek,  had  for  'its  eastern 
boundary  a  creek  called  Wynogkee.  Schoolcraft  defines  Pough 
keepsie.  as  signifying  safe  harbor,  from  apokeepsing ;  but  the 
interpretation  is  open  to  question.  In  early  documents  the 
name  is  variously  spelled.  In  a  deed  to  Arnot  Veil,  1680, 
covering  the  tract,  the  boundaries  are  described  as  "  beginning 
at  a  creek  called  Pacaksing,  by  the  river  side  ;"  in  a  petition  from 
Wm.  Caldwell  the  orthography  is  Pogkeepke ;  in  an  affidavit  by 
Myndert  Harmense,  it  is  Pokeepsinck ;  in  other  papers  the  pre 
vailing  orthography  is  Poghkeepke,  and  finally  it  is  found  applied 
to  a  pond  of  water,  lying  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city,  and  its  sig 
nification  given  ;  or  muddy  pond,  an  explanation  which  accords 
with  the  accepted  interpretation  of  Ramepogh  —  a  simple  generic 
term  for  pond,  or  ponds,  modified  by  locality  or  character. 
West  of  Poughkeepsie,  and  constituting  the  boundary  of  the 
Veil  tract  was  Matapan  fall  or  creek.  In  the  geographical 
terms  of  this  district  ma^  mata  and  matea,  frequently  occur. 
47 


372  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Crum  Elbow  creek  was  called  Equorsink,  and  the  lands  ad 
joining,  on  the  Hudson,  Eaquaquanessink ;  so  given  in  a  patent 
to  Henry  Beekman,  the  bounds  of  which  ran  from  the  Hudson 
"  east  by  side  of  a  fresh  meadow  called  frlansakin  and  a  small 
creek  called  Mancapawimi$k"  In  a  patent  to  Peter  Fal- 
conier  and  others  the  lands  are  called  Eaquaquannessinck, 
the  meadow  Mamakin,  the  small  creek  Nancapaconick,  and 
the  Crum  Elbow  Eaquarysink.  The  boundary  line  of  the 
"  Great  Nine  Partners  patent''  began  "  at  the  creek  called 
by  the  Indians  Aquasing  and  by  the  Christians  Fish  creek." 
The  Christians  spoken  of  made  free  use  of  the  word  Fish, 
no  less  than  three  streams  emptying  into  the  Hudson  being 
given  that  name.  The  signification  of  the  Indian  name, 
however,  is  not  involved  in  the  Dutch  designations.  In  this 
case  Aquasing  apparently  indicates  stony,  from  qusuk.  Roeloff 
Jansen's  kil  was  the  dividing  line  between  the  Mohicans  and 
the  Wappingers,  a  fact  which  has  not  only  been  already  stated  but 
which  the  reader  will  recognize  in  the  change  in  dialect  shown 
in  the  geographical  terms.  The  creek  was  called  Sankpenak. 
In  the  Livingston  patent,  of  which  it  formed  the  southern 
boundary,  the  names  of  a  number  of  localities  are  given,  and,  in 
some  cases,  their  signification.  In  his  first  purchase  were 
"  three  planes"  or  tracts  of  u  flat  lands"  called  Nekankook, 
Kickua,  and  Wicquaskaka,  lying  on  the  Hudson  between  tc  a 
small  creek  or  kil"  lying  over  against  Katskill,  called  Wackan- 
hasiack,  and  a  place  called  by  the  Indians  Swaskahamuka.  His 
second,  or  Taghkanlck  tract,  began  at  a  place  called  Minis- 
sichtanock ;  thence  west  along  a  small  hill  "  to  a  creek"  called 
ghiissicheook  ;  thence  "  to  a  high  place  "  called  Skaanpook^  which, 
"  a  little  lower  down"  is  called  Twastawekah  ;  then  south  along 
the  foot  of  the  high  mountains  tl  to  the  path  that  goes  to 
Wawijchtanok,  "  to  a  hill  called  by  the  Indians  Mananosick ,-" 
then  west  to  "  a  creek"  called  Nachawawachkano^  "  which 
creek  empties  into  the  Twastawekah"  the  place  "  where  the  two 
creeks  meet  being  called  Mawichnanck."  His  third  purchase 
began  at  a  creek  called  Wachankasigh  ;  thence  to  a  place  called 
Wawanaquassick,  u  where  the  heaps  of  stories  lye,"  near  the 
head  of  a  creek  called  Nanapenahekan,  u  which  comes  out  of  a 


APPENDIX.  373 

marsh  lying  near  unto  the  said  hills  of  the  said  heaps  of  stones 
upon  which  the  Indians  throw  another  as  they  pass  by,  from 
an  ancient  custom  among  them  ;"  then  to  the  u  northernmost 
end  of  the  hills  that  are  to  the  north  of  Tacabkanick,  known 
by  the  name  of  Ahashewaghkick ;"  then  "  along  the  said  hills  to 
the  southernmost  end  of  the  same,  cailed  Wicbquapakkat"  In 
the  line  of  the  boundaries  "  a  rock  or  great  stone"  is  called 
Acawaisik,  and  "  a  dry  gully  at  Hudson's  river,"  Sackahampa. 
Taghkanick^  the  name  now  applied  to  the  entire  range  of  hills 
forming  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  manor  lands,  was  originally 
local,  as  appears  not  only  from  the  names  given  to  the  north 
and  south  ends  respectively,  but  from  the  fact  that  the  Indians 
had  no  titles  for  entire  mountain  ranges.  The  name  is  pro 
nounced  Toh-kon-ick,  and  is  said  to  have  been  given  to  a  spring 
on  the  west  side  of  the  mountains  in  Copake.  Copake  lake 
was  called  Kookpake.  (See  Mabopac.}  Scompamuck  was  the 
name  of  the  locality  now  covered  by  the  village  of  Ghent. 

IVawanaquassick,  "  where  the  heaps  of  stones  lye  j"  has  its 
plural  in  wa-wa ;  na  signifies  good  ;  quas  is  stone  or  stones,  and 
ick  locality.  The  name  is  without  commemorative  character. 
Of  the  custom  referred  to  in  the  quotation,  the  Rev.  Gideon 
Hawley  writes  :  "  We  came  to  a  resting  place,  and  breathed 
our  horses,  and  slaked  our  thirst  at  the  stream,  when  we  per 
ceived  our  Indian  looking  for  a  stone,  which  having  found,  he 
cast  to  a  heap,  which  for  ages  had  been  accumulating  by  pas 
sengers  like  him,  who  was  our  guide.  We  inquired  why  he 
observed  that  rite.  He  answered  that  his  father  practised  it 
and  enjoined  it  on  him.  But  he  did  not  like  to  talk  on  the  sub 
ject.  I  have  observed  in  every  part  of  the  country,  and  among 
every  tribe  of  Indians,  and  among  those  where  I  now  am  in 
a  particular  manner,  such  heaps  of  stones  or  sticks  col 
lected  on  the  like  occasion  as  the  above.  The  largest  heap- 
I  ever  observed,  is  that  large  collection  of  small  stones 
on  the  mountain  between  Stockbridge  and  Great  Barring- 
ton.  We  have  a  Sacrifice  rock,  as  it  is  termed,  between 
Plymouth  and  Sandwich,  to  which  stones  and  sticks  are  always 
cast  by  Indians  who  pass  it.  This  custom  or  rite  is  an  acknow 
ledgment  of  an  invisible  being.  We  may  style  him  the  unknown 


374  HUDSON  RIVER  INDUNS. 

God,  whom  this  people  worship.  This  heap  is  his  altar.  The 
stone  that  is  collected  is  the  oblation  of  the  traveler,  which,  if 
offered  with  a  good  mind,  may  be  as  acceptable  as  a  consecrated 
animal.  But  perhaps  these  heaps  of  stones  may  be  erected  to 
a  local  deity,  which  most  probably  is  the  case." 

There  has  always  been  manifested  a  disposition  to  invest  the 
unexplained  customs  of  the  Indians  with  suppositions  and  super 
stitions.  Mr.  Hawley's  description  is  marred  in  this  respect. 
The  custom  referred  to  had  nothing  of  worship  in  it,  nor  was 
it  in  recognition  of  an  u  unknown  God,"  or  of  a  u  local  deity." 
The  stone  heaps  were  always  by  the  side  of  a  trail  or  regularly 
traveled  path,  and  usually  at  or  near  a  stream  of  water.  The 
Indians  paused  to  refresh  themselves,  and,  by  throwing  a  stone 
or  a  stick  to  a  certain  place,  indicated  to  other  travellers  that  a 
friend  had  passed. 

Twastawekak,  was  the  name  of  what  is  now  known  as 
Klaverack  creek.  Machackoesk  was  the  name  of  a  tract  lying 
on  both  sides  of  Kinderhook  creek  ;  Pomponick  that  of  another 
tract  in  the  same  vicinity,  and  Kenagktequak  that  of  a  small 
creek.  The  New  England  path,  one  of  the  routes  of  travel 
between  the  Indians  of  the  Hudson  and  those  of  the  east,  ran 
along  a  portion  of  the  boundary  line  of  the  Kinderhook  patent. 
Kinderhook  is  Dutch  of  course,  but  is  said  to  have  had  its  origin 
in  the  fact  that  the  point  was  a  favorite  place  for  the  children 
of  the  Indians  to  practice  their  games,  and  perhaps  the  only 
point  at  which  they  could  be  observed  from  vessels  passing  on 
the  river,  as  the  Dans-Kammer  was  the  only  point  at  which 
devil  worship  was  similarly  observed.  There  is  a  fragrance  in 
the  fact  that  makes  the  name  more  palatable  than  most  of  the 
Dutch  'geographical  terms. 

Scbodac^  to  which  tradition  assigns  the  important  position  of 
the  capital  of  the  Mahicans  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  is  now 
covered  by  the  village  of  Castleton.  The  name  is  from  skootag, 
fire,  and  ack^  place. 

Sannakagog  is  the  name  given  for  the  tract  of  land  extending 
on  the  east  side  of  the  river  from  Beeren  island  to  Smack's 
island.  Beeren  island  was  called  Passapenock  and  subsequently, 
Mahican  island.  It  was  occupied  by  the  Mahicans  until 


APPENDIX.  375 

the  war  of  1689,  when  they  were  "persuaded  to  goe  and  live 
at  Katskill,"  where  they  would  be  in  greater  readiness  for  the 
public  service.  Cacbtanaquick  is  described  as  an  island  over 
against  Beeren  island.  The  island  opposite  Albany  known  as 
Smack's,  was  called  "  Scbotack  or  Aepjen's  island."  Poetanock 
was  the  name  for  Mill  creek,  opposite  Albany,  and  Semesseeck 
that  for  a  tract  through  which  it  passed.  Another  tract  adjoin 
ing  took  its  name  from  its  owner,  Paep-Sikenekomtas^  abbreviated 
to  Papsickenekas.  Petuquapoen  and  Tuscumcatlck  are  names 
applied  to  what  is  now  Greenbush.  Keeseywego  was  the  name 
of  a  kil  opposite  Albany,  described  as  being  "  1200  rods  from 
Major  Abram  Staets's  ,  kil."  Paanpaack  was  the  name  of  the 
tract  now  covered  by  the  city  of  Troy.  Taescameasick  and 
Sheepshack  are  now  covered  by  Lansingburgh,  and  Popquassick^ 
which  is  described  as  "  a  piece  of  woodland  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  near  a  small  island  commonly  known  as  whale  fishing 
island,"  is  also  supposed  to  be  a  part  of  the  town  of  Lansing- 
burgh.  Panhoosick  was  the  name  of  a  tract  north  of  Troy,  and 
is  still  preserved  in  that  of  one  of  the  towns  of  Rensselaer 
county  and  in  Hoosick  river.  A  small  stream  flowing  into  the 
Hoosick  from  the  south  was  called  Tomkenack  creek,  and  one 
from  the  north  bore  the  name  of  Poquampacak.  Further  east 
the  Wallomsckock,  after  taking  in  several  tributary  mountain 
streams  from  Vermont,  adds  its  waters  in  considerable  volume. 
The  Indian  village  of  Schaticook  which  stood  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Hoosick  and  Hudson,  has  already  been  referred  to. 
Dionondahowa  is  given  as  the  Indian  name  for  the  falls  on  the 
Batten  kil  below  Galesville,  Washington  county,  and  Tioneen- 
dogahe  to  the  kil  itself.  (Patent  to  Schuyler.}  The  same  name 
was  also  applied  to  the  outlet  of  Lake  George,  now  called 
Ticonderoga,  by  which  it  is  known  in  its  many  historic  associa 
tions.  It  is  a  generic  term  and  appears  under  different  ortho 
graphies  and  interpretations.  "  Tionderoga,  meaning  the  place 
where  two  rivers  meet.  The  French  called  it  Carillon,  on 
account  of  the  noise  of  the  waterfall  at  the  outlet."  (Brod- 
head.}  "  Tsinondrosie,  or  Cheonderoga^  signifying  brawling 
water,  and  the  French  name,  Carillon,  signifying  a  chime  of 
bells,  were  both  suggested  by  the  noise  of  the  rapids."  (Ga- 


376  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

zetteer.}  "  Dionderoga,  c  place  of  the  inflowing  waters  ; '  Ticon- 
deroga,  from  //',  water ;  on,  hills  ;  dar,  precipitous  rocks,  and 
oga,  place."  (Schooler aft.}  ^uequicke  was  the  name  of  the  falls 
on  the  Hoosick  east  of  the  bounds  of  Schaticook,  now  known 
as  Hoosick  Falls.  In  answer  to  the  claim  that  the  Hoosick 
takes  its  name  from  Abraham  Hoosac,  one  of  the  early  settlers, 
is  the  positive  assertion,  in  one  of  the  first  patents,  that  a  tract, 
"  twenty-five  English  miles  north-east  of  the  city  of  Albany," 
was  "  known  by  the  Indian  name  of  Hoosack."  The  name  is 
from  hussun,  stone,  and  ack,  place  —  literally  "stony  country." 
A  strata  of  round  stones,  such  as  are  used  for  street  pavements, 
apparently  underlies  the  entire  valley. 

On  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson  and  the  harbor  of  New 
York  are  the  Neversink  hills.  The  name,  according  to  School- 
craft,  is  from  onawa,  water,  between  the  waters,  and  sink,  a 
place  ;  but  this  interpretation  appears  to  be  forced.  The  word 
probably  signifies  a  place  abounding  in  birds.  Hudson  found 
the  Indians  there  "clothed  in  mantles  of  feathers.  Amboy, 
according  to  Heckewelder,  is  from  emboli,  and  signifies  a 
place  resembling  a  bowl  or  bottle.  Epatittg,  in  the  rear 
of  Jersey  city,  is  from  ishpa,  high,  and  ink,  a  place  —  hence 
Iskpatink,  or  Espating,  a  high  place,  supposed  to  be  Snake  hill. 
(O' Cal/agban.)  Schoolcraft  applies  the  same  term  to  "the 
high  sandy  bank  now  known  as  Brooklyn  Heights."  Arissheck 
was  the  name  of  Paulus  Hook,  now  Jersey  City.  Hoboken- 
backing  was  the  name  of  the  tract  now  embraced  in  the  site  of 
Hoboken,  and  is  said  to  have  meant  tobacco  pipe.  The 
term  was  frequently  used  to  express  crookedness,  and  in  this 
instance  was  applied  to  the  form  of  the  river  shore.  Raritan, 
a  forked  river  ;  Passaic,  from  Pakhsajek,  a  valley  ;  Gamoenapa, 
the  aboriginal  for  Communipau  ;  the  Raritan  Great  Meadows 
were  called  Man-kack-ke-wachky ;  Wiebacken  is  still  preserved 
in  the  name  of  Wehawken  ;  Hackinsack  river  perpetuates  the 
name  of  the  Hackinsacks  and  is  the  modern  rendering  of  the 
original  Ack-kin-kas-backy.  The  name  is  said  to  mean,  "  the 
stream  that  unites  with  another  in  low  level  ground."  Haque- 
quenunck,  sometimes  spelled  Aquackanonk,  was  the  name  for  the 
ract  now  covered  by  the  city  of  Patterson,  and  Totama  the 


APPENDIX.  377 

name  of  the  falls —  a  word  signifying  to  sink,  to  be  forced  down 
under  weight  by  water.  Watchtung  — literally  mountain  —  was 
the  name  of  a  range  of  hills  lying  some  twelve  miles  west  of 
the  Hudson  ;  Ramspook  or  Ramapo,  a  river  into  which  empties 
a  number  of  round  ponds  ;  Pompton,  "  crooked  mouth,"  refer 
ring  to  the  manner  in  which  the  Ringwood  and  Ramapo  rivers 
pass  down  and  discharge  themselves  into  the  Pompton. 

It  is  said  that  the  Tappans  derived  their  name  from  lupbanne, 
a  cold  stream,  signifying  the  people  of  the  cold  stream.  Ku- 
mocbenack  was  the  name  for  Haverstraw  bay.  A  small  stream 
flowing  into  the  Ramapo  river  was  the  Chesekook,  a  name  also 
applied  "  to  a  tract  of  upland  and  meadow  "  embraced  in  and 
known  as  the  "  Chesekook  patent,"  which  covered  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  original  county  of  Orange,  now  Rockland.  A  small 
stream  emptying  into  the  Hudson  just  below  Stony  point,  was 
called  Minnisconga,  from  minnis  an  island,  co  or  con,  object,  and 
ga  a  place,  referring  without  doubt  to  Stony  point  itself  which 
was  then  an  island.  The  site  of  the  present  town  of  Orange- 
town  was  called  the  Narrasunck  lands  as  late  as  1769,  a  name 
which  probably  has  its  signification  in  na  and  unk,  "  good  land." 
Verdrietig  hook,  or  Tedious  point,  as  the  Dutch  called  it  from 
the  fact  that  it  was  generally  so  long  in  sight  from  their  slow- 
sailing  sloops,  was  called  ^uaspeck,  from  qusuk,  a  stone. 

Opposite  Anthony's  Nose,  was  a  "  small  rivulet  called  by  ye 
Indians  Assinnapink"  or  ct  the  stream  from  the  solid  rocks." 
South  of  this  rivulet  was  Tongapogb  kil,  and  north  of  it  Pooploop's 
kil,  the  latter  apparently  the  name  of  an  Indian  owner.  Butter 
milk  falls  were  called  the  Prince's  falls,  evidently  from 
their  ownership  by  a  prince  of  "  the  people  of  the  hill  country." 
Plum  point,  north  of  the  Highlands,  was  called  Cowonham's  hill, 
and  the  rocky  island  lying  opposite,  Polebers  island,  which  has 
been  corrupted  into  PallopePs  island,  and  invested  with  a 
Dutch  tradition  which  is  not  its  own. 

That  which  has  been  known  as  the  Murderer's  creek,  from 
a  period  anterior  to  Van  der  Donck's  Map  of  New  Netberland 
(1656),  enters  the  Hudson  at  Cornwall,  and  originally  formed 
the  starting  point  for  the  line  which  divided  the  counties  of  Orange 
and  Ulster.  That  its  ijame  was  derived  from  some  unex- 


378  HUDSON  RIPER  INDUNS. 

plained  event  or  hostile  action  on  the  part  of  the  Waoran- 
ecks  appears  to  be  conclusively  established  from  the  fact  that 
it  was  applied  to  it  only  until  it  reached  the  castle  of  that 
chieftaincy  on  the  north  spur  of  Schunemunk  mountain,  about 
seven  miles  from  its  mouth.  Tradition  affirms  in  explanation, 
that  at  an  early  period  a  company  of  traders  entered  the 
creek  with  their  sloop  and  were  enticed  on  shore,  where  they 
were  murdered  on  a  hill  still  known  as  Sloop  hill  in  com 
memoration  of  the  event  ;  and  this  explanation  is  strengthened 
by  the  fact  that  the  name  of  the  hill  is  coexistent  with  that  of 
the  creek.  It  is  here  that  Paulding  locates  his  beautiful  story 
of  Naoman,  so  generally  accepted  as  history  : 

"  Little  more  than  a  century  ago,  the  beautiful  region  watered 
by  this  stream  was  possessed  by  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  which 
has  long  since  become  extinct,  or  incorporated  with  some  other 
savage  nation  of  the  west.  Three  or  four  hundred  yards  from 
where  the  stream  discharges  itself  in  the  Hudson,  a  white  family, 
of  the  name  of  Stacy,  had  established  itself  in  a  log  house,  by 
tacit  permission  of  the  tribe,  to  whom  Stacy  had  made  himself 
useful  by  a  variety  of  little  arts,  highly  estimated  by  the  savages. 
In  particular,  a  friendship  existed  between  him  and  an  old  Indian, 
called  Naoman,  who  had  often  came  to  his  house  and  partook 
of  his  hospitality.  The  Indians  never  forgive  injuries  nor  forget 
benefits.  The  family  consisted  of  Stacy,  his  wife,  and  two 
children,  a  boy  and  a  girl,  the  former  five,  and  the  latter  three, 
years  old. 

"  One  day  Naoman  came  to  Stacy's  hut  in  his  absence,  lighted 
a  pipe,  and  sat  down.  He  looked  very  serious,  sometimes 
sighed  very  deeply,  but  said  not  a  word.  Stacy's  wife  asked 
him  what  was  the  matter  —  if  he  was  sick.  He  shook  his  head, 
sighed,  but  said  nothing,  and  soon  went  away.  The  next  day 
he  came  again  and  behaved  in  the  same  manner.  Stacy's  wife 
began  to  think  strange  of  this,  and  related  it  to  her  husband, 
who  advised  her  to  urge  the  old  man  to  an  explanation,  the  next 
time  he  came.  Accordingly,  when  he  repeated  his  visit,  the  day 
after,  she  was  more  importunate  than  usual.  At  last  the  old 
Indian  said  :  *  I  am  a  red  man,  and  the  pale  faces  are  our  ene 
mies  ;  why  should  I  speak  ? '  '  But  my  husband  and  I  are 


APPENDIX.  379 

your  friends;  you  have  eaten  salt  with  us  a  hundred  times,  and 
my  children  have  sat  on  your  knees  as  often.  If  you  have  any 
thing  on  your  mind,  tell  it  me."  "  It  will  cost  me  my  life  if  it 
is  known,  and  the  white-faced  women  are  not  good  at  keeping 
secrets,"  replied  Naoman.  "  Try  me  and  see."  "  Will  you 
swear,  by  your  Great  Spirit,  that  you  will  tell  none  but  your 
husband  ?  "  "  I  have  none  else  to  tell."  "  But  will  you 
swear  ?  "  u  I  do  swear,  by  our  Great  Spirit,  I  will  tell  none 
but  my  husband."  "But  if  my  tribe  should  kill  you  for  not 
telling  ?  "  "  Not  if  your  tribe  should  kill  me  for  not  telling." 
"  Naoman  then  proceeded  to  tell  her,  that,  owing  to  some 
encroachments  of  the  white  people  below  the  mountains,  his 
tribe  had  become  irritated,  and  were  resolved,  that  night,  to 
massacre  all  the  white  settlers  in  their  reach  ;  that  she  must 
send  for  her  husband,  inform  him  of  the  danger,  and  as  speedily 
and  as  secretly  as  possible,  take  their  canoe  and  paddle  with  all 
haste  over  the  river  for  safety.  u  Be  quick,  and  do  nothing 
that  may  excite  suspicion,"  said  Naoman,  as  he  departed.  The 
good  wife  sought  her  husband,  who  was  on  the  river  fishing, 
told  him  the  story,  and,  as  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  they  pro 
ceeded  to  their  boat,  which  was  unluckily  filled  with  water. 
It  took  some  time  to  clean  it  out,  and  meanwhile,  Stacy  recol 
lected  his  gun  which  had  been  left  behind.  He  proceeded  to 
the  house  and  returned  with  it.  All  this  took  up  considerable 
time,  and  precious  time  it  proved  to  this  poor  family.  The 
daily  visits  of  old  Naoman,  and  his  more  than  ordinary  gravity, 
had  excited  suspicion  in  some  of  the  tribe,  who  had,  accord 
ingly  paid  particular  attention  to  the  movements  of  Stacy.  One 
of  the  young  Indians,  who  had  been  kept  on  the  watch,  seeing 
the  whole  family  about  to  take  to  the  boat,  ran  to  the  little 
Indian  village  about  a  mile  off,  and  gave  the  alarm.  Five 
Indians  collected,  ran  down  to  the  river  where  their  canoes 
were  moored,  jumped  in  and  paddled  after  Stacy,  who,  by  this 
time,  had  got  some  distance  out  in  the  stream.  They  gained 
on  him  so  fast  that  twice  he  dropped  his  paddle  and  took  up  his 
gun.  But  his  wife  prevented  his  shooting,  by  telling  him  that, 
if  he  fired,  and  they  were  afterwards  overtaken,  they  would 
meet  with  no  mercy  from  the  Indians.  He  accordingly  refrained, 
48 


380  HUDSON  RWER  INDIANS. 

and  applied  his  paddle  till  the  sweat  rolled  in  big  drops  from  his 
forehead.  All  would  not  do  ;  they  were  overtaken  within  a 
hundred  yards  from  the  shore,  and  carried  back,  with  shouts  of 
yelling  and  triumph. 

"  When  they  got  ashore,  the  Indians  set  fire  to  Stacy's  house, 
and  dragged  himself,  his  wife  and  children  to  their  village. 
Here  the  principal  old  men,  and  Naoman  among  them,  assembled 
to  deliberate  on  the  affair.  The  chief  men  of  the  council 
stated,  that  some  one  of  the  tribe  had,  undoubtedly,  been  guilty 
of  treason,  in  apprizing  Stacy,  the  white  man,  of  the  designs  of 
the  tribe,  whereby  they  took  the  alarm,  and  well  nigh  escaped. 
He  proposed  to  examine  the  prisoners,  to  learn  who  gave  the 
information.  The  old  men  assented  to  this,  and  Naoman  among 
the  rest.  Stacy  was  first  interrogated  by  one  of  the  old  men, 
who  spoke  English  and  interpreted  it  to  the  others.  Stacy 
refused  to  betray  his  informant.  His  wife  was  then  questioned, 
while  at  the  same  moment,  two  Indians  stood  threatening  the 
two  children  with  tomahawks,  in  case  she  did  not  confess.  She 
attempted  to  evade  the  truth,  by  declaring  that  she  had  a  dream 
the  night  before,  which  alarmed  her,  and  that  she  had  persuaded 
her  husband  to  fly.  '  The  Great  Spirit  never  deigns  to  talk  in 
dreams  to  a  white  woman,'  said  the  old  Indian.  c  Woman, 
thou  hast  two  tongues  and  two  faces.  Speak  the  truth  or  thy 
children  shall  surely  die.  The  little  boy  and  girl  were  then 
brought  close  to  her,  and  the  two  savages  stood  over  them  ready 
to  execute  his  bloody  orders. 

ctc  Wilt  thou  name,'  said  the  old  Indian,  '  the  red  man  who 
betrayed  his  tribe  ?  I  will  ask  three  times.'  The  mother  ans 
wered  not.  '  Wilt  thou  name  the  traitor  ?  This  is  the  second 
time.'  The  poor  woman  looked  at  her  husband,  and  then  at 
her  children*  and  stole  a  glance  at  Naoman,  who  sat  smoking 
his  pipe  with  invincible  gravity.  She  wrung  her  hands,  and 
wept,  but  remained  silent.  '  Wilt  thou  name  the  traitor  ?  'Tis 
the  third  and  last  time.'  The  agony  of  the  mother  waxed 
more  bitter  ;  again  she  sought  the  eye  of  Naoman,  but  it  was 
cold  and  motionless.  The  pause  of  a  moment  awaited  her 
reply,  and  the  tomahawks  were  raised  over  the  heads  of  the 
children,  who  besought  their  mother  not  to  let  them  be  murdered. 


APPENDIX.  381 

• 

"'Stop!'  cried  Naoman.  All  eyes  were  turned  upon  him. 
c  Stop  ! '  repeated  he,  in  a  tone  of  authority.  '  White  woman 
thou  hast  kept  thy  word  with  me  to  the  last  moment.  I  am 
the  traitor.  I  have  eaten  of  the  salt,  warmed  myself  at  the 
fire,  shared  the  kindness  of  these  Christian  white  people,  and  it 
was  I  that  told  them  of  their  danger.  I  am  a  withered,  leafless, 
branchless  trunk ;  cut  me  down  if  you  will ;  I  am  ready/  A 
yell  of  indignation  sounded  on  all  sides.  Naoman  descended 
from  the  little  bank  where  he  sat,  shrouded  his  face  with  his 
mantle  of  skins  and  submitted  to  his  fate.  He  fell  dead  at  the 
feet  of  the  white  woman  by  a  blow  of  the  tomahawk. 

"  But  the  sacrifice  of  Naoman,  and  the  firmness  of  the 
Christian  white  woman,  did  not  suffice  to  save  the  lives  of  the 
other  victims.  They  perished  —  how,  it  is  needless  to  say  ;  and 
the  memory  of  their  fate  has  been  preserved  in  the  name  of  the 
pleasant  stream,  on  whose  banks  they  lived  and  died,  which,  to 
this  day,  is  called  the  Murderer's  creek." 

Six  miles  west  of  the  scene  of  this  tradition  is  the  mountain 
range  called  Sckunemunk,  or,  as  in  the  early  deeds,  Skonnemoghky, 
on  the  northern  spur  of  which,  and  near  its  base  was  the  castle 
or  village  of  the  clan  to  whom  it  refers,  and  where  they  con 
tinued  to  reside  until  after  considerable  settlements  had  been 
made  around  them.  The  name  is  also  spelled  Skonanoky^  and 
is  apparently  derived  from  Shunna,  sour,  and  na  excellent,  nuk^ 
local  —  probably  referring  to  the  abundance  of  wild  grapes 
found  there.  On  the  east  side  of  the  mountain,  in  the  town  of 
Cornwall,  and  near  the  centre  of  the  Wilson  patent,  was  an 
Indian  burial  grond,  so  .designated  in  a  survey  by  General  James 
Clinton.  In  its  vicinity  on  the  north  is  a  hill  which  was  called 
Winegtekonk,  now  known  as  Woodcock  mountain.  Further 
west,  in  the  town  of  Goshen,  what  is  called  Run-bolt's-run, 
preserves  in  its  name  and  source,  the  name  and  place  of  resi 
dence  of  Rombout,  one  of  the  chiefs  who  signed  the  deed  for  the 
Wawayanda  tract,  whose  wigwam  stood  beside  the  spring  from 
which  the  stream  flows.  A  modern  tradition  associates  the 
name  of  Wawastawa,  another  of  the  grantors  of  the  tract,  with 
the  stream,  through  his  daughter,  to  whom  a  Frenchman  named 
Boltez  made  love.  The  maiden  rejected  his  suit  and  fled  to- 


382  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

wards  her  father's  cabin.  Just  then  her  father's  shrill  whistle 
was  heard,  and  she  paused  in  her  flight  and  exclaimed,  "  Run, 
Bolt,  Run  !  "  an  exclamation  which,  when  the  story  came  out, 
was  applied  to  the  streamlet.  On  Sugar  Loaf  mountain,  in 
Chester,  was  an  Indian  village  and  burial  ground  some  time 
after  the  advent  of  the  whites.  It  is  said  that  the  chieftaincy 
located  here  paid  tribute  to  the  Senecas  as  late  as  1756.  Mis- 
tucky,  a  locality  in  Warwick,  is  probably  an  abbreviation  of 
Miskotucky,  a  compound  word  implying  red  hills  or  red  plains. 
Pochuck,  a  name  applied  to  one  of  the  streams  of  that  town  as 
well  as  to  the  district  known  as  Florida,  seems  to  retain  the  root 
term  for  bog  or  muddy  land. 

Jogee  Hill,  in  the  town  of  Minisink,  takes  its  name  from  and 
preserves  the  place  of  residence  of  Keghgekapowell  alias  Joghem. 
one  of  the  grantors  of  lands  to  Governor  Dongan  in  1684.  A 
considerable  canton  is  said  to  have  resided  in  the  vicinity  at  an 
early  period,  and  that  Jogbem  remained  an  occupant  of  this  hill 
long  after  his  brethren  had  departed  for  the  west.  Arrowheads 
and  small  images  of  various  kinds  have  been  found  here,  and 
among  other  articles  an  Indian  tomahawk  the  whole  of  which 
is  a  pipe,  the  pole  being  the  bowl,  and  the  handle  the  stem. 
Minnisink  is  from  Minnis,  an  island,  and  ink,  locality,  and  not 
from  Minsis,  the  name  of  the  wolf  tribe  of  the  Lenapes.  The 
name  has  a  very  general  application  to  lands,  in  Pennsylvania 
as  well  as  New  York,  known  as  the  Minnisink  country.  It 
had  its  origin  in  the  tradition  that  the  land  was  covered  with 
water  before  the  Delaware  broke  through  the  mountain  at  the 
water  gap,  or  Pohoqualin,  and  is  said  to  mean  the  land  from 
which  the  water  is  gone. 

Entering  the  Hudson  south  of  Newburgh  is  ^uassaick  creek. 
The  name  is  from  qussuk,  a  stone,  and  the  signification  stony 
brook.  Partly  in  Newburgh  and  partly  in  New  Windsor  is 
what  is  called  Muchattoes  Hill,  a  name  apparently  derived  from 
Muhk,  red;  at,  near  or  by,  and  os,  small  —  a  small  red  hill 
near  the  river. 

North  of  Newburgh  the  rocky  peninsula  known  as  Dans- 
Kammer  point  is  a  feature  in  the  landscape  as  well  as  in  the 
history  of  the  river.  It  was  at  this  place  that  the  Indians  held 


APPENDIX.  383 

their  worship  of  the  devil,  on  one  occasion  four  or  five  hundred 
being  seen  here  engaged  in  that  service.  There  were  two 
grassy  plots  on  which  the  dances  and  other  orgies  were  held, 
the  one  called  the  large  Dans-Kammer,  and  the  other  the 
little  Dans-Kammer.  The  first  is  now  occupied  by  the  Arm 
strong  house  ;  the  second  was  on  the  rocky  point  which  re 
tains  the  name.  The  place  has  its  story  as  well  as  its  history. 
"  Hans  Hansen,"  the  story  says,  "  was  the  son  of  Jacobus 
Hansen,  one  of  the  first  settlers  in  the  vinicity  of  Albany,  and,' 
except  an  occasional  skirmish  with  the  Indians,  had  enjoyed 
undisturbed  peace  and  honor  in  the  small  circle  that  constituted 
his  settlement.  He  had  now  arrived  at  such  an  age  that  the 
affairs  of  his  farm  were  too  fatiguing  for  his  declining  years  ; 
and  Hans  being  the  eldest  son,  the  superintendency  necessarily 
devolved  on  him  ;  but  so  important  a  station  could  not  be  pro 
perly  filled  without  the  assistance  of  a  vrouw.  Hans  accordingly 
looked  among  the  fair  of  his  acquaintances,  and,  with  the  con 
sent  of  his  parents,  paid  his  addresses  to  Miss  Katrina  Van 
Vrooman,  whose  residence  was  but  a  mile  from  his  own  habita 
tion.  Those  were  "  matter  of  fact  "  days,  and  the  girl  con 
sented,  without  any  flirtations,  to  become  his  wife.  The 
wedding  day  was  appointed,  and  the  neighbors  invited ;  but 
before  the  ceremony  could  be  performed,  it  was  necessary  to 
obtain  a  license  from  the  governor,  whose  residence  was  in 
New  York. 

"  Hans  accordingly  prepared  to  go  thither  for  his  license,  and 
a  party  of  his  young  friends,  as  well  as  his  prospective  bride, 
determined  to  accompany  him.  Katrina  invited  to  the  excursion 
an  old  squaw  named  Leshee,  to  whom  she  was  much  attached, 
but  who  was  regarded  by  some  as  having  intercourse  with  the 
Evil  One,  and  was  often  consulted  even  in  matters  of  import 
ance  by  the  superstitious  Dutchmen.  The  day  of  the  departure 
was  marked  by  a  severe  storm,  from  which  Leshee  boded  ill- 
luck  ;  but  the  party  were  impatient  of  delay,  and  proceeded  on 
their  journey. 

"  The  affianced  pair,  after  three  days'  journey,  reached  the 
house  of  the  governor,  obtained  the  necessary  license,  and  then 
proceeded  without  delay  homeward.  On  the  evening  of  the 


384  HUDSON  RWER  INDUNS. 

sixth  day  they  reached  the  Dans-Kammer.  The  place  was 
known  to  them,  and  the  company  resolved  to  stop  there  and*" 
partake  of  some  refreshments.  Leshee  remonstrated  against 
visiting  the  scene  of  the  rites  and  sacrifices  of  her  tribe,  and 
repeated  the  old  prophetic  lines  — 

For  none  that  visit  the  Indian's  den 

Return  again  to  the  haunts  of  men  ; 

The  knife  is  their  doom,  oh,  sad  is  their  lot  ; 

Beware !  beware  of  the  blood-stained  spot. 

But  the  evening  was  beautiful,  the  place  attractive,  the 
Indians  at  peace,  their  war-whoop  hushed  and  their  sacrificial 
fires  extinguished  ;  hence  they  resolved  to  land.  Drawing  up 
their  boats  on  the  sandy  beach,  they  seated  themselves  on  the 
site  of  the  Indians'  place  of  worship — partook  of  their  refresh 
ments,  joined  in  the  dance,  smoked  the  pipe  and  told  the  story. 

".  In  company  with  one  of  his  friends,  Hans  wandered  over 
the  plain,  and  on  turning  espied  the  sparkling  of  an  eye  in  a 
thick  cluster  of  bushes.  Knowing  that  it  was  no  one  of  his 
party,  he  proceeded  cautiously,  without  appearing  to  observe  it, 
until  he  came  near  enough  to  see  it  was  an  Indian,  when,  rais 
ing  his  rifle  and  taking  deliberate  aim,  he  directed  his  companion 
to  make  close  search.  Finding  but  one,  they  bound  him  and 
took  him  to  the  company,  who  were  preparing  to  leave,  and 
some,  of  whom  were  already  in  their  boats.  Hans  soon  recog 
nized  the  Indian  as  one  with  whom  he  had  recently  had  trouble. 
He  questioned  him  closely,  but  he  refused  to  explain  his  pre 
sence  or  his  purposes.  Finding  his  efforts  fruitless,  Hans  pre 
pared  to  embark,  when  the  Indian  broke  the  silence  by  a  shrill 
yell. 

"  The  result  was  soon  manifest.  A  company  of  warriors, 
who  had  concealed  themselves  and  their  canoes  above  the  point, 
were  seen  darting  forward  with  appalling  velocity.  Hans'  only 
hope  of  escape  was  his  boats.  The  Indians  drew  nearer  and 
nearer  —  they  were  within  an  arrow's  flight,  and  yet  Katrina 
and  two  others  were  on  shore.  Hans  faltered  a  moment  when 
he  saw  the  danger  to  which  Katrina  was  exposed  ;  but  it  was 
momentary.  Placing  his  knife  at  the  breast  of  his  captive,  he 


4PPENDIX.  385 

shouted  to  the  Indians,  that  if  they  approached  a  step,  their 
chief  should  die  ;  but  if  they  permitted  the  company  to  embark, 
their  chief  was  free.  The  Indians  knew  the  determination  of 
Hans,  and  stopped  ;  the  females  were  got  on  board,  and  Hans 
had  stepped  to  shove  off  the  boat.  Just  then  the  quick  voice 
of  the  chief  was  heard,  commanding  his  warriors  to  proceed. 
They  hesitated  until  a  reproach  from  their  chief,  when  they 
again  came  forward  with  the  rapidity  of  thought.  < 

"  Death  now  seemed  the  immediate  doom  of  the  party  ;  but 
Hans,  always  ready  in  emergency,  was  prompt  in  this.  He 
placed  the  chief  before  him  and  proceeded  in  this  manner  on 
board  his  boat.  As  he  expected,  the  Indians  dared  not  risk 
their  chieftain's  life,  for  they  well  knew  the  quick  arm  of  Hans 
would  place  him  between  the  arrow  and  its  intended  victim. 
Just  at  the  point  of  safety,  the  Indians  separated  so  that  they 
could  kill  their  enemy  without  endangering  the  life  of  their  chief. 
Hans  again  raised  his  knife,  and  proclaimed  that  the  first  arrow 
that  flew  the  chief  should  die.  But  the  enmity  of  the  chief 
was  stronger  than  his  love  of  life.  He  gave  the  war-whoop  — 
a  cloud  of  arrows  darkened  the  air  —  the  glittering  knife  descended 
and  the  chief  was  no  more.  Wounded,  Hans  stepped  on  board 
his  boat  and  shoved  off".  The  Indians  flew  to  their  canoes  ; 
the  pursuit  was  speedy  and  the  arm  of  Hans  weak  from  loss  of 
blood.  He  was  soon  overtaken  and  carried  back  in  company 
with  Katrina  and  her  friends.  Speedily  the  bridal  pair  were 
tied  to  trees  and  tortured  in  all  the  ways  savage  barbarity  could 
devise.  Then  gathering  the  materials  for  the  fire,  they  kindled 
the  flame  and  celebrated  the  dance  of  death  around  their  vic 
tims  in  fiendish  glee,  until  the  forms  of  Hans  and  his  fair  bride 
were  mingled  with  the  ashes  of  the  pyre  —  their  embrace  of 
love  was  at  the  stake  of  death. 

"  The  remaining  captives  were  treated  more  humanely,  and 
were  subsequently  ransomed  by  their  friends."  Such  is  the 
tradition'. 

There  is  no  more  familiar  name,  in  Orange  county,  than  that 
of  Wawayanda,  nor  one  the  significance  of  which  is  less  clearly 
known.  It  first  appears  in  1703,  in  a  petition  from  Dr.  Staats 
in  which  he  states  that  a  tract  which  he  had  purchased,  called 


386  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

Wawayanda,  or  Woerawin,  was  "  altogether  a  swamp."  Its 
next  use  is  in  the  deed  and  patent  of  Wawayanda,  granted 
in  1703,  while  yet  Staats's  petition  was  under  consideration. 
Staats's  purchase  was  never  definitely  located,  but  that  it  covered 
a  portion  of  the  Drowned  lands  is  known  from  the  fact  that 
the  Wawayanda  patent  included  the  lands  which  he  claimed. 
In  the  deed  from  the  Indians,  and  in  the  patent,  the  description 
implies  that  the  name  embraced  more  than  one  tract,  the  lan 
guage  being  "  called  by  the  name  or  names  of  Wawayanda ; " 
while  the  deed  to  Staats  is  apparently  located  by  the  name  of 
Woerawin,  a  term  which  may  be  derived  from  woreco,  handsome, 
or  wooreecan,  good,  or  from  wewocan,  from  wewau,  waters,  and 
wocan,  barking  or  roaring,  a  term  descriptive  of  the  roaring  of 
waters  at  a  high  fall,  or  in  a  rushing  rapid  stream  in  a  flood. 
The  distinction  between  the  terms  more  clearly  appears  when 
considered  in  connection  with  the  use  of  local  and  general  terms 
in  other  patents.  In  the  deed  to  Governor  Dongan  for  the 
Evans  patent  the  language  is,  "  comprehending  all  those  lands, 
meadows  and  woods  called  "  by  specific  names,  "  together  with 
the  hills,  valleys,  woods,"  etc.,  surrounding  and  adjoining  or 
within  a  district  defined  by  certain  natural  boundaries,  while 
Minnisink  embraced  an  undefined  territory.  The  explanation 
would  seem  to  be  that  Woerawin  was  the  name  of  a  particular 
part  of  the  tract,  while  Wawayanda  was  a  district  embracing 
several  well  known  and  occupied  lands,  or  a  village  and  its 
dependencies.  This  explanation  accords  with  the  name  itself. 
Wa,  according  to  Schoolcraft,  is  a  reflective  plural  and  may 
mean  be  or  they,  or,  by  repetition,  we  ;x  it  has  no  descriptive 
significance  whatever.  A'mdau-yaun  is  my  home  ;  Aindau-yun, 
thy  home  ;  Aindau-aud,  his  or  her  home  ;  da,  town  or  village. 
From  these  terms  we  have  Wa-wa-yaun-da,  signifying  "  our 
homes  or  places  of  dwelling,"  or  "  our  village  and  lands." 
Accepting  the  last,  we  find  on  the  tract  a  Long  house,  situated 
on  what  is  still  called  Long  house  creek,  which  was  undoubt 
edly  the  seat  or  castle  of  the  canton. 

1  Substantives  are  generally  combined  or  combination  of  both    the    noun  and 

with  inseparable  possessive  pronouns  pre-  possessive   pronoun  in   the    plural    (<  our 

fixed.       The    duplication    nana^    vuaiua,  fathers'). — Zehberger's  Grammar, 
•wa-wall,  distinguishes  the  double  plural, 


APPENDIX.  387 

The  stream  of  water  now  known  as  the  Tinbrook, —  from 
the  German  Tinn  Brock,  or  thin  brook, —  was  called  by  the 
Indians  Aratkhook,  or  Akhgook,  the  Delaware  term  for  snake, 
the  reference  no  doubt  being  to  the  extremely  sinuous  course  of 
its  flow,  which  resembles  the  contortions  of  a  snake  when 
thrown  upon  a  fire.  In  1701,  Robert  Sanders1  filed  a  petition 
for  a  patent  to  a  tract  of  land  described  as  "  beginning  at  a  fall 
(/.  <?.,  a  stream  of  water)  called  Arackbook  and  running  thence . 
northerly  on  the  east  side  of  the  Paltz  creek  until  it  comes  to  a 
place  called  Kackawawook,  and  from  thence  due  east  four  miles 
into  the  woods,  and  from  thence  parallel  to  Paltz  creek  until  a 
due  west  line  shall  touch  the  aforesaid  fall."  He  stated  that  he 
had  held  the  land  since  June  4th,  1689  ;  that  all  the  Indians 
formerly  owners  were  dead,  and  asked  that  a  patent  be  issued 
to  himself,  his  son  Thomas,  and  Johannes  Bush,  William, 
Sharpas,  and  Joseph  Cleator.  He  renewed  the  petition,  April 
1 8th,  1702,  calling  the  tract  Oghgotacton,  and  stated  that  his  title 
was  derived  from  a  loan  which  he  had  made  to  the  Indian  pro 
prietor,  who,  as  well  as  all  his  relations,  were  then  dead.  In 
confirmation  of  his  claim  he  presented  the  following  paper  : 

u  Whereas,  Pungnanls  is  indebted  to  Robert  Sanders  the  value 
of  seventy  pounds,  and  being  ten  years  gone  to  the  Ottowawas^ 
and  his  brother  Corpowin^  now  going  to  the  war,  desires  that  ye 
said  Robert  Sanders  may  keep  the  land  of  his  brother,  called 
Ogbotacton,  till  his  brother  pays  him  the  said  sum  of  seventy 
pounds,2  Robert  Sanders  comes  to  me  to  ask  for  leave  to  take 
this  land  from  the  said  Corpowin,  and  I  do  give  him  authority  to 
take,"  etc.,  etc.  Signed  by  Gov.  Dongan,  June  4,  1689.* 

A  patent  was  issued  to  Sanders  under  this  petition,  but,  for 
some  reason  which  does  not  appear,  was  not  taken  up  by  him. 

1  Robert  Sanders,  of  Albany,  was  a  proper  person  to  furnish  the  government 
distinguished  and  intelligent  Indian  trader,  information  in  regard  to  the  condition  of 
He  became  well  versed  in  the  languages,  Canada.  He  rendered  himself  so  obnox- 
both  of  the  Mohawks  and  the  River  ious  to  the  French  governor  there,  in 
Indians,  and  acted  as  interpreter  between  consequence  of  his  opposition  to  the  Je- 
them  and  the  English  on  several  occasions,  suit  missionaries  among  the  Five  Nations, 
He  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Indians  that  he  was  the  subject  of  special  corn- 
to  a  high  degree,  and  was  made  governor  plaint  to  Governor  Dongan  in  1687. — 
of  Schenectady,  occupying  that  post  at  MunselTs  Annals  of  Albany. 
the  time  of  the  massacre.  He  was  par-  2  Less  then  seventy  dollars  of  United 
ticularly  designated,  by  Mr.  Miller,  as  a  States  currency. 

49 


388  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

i 

On  the  30th  of  June,  1712,  a  patent  was  issued  to  Henry  Wile- 
man  covering  the  same  tract  but  extending  its  boundaries  west 
to  the  falls  in  the  Walkill  at  Walden,  the  inference  doubtless 
being  that  the  word  "  fall  "  in  Sanders'  boundary  had  reference 
thereto.  The  Tinbrook  enters  the  Walkill  on  the  east  about 
half  a  mile  from  the'Yalls  at  Walden. 

Much  has  been  written  in  explanation  of  the  word  Shawangunk^ 
and  yet  the  solution  of  the  term  is  far  from  satisfactory.  The 
Rev.  CHARLES  SCOTT,  in  a  paper  read  before  the  Ulster  Histo 
rical  Society,1  remarks  very  properly  that  the  interpretation  by 
Schoolcraft,  so  extensively  copied,  that  the  word  means  white 
rocks,  from  skawan,  white,  and  gunk,  rock  —  alluding  to  the 
white  cliffs  which  face  the  mountains  west  of  Tuthiltown,  is 
not  sustained  by  any  known  vocabulary  of  Indian  dialects.  The 
word  comes  down  to  us  in,  two  principal  forms,  Sbawangunk 
and  Cbawangong,  the  first  in  the  Dutch  records  of  the  Esopus 
wars,  and  the  second  in  some  of  the  early  English  patents.  In 
the  deed  to  Governor  Dongan,  in  1684,  it  is  specified  as  a  certain 
tract  of  land,  the  language  being,  "  all  those  lands,  meadows 
and  woods  called  Nescotack,  Chawangon,"  etc.  The  patent 
to  Thomas  Lloyd,  Feb.  22,  1686,  is  described  as  at  the  place 
called  by  the  Indians  Cbawangong.  Says  Mr.  SCOTT  of  the 
latter  :  "  This  tract  of  land  was  situated  on  the  west  side  of 
Shawangunk  kil,  and  north  of  what  is  now  known  as  McKin- 
stry's  tannery.  The  next  locality,  to  the  north,  was  named  by 
the  Indians  Nescotonck.  On  the  south  was  Scbanwemisch,  or  as 
the  Dutch  pronounced  it,  Wisbauwemis,  the  beech  woods,  or 
place  of  beeches."  In  this  manner  he  localizes  the  application 
of  the  name.  He  continues  : 

"  This  fixes  with  some  accuracy  the  bounds  of  the  original 
Indian  Shawangunk.  It  was  a  section  of  fine  low  land,  situated 
mainly  on  the  west  side  of  Shawangunk  kil,  for  about  five  miles, 
from  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mary  kil,  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Dwars  kil.  Two  miles  to  the  west,  and  near  the  foot  of  the 
mountain,  was  a  flat  called  Welgbquatenbeuk,  the  place  of  wil 
lows  ;  and  about  two  miles  east,  on  the  Wallkill,  another  fine 
region  of  meadow  and  maize  fields,  which  they  designated 

1  Vol.  i,  part  in,  229,  etc.,  of  Proceedings. 


APPENDIX.  389 

Wanoksmk,  or  the  place  of  sassafras.  It  was  the  seat  of  the 
main  settlement  of  the  Esopus  tribe,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
mountains,  and  had,  on  its  southern  border,  the  village,  or  castle, 
which  was  destroyed  by  the  Dutch  in  September  and  October, 
1663.  This,  and  nothing  else,  was  the  Shawangunk  of  the 
red  man.  From  thence  the  name  began  to  spread,  when  the 
country  was  opened  to  European  settlement,  until  it  became 
widely  used.  First,  the  kil  was  made  to  assume  it,  instead  of 
its  appropriate  Acbsinink  ;  then  the  settlers  along  the  kil  for  miles 
were  said  to  have  it  for  their  home  ;  then  the  mountains  or  high 
hills  running  from  Rosendale  to  Minnisink,  were  thus  designated ; 
and  finally  the  precinct  and  afterwards  the  township.  And  here 
let  it  be  remarked  that  the  name  belongs  in  no  sense  whatever 
to  the  mountains  now  bearing  it.  The  Evans  patent  calls  them 
the  high  hills  of  Pitkiskakera.n&  Aioskawosting.  In  local  records, 
they  are  for  years  termed  simply  the  high  hills  or  the  steep 
rocks. 

After  a  careful  analysis  of  the  word,  he  concludes  : 
"  I  venture  to  interpret :  Sbawangum  —  south  water.  Shawan 
gunk,  etc.,  the  place  on  or  at  the  south  water,  water  being  referred 
to  generically,  and  not  specifically,  as  the  proper,  name  of  the  kil. 
But  to  what  kil  and  to  what  locality  is  Shawangunk  relatively 
south  ?  Take  the  map  of  Ulster  county,  and  notice  the  posi 
tion,  in  respect  to  each  other  of  the  Rondout  and  of  the  Sha 
wangunk  kils ;  and  remember  that  the  Indian  paths  from  one 
valley  to  the  other,  ran  almost  due  north  and  south,  and  one 
good  reason  is  manifest.  The  warrior  and  the  hunter  passed  < 
either  from  the  north  part  of  Shawangunk  proper  through  the  traps, 
to  Marbletown,  or  from  the  south  part  of  the  same,  by  Awos- 
ting  lake  —  the  Long  pond — to  the  Kerhonkson.  Stand  upon  the 
mountain  top  and  glance  down  either  path,  to  the  winding 
streams,  and  upon  their  corn  fields,  and  the  meaning  of  the 
north  water  or  the  south  water,  can  be  easily  understood. 
Again,  at  either  terminus  of  the  Aioskawosting,  or  southern 
path,  were  Indian  villages  and  settlements  of  cultivated  fields. 
The  one  was  on  the  north  water  and  the  other  on  the  south, 
for  in  truth  they  thus  stood  towards  those  opposite  points  of 
compass.  The  above  mentioned  villages  became  afterwards 


390  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

the  sites  of  the  old  fort  and   the   new  fort,  mentioned  in  the 
second  Esopus  war." 

While  Mr.  Scott's  investigation  has  brought  out  many  facts 
of  interest,  it  is  not  clear  that  he  is  correct  in  locating  the  name, 
or  in  explaining  its  meaning.  If  the  name  relates  to  a  particular 
tract  of  land,  then  in  that  tract  must  be  found  its  explanation  ; 
if  in  any  stream  of  water,  as  the  south  water,  its  explanation 
must  be  sought  there.  The  solution  may  be  in  one  of  the 
paths  or  trails  which  he  describes  as  crossing  the  mountain  and 
extending  into  the  southern  country,  one  of  which  was  taken 
by  the  Long  Island  Indians  who  accompanied  Kregier's  expedi 
tion,  in  1663,  being  the  shortest  route  to  their  homes.  This 
trail  continued  across  the  present  county  of  Orange,  where  it 
formed  one  of  the  boundary  lines  of  the  lands  of  Christopher 
Denn,  and  is  described  in  one  of  his  deeds  as  the  Chauwungonk 
path.  It  connected  with  the  main  trail  which  ran  from  Hack- 
insack  to  the  Minnisink  country,  partially  described  in  the  Jour- 
nal  of  Arent  Schuyler  in  1694.  Whether  called  the  north  or 
south  trail  it  led  to  and  took  its  name  apparently  from  one  par 
ticular  locality.  This  locality  would  seem  to  be  indicated  in 
the  word  itself.  The  first  part  or  noun  of  the  word,  shawan  or 
chawan,  would  seem  to  be  from  jewan,  swift  current  or  strong 
stream  ;  onk  or  gonk,  a  place,  literally  the  country  of  the  strong 
stream,  or  the  rapid  water  settlement,  or  if  interpreted  in  con 
nection  with  some  part  of  the  Wallkill,  as  indicating  a  specific 
portion  of  the  Chawangong  trail,  the  reference  may  be  to  a  place 
k  where  the  shallowness  of  the  current  gave  to  it  rapidity  and  yet 
afforded  a  fording  or  crossing  place.  To  precisely  such  a  place 
the,trail  in  question  led  and  the  ford  there  established  was  not  only 
used  by  the  Indians  and  the  early  settlers,  but  is  still  used  as  such. 
Another  interpretation  is  derived  from  shong\  the  Algonquin 
for  mink,  and  um  or  oma,  water,  or  onk,  a  place  or  country. 
This  would  give  the  mink  river,  or  the  mink  country.  Still 
another  is  derived  from  cheegaugong,  the  place  of  leeks,  and 
has  no  little  force  in  the  abundance  of  wild  onions  which  are 
still  found  in  that  section  of  country.  Indeed,  so  universal  is 
this  pest  of  the  farmer  there,  that  they  might  well  have  given 
their  name  to  the  stream,  the  valley,  and  the  mountains. 


APPENDIX.  391 

The  name  of  the  Indian  castle  destroyed  by  Kregier,  and 
which  is  described  "as  being  situated  at  the  head  of  the  Kerhonk 
son,"  has  not  been  preserveu,  unless  it  has  that  preservation  in 
the  name  of  the  creek  itself.  It  is  altogether  probable  that 
such  is  the  fact  as  it  would  accord  with  Indian  custom,  as  illus 
trated  in  the  case  of  the  Pakadasank,  to  which  reference  will  be 
made  hereafter.  In  regard  to  'this  fort,  as  well  as  that  called 
the  New  fort,  Mr.  Scott,  in  another  paper,  says  : 

u  From  the  Delaware  to  the  Hudson  there  once  existed  two 
great  pathways  of  Indian  travel.  The  one  started  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Neversink  or  Mahakemack,  at  Port  Jervis,  and 
passing  by  the  ancient  Peenpack,  and  through  Mamakating 
hollow,  struck  the  Rondout  at  Napanoch.  Thence  following 
that  stream  through  Wawarsirig  and  Rochester,  it  passed  over 
in  Marbletown  to  the  Esopus,  and  skirted  the  latter  to  its 
mouth  at  Saugerties.  The  other  crossed  the  mountain  range  at 
Minnisink,  to  the  eastern  valleys,  and  followed  the  Shawangunk, 
the  Wallkill  and  the  Rondout  to  the  Hudson.  The  first  may 
be  distinguished  as  the  Mamakating,  and  the  second  as  the 
Shawangunk  trail.  From  trail  to  trail  the  cross  paths  may  yet 
be  traced,  and  in  some  places  have  been  marked  upon  the 
mountain  rocks  by  the  passing  footsteps  of  ages." 

It  was  on  the  Mamakating  trail,  about  twenty-three  miles 
south-west  of  Kingston,  that  he  locates  the  Old  fort,  or  that 
destroyed  by  Kregier  on  the  3ist  of  July,  and  designates  its 
site  as  being  "  on  the  south  side  of  the  Kerhonkson,  near  the  line 
between  Rochester  and  Wawarsing,  just  north  of  what  is  called 
Shurker's  hill,  and  about  three  miles  from  the  mouth  and  at  the 
head  of  the  Kerhonkson."  The  New  fort,  or  that  destroyed 
on  the  4th  of  October,  he  says,  "  was  in  the  town  of  Shawan 
gunk,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Shawangunk  kil,  and  twenty- 
eight  miles  from  Kingston."  He  adds  :  "  Whatever  doubts 
there  may  be  as  to  the  Kerhonkson  village,  or  the  Old  fort, 
there  can  be  none  a§  to  that  situated  on  the  Shawangunk. 
From  the  first  settlement  of  the  country  the  place  has  been 
called  The  New  Fort.  The  village  which  was  found  aban 
doned  on  the  4th  of  October,  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Burlingham. 
An  Indian  burial  ground  marks  the  spot,  and  a  path  led  from 


392  HUDSON  RIPER  INDIANS. 

thence  to  the  hunting  house  at  Wurtsboro."     The  site  of  the 
New  fort,  and  the  trails  are  described  as  follows  : 

"  The  mouth  of  the  Shawangunk  kil  is  six  miles  away,  and 
most  of  that  distance  is  occupied  by  fine  and  fertile  lowlands. 
From  the  water  rises  an  abrupt  declivity,  of  irregular  formation, 
reaching,  it  may  be,  an  elevation  of  75.  or  80  feet,  and  then 
spreading  out  into  a  beautiful  sandy  plateau  of  twenty  (jr.  thirty 
acres.  The  hill  side  is  covered  with  the  original  forest,  and 
broken  up  into  what  seem  to  be  artificial  mounds.  On  the  edge 
of  the  plain  overlooking  the  creek,  the  fort  was  situated,  and 
the  wigwams  a  little  distance  below.  To  the  north,  along  the 
kil,  extends  a  flat  of  moderate  dimensions  ;  but  on  the  oppo 
site  side  are  some  of  the  finest  lowlands  in  Ulster  county.  Here 
the  Indians  planted  their  maize,  and  one  spot  is  yet  distinguished 
as  Basha's  cornfield.  The  plateau  is  covered  with  flints  and 
arrow-heads,  which  every  ploughing  turns  up  to  the  hands  of 
those  who  prize  them.  From  this  village  a  pathway,  yet  pre 
served,  led  across  the  mountains  to  Wawarsingand  the  Kerhonk- 
son  settlement,  just  twelve  miles  to  the  north.  This  was  the 
Wawarsing  trail,  so  well  known  to  all  the  early  inhabitants  of 
Shawangunk  and  Rochester.  Another  trail  bore  off  to  the  traps, 
and  through  the  clove  to  Marbletown.  And  yet  a  third  passed 
eastward  to  the  Hudson,  through  Montgomery  and  New  Wind 
sor,  and  branching,  near  the  Wallkill,  to  the  south,  gave  access 
from  the  Esopus  clans,  to  the  wigwams  of  the  Haverstraws  and 
Hackinsacks." 

That  the  valley  of  the  Wallkill  was  thickly  peopled  at  the 
time  of  the  discovery,  there  is  no  question.  Along  its  banks 
and  tributary  streams  imperfect  but  conclusive  evidence  is  found 
of  occupation  both  by  permanent  and  temporary  villages,  and 
in  the  old  patents  are  many  names  of  localities  which  investiga 
tion  would  clothe  with  interest.  Skirting  along  the  eastern 
base  of  the  Shawangunk  mountains  is  a  stream  called  the  Pa- 
kadasank  which  took  its  name  from  an  Indian  village  or  castle 
at  its  head.  The  location  of  this  village  entered  into  the  dis 
cussion  in  defining  the  boundaries  of  the  Evans  patent,  and  is 
referred  to,  in  a  paper  bearing  date  in  1756,  as  follows  : 


APPENDIX.  393 

41  But  what  proves  that  point  past  contradiction  is  the  descrip 
tion  given  of  the  western  bounds  of  Evans's  first  purchase,  which 
expressly  says  it  extended  all  along  said  hills,  etc.,  and  the 
river  Pakadasank  southerly  to  a  pond  called  Mallolaudy  (Mare- 
tange),  lying  on  the  top  of  the  said  hills.  Nothing  could  more 
plainly  point  out  where  that  pond  lies,  and  which  is  the  right 
pond,  than  the  river  Pakadasank  which  takes  its  rise  at  the  foot 
of  the  said  hills,  opposite  the  said  pond  and  extends  northerly 
along  the  foofof  the  said  hills  from  a  place  called  Pakadasank, 
where  the  Indians  who  sold  the  land  had  a  large  settlement, 
and  from  that  place  to  the  head  of  the  said  river,  and  nowhere 
else,  the  said  river  is  called  by  that  name.  And  the  said  In 
dian  settlement  called  Pekadasank  is  said  to  be  included  in  the 
first  purchase,  but  the  line  run  from  Stony  point  excludes  that 
land  for  it  is  southward  of  their  pond." 

The  Pakadasank  has  its  source  or  head  in  Maretange  pond 
on  what  was  formerly  called  the  Alas  kayer  ing  mountains  or 
Minnisink  hills,  flows  north  through  the  western  part  of  the 
town  of  Crawford,  and  empties  into  the  Shawangunk  kil. 
Another  stream,  called  the  Little  Pakadasank  has  similar  source 
and  outlet.  There  is  reason  for  supposing  that  the  Indian  vil 
lage,  from  which  both  streams  took  their  name,  was  in  the 
present  town  c  f  Crawford,  Orange  county.  Bancroft  Library 

One  of  the  boundaries  of  the  Paltz  patent,  now  known  as 
Paltz  point,  was  called  and  known  by  the  Indians,  Maggrnapogh. 
In  the  Ulster  records  is  this  certificate :  u  These  are  to  certify 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  New  Paltz,  being  desirous 
that  the  first  station  of  their  patent  named  Moggonck  might  be 
kept  in  remembrance,  did  desire  us,  Joseph  Horsbrook,  John 
Hardenburgh,  Roeleft  Eltinge,  Esq.,  justices  of  the  Peace  for 
the  county  of  Ulster,  to  accompany  them,  and  there  being 
Ancrop,  the  Indian,  then  brought  us  to  the  High  Mountain 
which  he  named  Maggrnapogh,  at  or  near  the  foot  of  which  hill 
is  a  small  run  of  water  and  a  swamp  which  he  called  Moggonck, 
and  the  said  Indian  Ancrop  affirms  it  to  be,  the  right  Indian 
names  of  the  said  places  as  witness  our  hands  this  nineteenth 
day  of  December,  1722."  Ancrop  was  at  that  time  sachem  of 
the  Esopus  Indians. 


394  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Schoolcraft  has  preserved  a  pictographic  inscription  on  the 
Esopus  rocks,  "  which,  from  its  antiquity  and  character  appears 
to  denote  the  era  of  the  introduction  of  fire-arms  and  gun 
powder  among  the  tribes  inhabiting  that  section  of  the  valley  of 
the  Hudson."  z  He  says  : 

"  The  location  of  the  inscription  is  on  the  western  bank  of 
the  Hudson,  at  Esopus  landing.  Other  indications  have  been 
reported,  at  sundry  times,  of  the  skill  of  these  ancient  Indians 
in  inscribing  figures  on  rocks.  Tracks  of  human  feet  are 
among  these  objects ;  but  the  progress  of  building  in  that 
vicinity,  and  the  existence  of  but  little  curiosity  on  that  head, 
appears  to  have  destroyed  these  interesting  traces  of  a  people 
who  now  live  only  in  history.  The  traditions  of  Ulster  county 
do  not  refer  to  a  period  when  this  inscription  was  not  there. 
The  inscription  may  be  supposed,  if  the  era  is  properly  con 
jectured,  to  have  been  made  with  metallic  tools.  The  lines 
are  deeply  and  plainly  impressed.  It  is  in  double  lines.  The 
plumes  from  the  head  denote  a  chief, -or  man,  skilled  in  the 
Indian  medico-magical  art.  The  gun  is  held  at  rest  in  the 
right  hand ;  the  left  appears  to  support  a  wand.  It  is  in  the 
rampant  Indian  style.  Such  an  inscription,  recording  the  in 
troduction  of  the  gun,  would  not  be  made  when  that  era  had 
long  past  and  lost  its  interest.  Indians  never  resort  to  historical 
pictography  when  there  is  nothing  new  to  tell.  Thus  the  In 
dian  pictography  throws  a  little  light  on  the  most  rude  and  un 
promising  scene  ;  and  if  the  sources  of  these  gratifications  are 
but  small,  we  are  indebted  to  them  for  this  little.  No  attempt 
of  rude  nations  to  perpetuate  an  idea  is  ever  wholly  lost." 

Atkarkarton,  the  Indian  name  for  Kingston,  was  not  the  name 
of  an  Indian  village,  but  for  a  tract  called  by  the  Dutch  the 
Great  Plot,  or  meadow  on  which  the  Indians  raised  corn 
and  beans.  At  is  equivalent  to  at  or  by  the  waters. 

Nutten  Hook,  at  Katskil,  was  called  by  the  Indians  Kock- 
hachcbtngh ;  a  place  known  to  the  Dutch  as  the  Flying 
corner,  was  called  by  the  Indians,  Machawanick ;  a  small 
stream  which  enters  "  the  creek  called  the  Kats  kil"  on  the 
south,  was  called  ^uatawicbnaak ;  Silvester  Salisbury,  in  1678, 

1  History  of  the  Indian  Tribes  of  the  United  States,  part  Hi,  73.     Ante,  p.  157. 


APPENDIX.  395 

obtained  "  five  great  flats  or  plains"  called  Wachacbkeek,  Wich- 
quanachtekok,  Pachquyak,  Assiskowacbkok,  and  Pot'ick ;  a  tract  sold  to 
Jacob  Lockerman  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  a  creek  called 
Canasenix,  "  east  on  the  river  in  the  Great  Imbocht  where 
Loveridge  leaves  off,  called  by  the  Indians  Peoquanackqua,  and 
west  by  a  place  called  by  the  Indians  £htackanock ;  "  and  Henry 
Beekman  had  a  tract  "  under  the  great  mountains  called  Blue 
hills,  by  a  place  called  Kiskatameck"  The  Mabican  village 
known  as  Potick,  was  apparently  located  west  of  Athens,  where 
the  name  is  preserved  in  Potick  hill  and  Potick  creek,  the  latter 
forming  the  west  line  of  the  town.  It  may  be  added  that  the 
term  Katskil  was  applied  by  the  Dutch  as  descriptive  of  the 
totemic  emblem  of  the  Indians,  a  wolf. 

Wanton  island,  a  short  distance  north  of  Katskill  landing, 
is  the  site  of  a  traditionary  battle  between  the  Mahicans  and 
the  Mohawks.  Like  other  traditions  which  are  woven  into 
history,  the  issue  involved  in  the  conflict  is  a  pure  fiction. 
The  tradition  is  related  by  Stone,  in  his  Life  of  Brant,  as 
follows : 

"  Brown,  in  his  History  of  Schobarie,  gives  a  singular 
tradition  in  regard  to  the  kings  of  the  Mohawks,  of  which  I 
have  found  no  other  mention.  The  Mohawks  and  River  In 
dians  were  once  bitter  enemies,  the  former  becoming  the  terror 
and  scourge  of  the  latter.  Brown  states  that  the  last  battle 
between  the  Mahicans  and  Mohawks  took  place  on  Wanton 
island,  in  the  Hudson  river,  not  far  from  Katskil.  The  ques 
tion  between  them  was,  which  should  have  the  honor  of  nam 
ing  their  king,  or  which  should  have  the  tribute  of  the  river 
tribes.  Both  nations  collected  their  utmost  strength  upon  that 
island,  for  the  purpose  of  a  final  decision,  and  fought  a  pitched 
battle,  which  continued  during  the  whole  day.  Towards  night, 
the  Mohawks,  finding  that  the  Mahicans  were  likely  to  prove 
an  overmatch  for  them,  deemed  it  necessary  to  resort  to  strata 
gem,  for  which  purpose  they  suddenly  took  to  flight,  and  gained 
another  island  in  the  evening.  They  here  kindled  a  great 
number  of  fires,  and  spread  their  blankets  on  some  bushes, 
gathered  and  disposed  around  them  for  that  purpose,  as  though 
they  themselves  had  encamped  by  their  fires  as  usual.  The 
50 


396  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Mahicans  following  on,  landed  upon  the  Island  in  the  depth  of 
night,  and  were  completely  taken  in  by  the  deception.  Sup 
posing  that  the  Mohawks  were  sleeping  soundly  beneath  their 
blankets,  after  their  fatigue,  the  Mahicans  crept  up  with  the 
greatest  silence,  and  pouring  a  heavy  fire  upon  the  blankets, 
rushed  upon  them  with  knives  and  tomahawks  in  hand,  making 
the  air  to  ring  with  their  yells  as  they  fell  to  cutting  and  slash 
ing  the  blankets  and  bushes  instead  of  Indians  beneath  them. 
Just  at  the  moment  of  their  greatest  confusion  and  exultation, 
the  Mohawks,  who  had  been  lying  in  ambush  flat  upon  the 
ground  at  a  little  distance,  poured  a  murderous  fire  upon  their 
foes,  whose  figures  were  rendered  distinctly  visible  by  the  light 
of  their  fires,  and  rushing  impetuously  upon  them,  killed  the 
greater,  part  and  made  prisoners  of  the  residue.  A  treaty  was 
then  concluded,  by  which  the  Mohawks,  were  to  have  the  king 
and  the  Mahicans  were  to  hold  them  in  reverence,  and  call 
them  Uncle.  Hendrik  was  the  king  first  named  such  by 
the  Mohawks,  after  this  decisive  victory,  "  who  lived  to  a  great 
age,"  says  Brown,  "  and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Lake  George 
under  Sir  William  Johnson." 

The  boundary  line  of  the  Coeymans  tract  began  at  a  point  on 
the  west  shore  of  the  Hudson  called  Sieskasin,  described  as 
"  opposite  the  middle  of  the  island  called  by  the  Indians  Sapana- 
kock"  Cams  keck  is  also  the  name  for  a  tract  in  the^  town  of 
Coeymans  about  ten  miles  south  of  Albany.  Coxackle  or  Kuxa- 
kee  has  had  several  interpretations.  Schoolcraft  defines  it  as 
"the  place  of  the  cut  banks,"  where  the  current  deflected 
against  the  western  shore  had  gradually  worn  away  the  land. 
O'Callaghan  says  that  the  word  is  a  corruption  of  the  Algon 
quin  Kaaks-0&,  from  Kaak,  a  goose,  and  aki,  locality,  "  the 
country  of  the  wild  goose."  Another  interpretation  is  Cook- 
sockuy,  signifying  owl-hoot.  The  most  satisfactory  explana 
tion  will  be  found  perhaps  in  co,  object,  and  ak'i,  land,  the 
reference  being  to  the  clay  banks  which  rise  there  to  the  height  of 

100  feet,  and  form  a  conspicuous  object  in  the  river  scenery. 

Neweskeke  or  Naveskeek,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Albany,  is 

described  as  being  a  corner  or  neck  of  land  having  a  fresh  water 

river  running  to  the  east  of  it. 


APPENDIX.  397 

Coeyman's  Hollow  was  called  Acbquetuck,  and  the  creek, 
Onisketkau.  Another  creek  is  still  known  by  the  Indian  name, 
Habnakrois. 


Coeyman's  Creek. 

Sunckbagag  is  recorded  as  the  name  of  the  tract  from  Beeren 
island  to  Smack's  island.1  The  boundaries  extended  two  days' 
journey  into  the  interior.  Tawalsontba  was  the  Mabican  name 
of  the  creek  now  called  Norman's  kil,  in  the  town  of  Bethle 
hem,  and  Tawassgunsbee  that  of  the  mound  on  which  Fort 
Orange  was  erected.  Schoolcraft  gives  Tawasentba  as  the 
orthography  of  the  former  term  and  regards  it  as  signifying 
"  the  place  of  the  many  dead,"  adding  that  the  Mohawks  once 
had  a  village  there,  and  that  in  excavating  the  road  to  Bethlehem 
an  Indian  burial  ground  was  opened.  But  the  Mohawks  never 
had  a  village  there,  and  the  interpretation  is  in  apparent  viola- 
lation  of  the  custom  of  the  Indians  in  bestowing  names.  We 
have  yet  to  find  the  name  of  an  Indian  burial  ground,  and  espe 
cially  a  stream  of  water  and  a  burial  ground  bearing  the  same  name. 

1  The  name  appears  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  ante,  p.  374. 


398  HUDSON  RIVER  INDIANS. 

Schenectady*  is  said  to  signify  "  beyond  the  plains."  School- 
craft  giv.es  Con-no-harrie-go-harrie  as  the  original  name  of  the 
site  of  that  city,  and  says  "  the  name  is  in  allusion  to  the  flood 
wood  on  the  flats."  Another  authority  gives  Oron-nygh-wurrie- 
gughre  as  the  name  of  the  region  immediately  around  the  city, 
but  it  has  been  very  wisely  dropped  notwithstanding  its  signifi 
cation,  maize  lands.  Canastagione^  a  tract  in  Albany  county, 
is  said  to  mean  the  great  maize  land,  from  onuste  (Mohawk) 
maize,  and  couane,  great.  It  is  added  that  Niskayunah^  the 
present  name  of  this  tract,  is  only  a  variation  of  Canastagione, 
and  is  derived  from  onatschia  another  Iroquois  word  for  maize, 
the  o  and  t  being  dropped.  (O'C.) 

Saratoga  is  said  to  be  derived  from  soragh^  salt,  and  oga,  a 
place,  the  place  of  the  salt  springs.  Schoolcraft  says  the 
word  is  from  assarat,  sparkling  waters,  and  oga,  a  place,  but 
evidently  bases  his  interpretation  on  the  hypothesis  that  Sara 
toga  springs  are  referred  to.  The  name  was  first  applied,  how 
ever,  to  the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Schuylerville  on  the 
Hudson,  and  in  that  connection  is  said  to  signify  swift  water. 
On  Sauthier's  map  the  name  is  given  to  a  lake  west  of  Schuy 
lerville.  Gov.  Dongan  endeavored  to  reclaim  the  Mohawk 
converts  from  Canada  and  settle  them  here  in  1687.  He  writes  : 
"  I  have  done  my  endeavors  and  have  gone  so  far  in  it  that  I 
have  prevailed  with  the  Indians  to  consent  to  come  back  from 
Canada  on  condition  that  I  procure  for  them  a  piece  of  land 
called  Seracbtague  lying  upon  Hudson's  river  about  forty  miles 
above  Albany,  and  there  furnish  them  with  priests."  A  fort 
was  subsequently  erected  there  and  a  settlement  formed.  In  the 
war  of  1745,  the  fort  was  destroyed  by  the  French,  together 

1  The  Iroquois  name  for  the  spot  where  bany ;      Ohnoiualagantle,     the     town    of 

Albany    now     stands     was     Skenectadea.  Schenectady;    Cahohatatea,  the  north  or 

In  regard  to  this  and  other  Iroquois  geo-  Hudson  river  j    Tioghsahrondc,  the  place 

graphical    names    in    that    vicinity,    Dr.  or    places    where    streams    empty    them- 

Mitchill,  in  answer  to   an  inquiry  from  selves.     "  What  their  etymologies  are," 

the  Rev.    Dr.   Miller,  in    1810,   on  in-  he  adds,  "  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascer- 

formation  from  John  Bleecker,  for  many  tain,  except  as   to  Skcncctadeay    Albany, 

years   an  interpreter  of  the  Iroquois,   as  which   signifies   the   place  the  natives  of 

well  as  from  the  Oneida   chief,    Louis,  the    Iroquois    arrived    at    by    travelling 

and  other  Indians,  writes  that   Canneoga-  through    the    pine  trees." — Collections  of 

nakalonitade  was  their  name  for  the  Mo-  the  Neva  York  Historical  Society,  I,  43. 
hawk  river  j  Skcnectadea,  the  city  of  Al- 


APPENDIX.  399 

with  about  twenty  houses;  thirty  persons  were  killed  and 
scalped,  and  about  sixty  taken  prisoners.1  The  Indians  were  not 
occupants  of  the  place  at  the  time  of  this  occurrence.  Water- 
ford,  Saratoga  county,  was  called  Nachtenack,  and  the  island, 
known  as  Long  Island,  near  Waterford,  ghiakemiscos.  There 
is  apparently  a  mixture  of  the  Mahican  and  Mohawk  dialects  in 
some  of  the  names  in  this  section  of  the  state. 

GohoeS)  a  term  still  preserved  in  the  falls  of  the  Mohawk,  was 
not  the  name  of  the  falls  but  of  the  island  below  them,  and, 
from  its  diminutive  termal  oes,  is  presumed  to  mean  simply  a 
small  island.  Regarding  co  as  expressing  object,  the  first  syl 
lable  may  have  reference  to  the  falls,  in  which  case 'the  render 
ing  would  be,  the  island  at  the  falls  ;  or  applied  to  the  falls, 
would  class  them  as  small  compared  with  Niagara.  The 
term  is  Mahican,  and  is  applied  in  another  form  to  a  district  in 
New  Hampshire,  the  Coos  country.  Van  der  Donck  says 
of  the  falls,  as  they  appeared  in  1656  :  u  The  water  glides  over 
the  falls  as  smooth  as  if  it  ran  over  an  even  wall  and  fell  over 
the  same.  The  precipice  is  formed  of  firm  blue  rock ;  near 
by  and  below  the  falls  there  stand  several  rocks,  which  appear 
splendid  in  the  water  rising  above  it  like  high  turf-heaps,  appa 
rently  from  eight,  sixteen,  to  thirty  feet  high  ;  very  delightful  to 
the  eye.  The  place  is  well  calculated  to  exalt  the  fancy  of  the 
poets.  The  ancient  fabulous  writers  would,  if  they  had  been 
here,  have  exalted  those  works  of  nature,  by  the  force  of 
imagination,  into  the  most  artful  and  elegant  descriptive  illu 
sions.  The  waters  descend  rapidly  downwards  from  the  falls, 
over  a  stony  bottom,  skipping,  foaming  and  whirling  boisterously 
about  the  distance  of  a  gun-shot  or  more." 

1  Ante,  p.  205. 


ERRATA. 

Page      9,    9th  line,  for  then,  read  than. 
44        9,  igth  line,  for  "hospitality,  so,  read  hospitality.     So  he. 
**       18,  Iith  line,  for  Agassis,  read  Agassiz. 
44      24,    9th  line,  for  make,  read  also. 

"       27,  zist  line,  for  sacrifice  and  fires,  read  sacrificial  fires. 
44      27,  22d  line,  for  Kitxinaeta  read  Kitzinacka. 
44      27,  2gth  line,  for  were,  read  where. 
44       29,  26th  line,  for  presents  be,  read  presents  were. 
44      29,  27th  line,  for  it,  read  was. 
44       32,    5th  line,  for  called,  read  asked. 
44      63,  3d  line,  for  at,  read  above. 
44      66,  I4th  line,  for  causes,,  read  cause. 
44       87,  loth  line,  for  1680,  read  1630. 

44  154,  24th  line,  for  soon  ~he,  read  soon  as  he. 

44  172,  27th  line,  for  concede,  read  accede. 

44  176,  I3th  line,  for  permanent,  read  their. 

44  187,  nth  line,  for  others  read   other. 

44  197,  26th  line,  for  Totakik,  read  Potatik. 

44  453,  4th  line,  for  Mahicans,  read  Mohegans. 

44  261,  1st  line  for  predecessors,  read  predecessor. 

Errors  in  uniformity  of  orthography  not  noted. 


INDEX. 


Abenaquis,  a  Mahican  nation,  41  j 
murder  Mohawk  chiefs,  156; 
English  agree  not  to  assist,  1595 
made  peace  with  the  Iroquois,  1835 
make  peace  with  the  Mahicans, 
2525  Iroquois  refuse  to  renew  war 
with,  193 
Abraham,  or  Schabash,  a  Mahican  chief, 

converted    by    Moravians,     197  j 

made  captain  by  Mahicans,   89  ; 

assistant    at    Gnadenhiitten,    89; 

elected  chief  sachem  of  Mahicans 

of  the  Delaware,  197 
Little,   sachem   of  Lower  Mohawk 

castle,  264 ;  brother  of  King  Hen- 

drik,   3135  succeeds   King  Hen- 

drik,  264 
Abrahamsen,    Isaac,    rescues    an    Indian 

boy,  107 
Ackhough,  sachem  of  Weckquaesgeeks, 

79 

Adair,  James,  theory  of,  concerning  ori 
gin  of  American  Indians,  16 

Adogbegnewalquo,  a  Mohawk  chief,  ad 
dress  of,  141 

Aepjin,  chief  sachem  of  Mahicans,  58  j 
party  to  treaty  of  1645,  118;  to- 
temic  signature  of,  119;  council  fire 
at  Schodac,  58  ;  authorized  to  treat 
for  Esopus  Indians,  137 

Aepjin's  island,  375 

Agassiz,  theory  of,  17 

Analysis  of  tribes  and  chieftaincies,  7 1 

Andastes,  war  with  the  Iroquois,  55 

Andros,  Governor,  offers  lands  to  fugitive 
Indians,  177;  invites  Pennacooks  to 
settle  at  Schaticook,  63 

Andriaensen,  Maryn,  in  command  at 
massacre  at  Corlear's  Hook,  106 

Ankerop,  sachem  of  Esopus  Indians,  201 

Ann  Hoock,  alias  Wampage,  a  chief  of 
Siwanoys,  8 1 

Ann  Hutchinson,  murder  of,  112 

daughter    of,  returned   from    capti 
vity,  118 


Albany,  Fort  Nassau  erected  at,  99  j 
Fort  Orange  erected  at,  99 ;  Dutch 
make  treaty  with  Mahicans  and 
Iroquois  at,  54 ;  surrendered  to  the 
English,  158 ;  English  establish 
council  fire  at,  161  ;  council  fire  re 
moved  from,  to  Mount  Johnson, 
222 ;  commissioners  of  congress  hold 
council  with  Iroquois  at,  263  j 
aboriginal  name  of,  398 

Algonquin  language,  645  grammar  of, 
338 

Aix  la  Chapelle,  conditions  of  treaty  of, 
208 

Algonquin  nations,  56,  64 

Allegewi,  tradition  concerning,  45 

Alliances,  how  formed,  32 

Alliance,  nature  of,  between  ^the  Dutch 
and  the  Iroquois,  145  ;  of  Dutch  with 
Long  Island  chieftaincies,  1245  of 
English  with  Iroquois  and  Mahicans, 
158 

Ampamit,  address  of,  to  Gov.  Burnet,  191 

Appamanskoch,  sachem  of  Raritans,  90 

Aquackanonks,  location  of,  91 

Armies,  how  composed,  30 

Ashhurst,  Sir  John,  buys  lands  of  Wao- 
ranecks,  93 

Assiapam,  sachem  of  Matinecocks,  74 

Assinapink  creek,  92,  377 

Atkarkarton,  Kingston  so  called,  125, 
394 

Attention  in  sickness,  23 

Atyataronghta,  Louis,  captain  of  Oneidas, 
aids  the  Americans,  284 

Aupamut,  see  Hendrik,  Captain 

Barren  Hill,  Mahicans  in  battle  of,  286 

Bald  Eagle,  a  Lenape  chief,  death  0^256 

Beeren,  or  Mahican  island,  85,  374 

Bellomont,  Gov.,  description  of  an  Indian 
conference,  186 

Bennington,  battle  of,  275 

Biographical  Sketches,  299 

Abraham,  Little,  sachem   of  Lower 
Mohawk  castle,  264 


402 


INDEX. 


Biographical  Sketches,  continued  — 

Allummapees,  chief  sachem  of  Len- 

apes,  300 
Aupaumut,    or    Captain    Hendrik, 

chief  sachem  of  Mahicans,  320 
Benevissica,  chief  sachem  of  Shaw- 

anoes,  306 
Black   Kettle,  a  war-captain  of  the 

Five  Nations,  316 
Chambers,  Captain  Thomas,  138 
Corn-planter,  a  sachem  of  the  Sene- 

cas,  317 
Cornstalk,  a  war-captain  of  Shaw- 

anoes,  306 

Dean,  Rev.  James,  216 
Garangula,  an  Onondaga  chief,  316 
Johnson,  Sir  John,  265 
Johnson,  Sir  William,  260 
Kirkland,  Rev.  Samuel,  261 
Konapot,  John,  Captain,  a  Mahican, 

320 
Kryn,  war-captain  of  Caghnawagas, 

ifto 

Logan,  a  Mingoe  chief,  314 
Minichque,  a  Mahican  sachem,  185, 

319 

Montour,  Catharine,  276 
Nererahhe,  chief  sachem  of  Shaw- 

anoes,  306 
Netawatwees,  chief  sachem  of  Lena- 

pes,  303 
Nimham,  Daniel,  chief  sachem   of 

Wappingers,  329 
Occum,  Rev.  Samson,  a  Mahican, 

325 
Passaconnaway,    chief    sachem    of 

Pennacooks,  317 
Paxinos,  chief  sachem  of  Shawanoes, 

3°5 

Red  Jacket,  a  Seneca  chief,  317 
Saunders,  Robert,  357 
Shabasch,  or  Abraham,  a  Mahican 

chief,  328 

Shingas,  a  Lenape  war  captain,  219 
Skenando,  an  Oneida  chief,  317 
Soiengarahta ;  or  King   Hendrik  of 

the  Mohawks,   310;  portrait  of, 

7° 
Soquans,  a  Mahican  sachem,    184, 

319 

Tadame,  chief  sachem  of  Lenapes, 
•301 

Tamany,  chief  sachem  of  Lenapes, 
300 

Tecumseh,  a  Shawanoe  chief,  308 

Teedyuscung,  chief  sachem  of  Lena 
pes,  301 

Thayendanega,  or  Joseph  Brant,  313 


Biographical  Sketches,  continued  — 

Wasarnapah,  or  Tyschoop,  a  Mahi 
can  chief,  197,  327 
White  Eyes,  Captain,  chief  sachem 

of  Lenapes,  305 
Block-houses  constructed    in  Minnisink 

country,  240 
Bloom,    Domine,    description  of  Esopus 

massacre,  147 
Boone,  Daniel,  257 
Bouwensen,  Thomas,  roasted  and  eaten 

by  Mohawks,  100 

Boquet,  Col.,  expedition  of,  246,  248 
Braddock,  General,  220,  222 
Bradstreet,  Col.,  expedition  of,  248  ;  opin 
ion  of,  concerning  Iroquois,  249 
Brainerd,  Rev.  David,  missionary  labors, 

196,  198 
Brant,  Molly,  259,  261,  275 

Joseph,  261,  265;  sent  to  England, 
265 ;  accepts  war- belts  of  the 
crown,  266  ;  organizes  warriors  in 
English  service,  267 ;  Herkimer 
holds  conference  with,  267,  268  ; 
descent  of,  on  Wyoming  valley, 
276  ;  commits  depredations  in  Or 
ange  and  Ulster,  277  j  Minnisink, 
commands  massacre  at,  278,  279  ; 
defeated  at  Fort  Plain,  284; 
flight  of,  at  Fort  Schuyler,  274  j 
efforts  of,  to  arouse  western  tribes, 
290  5  biographical  sketch  of,  313 
Bull,  Captain,  son  of  Teedyuscung,  247 
Burgoyne,  Gen.,  expedition  of,  273 
Burnet,  Governor,  address  to  Mahicans, 

191 
Butler,  John,  accompanies  Guy  Johnson, 

263 

Walter  N.,  accompanies  Guy  John 
son,  263  ;  commands  in  expedition 
against  Mohawk  valley  settle 
ments,  283;  killed  by  an  Oneida 
warrior,  285 

Caghnawaga,  Mohawk  village  of,  6 1,  97  ; 
attacked  by  Mahicans,  97 ;  de 
stroyed  by  the  French,  97  ; 
Dutch  embassadors  visit,  132; 
converted  by  Jesuits,  179,  211  ; 
Dutch  village  at,  destroyed  by 
John  Johnson,  283 
Nation,  or  Praying  Indians,  179, 

211 

Calmet,  theory  of,  1 6 
Canada,  settlement  of,  commenced,  53 
Canestogaes,  massacre  of,  245 
Canassatiego,  an  Iroquois  viceroy,  speech 

of,  69 
Canopus,  sachem  of  Nochpeems,  80 


INDEX. 


403 


Captains,  war  chiefs  so  called,  31 

Captahem,  sachem  of  Aquackanonks,  91 

Carnarsees,  location  of,  72 

Cartwright,  Col.  George,  makes  treaty 
with  Iroquois,  158 

Castles,  mode  of  constructing,  25 

Catholic  priests,  labors  of,  166,  168  ;  law 
in  relation  to,  176 

Cayugas,  one  of  the  Iroquois  nations,  35  ; 
village  of,  98  j  accept  the  war  belts 
of  the  English,  273 

Chambers,  Thomas,  Capt.  settles  at  Eso- 
pus,  1 25  ;  biographical  sketch  of,  133 

Champlain,  discovers  Lake  Champlain,  53 
aids  the  Hurons,  53  ;  encourages 
conversion  of  Indians,  156 

Chaatity  of  females,  22 

Chesekock  tract,  83,  377 

Chegonoe,  sachem  of  Rockaways,  73 

Chekatabut,  a  Massachusetts  Mahican 
chief,  6 1 

Child  birth,  23 

Claus,  Daniel,  2,59;  appointed  superin 
tendent  of  Canada,  260 

Cklverack,  village  of,  63  j  creek",  name  of, 
63 

Clinton,  Governor,  appeal  of,  to  the  Iro 
quois,  205 

De Witt,  theory  of,  1 6 
Gen.  James,  commands  in  expedi 
tion  against  Iroquois,  279 
Gov.  George,  commands  in  expedi 
tion  for  relief  of  Schoharie  valley, 
284 

Coginiquant,  sachem  of   Nesaquakes,  74 

Colden,  Lieut.  Gov.,  57 

Coleman,  John,  killed  by  the  Indians,  9 

Colonists,  efforts,  of,  to  secure  neutrality  of 
Indian  tribes  in  Revolution,  261 

Communipau,  aboriginal  name  of,  90,  376 

Conarhanded,  sachem  of  Weckquaes- 
geeks,  79 

Connecticut,  agents  purchase  lands  at 
Wyoming,  216;  determine  to  oc 
cupy,  150,  259 

Conflict  with  Indians,  at  Stony  Point, 
II  j  at  Shorackappock,  n,  77 

Conference  at  Albany,  1754,  212,  at 
Albany,  1776,  263 

Congress,  Continental,  established  three 
Indian  Departments,  263  ;  organ 
izes  expedition  against  the  English 
Indian  allies,  279 ;  address  of,  to 
Iroquois,  280 ;  treaty  of,  with  Iro 
quois,  289 

Corchaugs,  location  of,  74 

Corlear's  Hook,  massacre  of  Indians  at, 
106, 108  j  aboriginal  name  of,  361 

51 


Cornbury,  Gov.,  attends  conference  at 
Albany,  184. 

Cornstalk,  commands  Lenapes  and  Sha- 
wanoes,  2565  biographical  sketch  of, 
307 

Corn-planter,  a  Seneca  chief,  le«ds  an 
attack  on  Oneidas,  282  5  driven  from 
power  by  Red  Jacket,  290;  no 
ticed,  317 

Cortland's  Ridge,  Mahicans  in  battle  of, 
287 

Couwenhoven,  negotiates  with  Esopus 
Indians,  151,  154 

Cralo,  Fort,  at  Greenbush,  149 

Cresap's  War,  causes  of,  255 

Croton,  traditionary  sachem  of  Kitcha- 
wongs,  79 

Croton  river,  aboriginal  name  of,  79, 
366 

Croghan,  George,  commissioner  to  treat 
with  Western  Indians,  209  5  assistant 
to  Sir  Wm.  Johnson,  250,  259 ; 
superintendent  of  Ohio  country,  260 

Crown  Point,  expedition  for  capture  of, 
failure  of,  224 

Custalaga,  a  Lenape  chief,  removal  of, 
258 

Dans-Kammer,  devil  worship  at,  29, 
94  j  boundary  line  at  the,  93  ; 
Couwenhoven  at  the,  151;  tradi 
tion  of  the,  382 

Dean,  Rev.  James,  labors  of,  among 
Oneidas  and  Tuscaroras,  261  j  bio 
graphical  notice  of,  261 

Declarations  of  war,  31 

Deeds,  explanation  of  signatures  to,  93 

DeHart,  Balthazar,  purchases  lands,  92 

Dcnotas,  or  bags  for  measuring  corn,  26 

DeVries,  David  Pietersen,  plantation  of, 
on  Staten  Island,  destroyed,  102  ; 
locates  among  the  Tappans,  91  j 
endeavors  to  prevent  massacre  of 
fugitive  Indians,  1065  plantation  of, 
spared  by  Indians,  109  ;  negotiates 
treaty  of  peace,  109;  plantation  de 
stroyed,  113 

Dieskau,  Baron,  commands  French  ex 
pedition  for  reduction  of  Oswego, 
223  j  mortally  wounded  in  battle  at 
Ticonderoga,  224 

Dobb's  Ferry,  aboriginal  name  of,  78 

Dongan,  Gov.,  purchases  lands  on  the 
Hudson,  93,  95;  endeavors  to  de 
feat  the  operations  of  the  French, 
1 69  ;  gives  medals  to  the  Iroquois, 
1 69  j  appeals  to  James  II,  to  main 
tain  alliance  with  Iroquois,  169; 
asks  for  Catholic  priests,  169 


404 


INDEX. 


Dress,  of  an  Indian  belle,  21  ;  Hudson's 
description  of,  8 ;  Verazzano's  de 
scription  of,  19 

Dwellings  and  mode  of  construction,  24 

Du  Bois,  Mrs.  Louis,  captured  by  the 
£sopus  Indians,  1535  tradition  con 
cerning,  153 

Dunmore,  Gov.,  2,57 

Dutch,  neutrality  of,  in  Indian  wars,  54 ; 
treaty  of,  with  Mahicans,  etc.,  54; 
send  embassadors  to  the  Mohawks, 
132;  responsible  for  the  Manhattan 
wars,  1195  responsible  for  the  Eso- 
pus  wars,  134;  surrender  province 
to  the  English,  158 

Eelkins,  Jacob,  imprisons  chief  of  the  Se 
quins,  100 

Emerick,  Col.,  account  of  battle  of  Cort- 
land's  Ridge,  286,  287 

English  capture  Fort  Amsterdam,  1585 
treaty  with  the  Iroquois,  55,  158; 
treaty  with  Mahicans,  158,  1605 
laws  regulating  intercourse  with  the 
Indians,  1625  treaty  of  Esopus,  163 

Eskmoppas,  sachem  ofRockaways,  73 

Esopus,  derivation  of  term,  945  first  settle 
ment  at,  125;  settlers  at,  abandon 
lands,  1 1 2,  123;  first  war  at,  120; 
Stuyvesant  solicited  to  protect,  125  } 
buildings  destroyed  at,  125  5  new 
village  established  at,  128  5  second 
war  of,  1 33, 1  34  5  torture  of  prisoners 
at,  135  ;  village  held  in  siege,  135  ; 
peace  established  at,  142;  renewal 
of  hostilities  at,  1475  new  village, 
•destroyed,  147;  description  of 
massacre  at,  147;  peace  re-established 
at,  1555  inscription  on  rocks  at,  157, 

394 

Esopus  Indians,  chieftaincies  of,  94,  95  ; 
make  peace  with  the  Senecas,  68 ; 
first  war  with  the  Dutch,  1205  sa 
chems  solicit  peace,  128  ;  Stuyvesant 
holds  conference  with,  129;  Indians 
massacred  at,  1335  renew  hostilities, 
135  j  treaty  of  peace  with  (1660), 
142;  Stuyvesant  sends  chiefs  into 
slavery,  138;  demand  renewal  of 
treaty,  146  ;  second  war  with,  147  ; 
treaty  of  peace  with  (1663),  155; 
treaty  of,  with  the  English,  163  }  a 
portion  of,  remove  to  Oghawaga,  20 1 , 
272 ;  conference  with  domestic 
clans,  20 1  ;  friendly,  invited  to  re 
move  from  back  settlements,  230; 
friendly,  massacred  near  Walden, 
3315  friendly,  remove  to  Ticonde- 
roga,  97, 230;  condition  of,  1768,  253 


Evert  Pels,  a  Dutch  prisoner,  escapes  tor 
ture  by  adoption,  144 

Fantinekil,  attack  on,  277 

Festivals,  27,  116 

Five  Nations,  see  Iroquois 

Fletcher,  Gov.,  175;  hastens  to  the  re 
lief  of  the  Mohawks,  175 

Food  and  mode  of  preparation,  24 

Fort  Amsterdam  held  in  siege  by  the  In 
dians,  113,  123  :  surrendered  to  the 
English,  158;  Nassau,  construction 
of,  99  j  Necessity,  Washington 
erects,  211  5  Niagara,  erected  by  the 
French,  282  $  headquarters  of  In 
dians  and  Tories  in  war  of  Revolu 
tion,  2825  Orange,  construction  of, 
99  5  Plain,  battle  of,  284  j  Schuyler, 
siege  of,  273 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  commands  expedi 
tion  to  build  Fort  at  Gnadenhiitten, 
228 

French,  employ  Catholic  missionaries, 
1 68  ;  secure  treaty  of  neutrality, 
with  Duke  of  York,  169;  make 
prisoners  of  Iroquois  chiefs  by  treach 
ery,  1715  at  war  with  the  Senecas, 
171;  yield  to  the  demands  of  the 
Iroquois,  172;  Indian  war  of  1689, 
1725  preparation  for  war,  189;  Iro 
quois  and  Mahican  converts  aid, 
1875  tribes  in  alliance  with,  190; 
interpretation  of  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  208  ;  erect  monuments  in 
Ohio  valley,  208  j  Washington  de 
feats  near  Great  Meadows,  21 0; 
compel  Washington  to  evacuate  Fort 
Necessity,  211  ;  liberality  of,  to  In 
dian  allies,  211  5  surrender  possession 
of  Canada,  243  5  changes  in  relation 
with  Indian  tribes  caused  by  with 
drawal  of  the,  2495  residents  of  the 
Ohio  valley  encourage  hostilities 
against  the  English,  257  ;  Mohawks 
agreement  of,  with  Iroquois,  204 

Frontenac,  Count  de,  governor  of  Canada, 
173;  plans  expeditions  against  the 
English,  173  ;  invades  the  Mohawk 
country  and  destroys  their  castles, 
175  ;  invades  the  Onondaga  coun 
try,  176 
Galissoniere,  commissioned  to  occupy 

Ohio  valley,  208 

Gallatin,  Hon.  Albert,  statement  of,  con 
cerning  subjugation  of  Mahicans,  56 
Garangula,  a  chief  of  Onondagas,  316 
Gardiner,  Lion  and   David,  76 
German  Flats,  commissioners  of  congress 
held  conference  with  Iroquois  at,  263 


INDEX. 


405 


Gil,  sachem  of  Seatalcats,  74 

Gist,  Christopher,  commissioned  to  treat 

with  Western  tribes,   209 
Geographical  nomenclature,  361 

Accopogue,  village  of,  Long  Island, 

365 

Alipconck,  Tarrytown,  366 
Appamaghpogh,    near    Verplanck's 

Point,  367 

Aquehung,  or  Byram  river,  367 
Apawquammis,  Rye  Neck,  367 
Armonck,  Byram  river,  367 
Apoquague,  Silver  Lake,    Dutchess 

county,  370 
Assinnapink  creek,  Orange   county, 

377 
Arackhook,   Tinn    Brock,     Orange 

county,  387 
Alaskayering     mountains.     Orange 

county,  393 

Ackkinkashacky,  Hackinsack,  396 
Amboy,  New  Jersey,   376 
Arissheck,  Paulus  Hook,  376 
Atkarkarton,  Kingston,  394 
Achquetuck,     Coeyman's     Hollow, 

39.7. 

Achsinink,  Shawaugunk  kill,389 
Aioskawosting,    Shawangunk,     Ul 
ster  county,  389 

Chesekook,  Rockland  county,  377 
Cowonham's  hill,  Plum  point,    377 
Cachtanaquick  island,  375 
Caniskeck,  Coeymans,  396 
Coxackie,  Greene  county,  396 
Canastagione,  Niskayunah,  398 
Cohoes  Falls,  399 
Dionondahowa,  falls  on  Batten  kil, 

370 

Equorsink,  Crum  Elbow,  372 
Gamoenapa,  Communipau,  376 
Huppogues,    Smithtown,   Long    Is 
land,  365 

Hobokenhacking,  Hoboken,  376 
Haquequenunck,  Patterson,  376 
Hannakrois  creek,  397 
Hoosack,  Rensselaer  county,  376 
Ishpatinck,  Brooklyn  Heights,  376 
Jogee  Hill,  Orange  county,  382 
Kapsee,  Copsie   Point,   New   York, 

361 

Kitchawonck,  Croton  river,  366 
Kittatenny,  Anthony's  nose,  367 
Kookpake  Lake,  Columbia  county, 

373 
Keeseywego,  creek  opposite  Albany, 

375 

Kockhachchingh,    Nutten'   Hook, 
Katskill,  394 


Geographical  nomenclature,  continued  — 
Kiskatameck,  Katskill,  395 
Kumochenack,      Haverstraw     bay, 

377 

Kackawawook,  Orange  county,  387 
Kerhonkson,  Ulster  county,  391 
Kaunaumeek,  Massachusetts,  86 
Manhattan,  New  York,  361 
Muscoota,  New  York,  362 
Matawucks,  Staten  Island,  362 
Manetto  hill,  Long  Island,  364 
Mecox  bay,  Long  Island,  364 
Mereyekawick,  Brooklyn,  365 
Meghkeekassin,  a    rock,    Yonkers, 

365 

Montauk,  Long  Island,  365 
Meahagh,  Verplanck's  point,  367 
Magopson,  New  Rochelle,  367 
Muscoota,  Harlem  river,  367 
Mockquams,  Blind  Brook,  367 
Mahopak     lake,    Putnam    county, 

368 
Matteawan  creek,  Dutchess  county, 

370 

Mahicanituk,  Hudson's  river,  42 
Mankackkewachky,   Raritan  mea 
dows,  376 

Minnisconga,  Stony  point,  377 
Mistucky,  Warwick,  Orange  county, 

382. 
Minnisink,  Orange  couiUy,  382 

Muchattoes    Hill,    Orange    county, 

382 
Matapan    creek,    Dutchess    county, 

371 

Machackoesk,  Kinderhook,  374 
Maggrnapogh,   New     Paltz,    Ulster 

county,  393 

Machawanick,  Katskill,  394 
Naghtognk,    Corlear's  Hook,   New 

York,  361 

Nepeage,  Long  Island,  365 
Namke  Creek,  Long  Island,  365 
Namke  creek,  Long  Island,  365 
Neperah,  saw  mill  creek,  365 
Nappeckamak,  Yonkers,  365 
Narrasunck,  Haverstraw,  377 
Neversink  Hills,  New  Jersey,  376 
Neweskeke,  Albany  county,  396 
Nescotonck,    Shawangunk,    Ulster 

county,  388 
Nanapenahekan     creek,     Columbia 

county,  372 
Occopoque,  Riverhead,  Long  Island, 

365. 

Ossingsing,  Sing  Sing,  366 
Oniskethau,  Coeymans  creek,  397 
Peconic  bay,  Long  Island,  364 


406 


INDEX. 


Geographical  nomenclature,  continued  — 
Papirinimen,  Spuyten    Devil    creek, 

365 
Poconteco  river,  Westchester  county, 

367 

Poningo,  Westchester  county,  367 
Pockestersen,  Stony  Brook,  367 
Pachgatgoch,  Schaticook,  195 
Pompton  river,  New  Jersey,  377 
Pooploop's  kil,  Orange  county,  377 
Poleber's   Island,   Pallopel's   Island, 

377 
Pochuck,  Warwick,  Orange  county, 

382 

Pakadasank,  Orange  county,  392 
Poghkeepke,  Poughkeepsie,  371 
Passapenock,  Beeren  Island,  374 
'Poetanock,    Mill     creek,     opposite 

Albany,  375 

Petuquapoen,  Greenbush,  375 
Paanpaack,  Troy,  375 
Panhoosick,  north  of  Troy,  375 
Passaic  river,  New  Jersey,  376 
Potick,  Athens,  Greene  county,  385 
Pitkiskaker,    Shawangunk,     Ulster 

county,  389 
guinnahung,    Westchester    county, 

367 

Quaroppas,  White  Plains,  367 
Querapoquett,  Dutchess  county,  371 
Quaspeck,  Verdrietig  Hook,  377 
Quassaick  creek,  Newburgh,  382 
Quequicke,  Hoosic  Falls,  376 
Rechtauck,  New  York,  362 
Ronconcoa  lake,  Long  Island,  364 
Ranachque,  Morisania,  367 
Rippowams,  Stamford,  Ct.,  368 
Ramapo  river,  377 
Riritan  river,  376 
Sappokanikan,  New  York,  361 
Sewanhackey,  Long  Island,  365 
Sackhoes,  Peekskill,  366 
Senasqua,  Teller's  Point,  366 
Sacrahung,  Mill  river,  367 
Shappequa,  Westchester  county,  367 
Shenandoah,  Dutchess  county,  370 
Shecomeco,    Dutchess    county,    86, 

37i 
Schunemunk      mountain,      Orange 

county,  381 

Shawangunk,  Ulster  county,  388 
Sankpenak,    Roeloff    Jansen's    kil, 

372 
Scompamuck,      Ghent,      Columbia 

county,  373 

Schodac,  Columbia  county,  58,  374 
Schotack,  Aepjin's  Island,  375 
Sieskasin,  Coeymans,  396 


Geographical  nomenclature,  continued  — 
Sunckhagag,  Albany  county,  87, 

397 

Schenectady,  Albany,  398 
Saratoga,  Saratoga  county,  398 
Seepus,  Esopus  river,  94 
Sannahagog,  opposite  Albany,  374 
Sheepshack,  Lansingburgh,  375 
Schanwemisch,  Ulster  county,  388 
Sackahampa,  Columbia  county,  373 
Totama,  Passaick  Falls,  376 
Tuphanne,  Rockland  county,  377 
Tongapogh  kil,  Orange  county,  377 
Taghkanick    mountains,    Columbia 

county,  373 
Twastawekah,     Klaverack     creek, 

37^,  374 

Taeseameasick,  Lansingburgh,  375 
Tioneendogahe,  Batten  kil,  375 
Ticonderoga,  375 
Tawalsontha,    Norman's   kil,    99, 

397 

Tawassgunshee,   Fort   Orange,   Al 
bany,  397 

Warpoes,  New  York,  362 
Wanoksink,  Ulster  county,  389 
Wawijchtanok,    Columbia    county, 

85,  86,  372 

Wnahktakook,  Westenhuck,  62,  86 
Weckquaesgeek,    Westchester  Co., 

78,366 

Wysquaqua,  Wicker's  creek,  78 
Waumainuck,  Delancey's  neck,  367 
Weputing,  Dutchess  county,  369 
Wicopee,  Dutchess  county,  370 
Wappingers     Falls,    Dutchess    Co., 

370 

Wechquadnach,  Conn.,  371 
Wynogkee  creek,  Dutchess  county, 

371 

Wiehacken,  Wehawken,  New  Jer 
sey,  376 
Wachtung  mountains,  New  Jersey, 

376 
Winegtekonk    mountain,     Orange 

county,  381 

Wawayanda,  Orange  county,  385 
Wawanaquassick,  Columbia  county, 

372 
Wallomschock    river,    Bennington, 

Vt.,  375 
Willehoosa,     Port    Jervis,     Orange 

county,  96 

Gnadenb.iir.ten,  Moravians  settle  at,  198  5 
Mahican  converts  remove  to,  198  ; 
attacked  by  Lenapes,  220  5  converts 
fly  to  Pennsylvania  for  protection 
against  Presbyterians,  245 


INDEX. 


407 


Goethals,  sachem  of  Wappingers,  84,2995 
solicits  peace  on  behalf  of  Esopus  In 
dians,  136 

Goharius,  sachem  of  Weckquaesgeeks,  79 

Gouwarrowe,sachem  of  Matinecocks,  745 
security  for  Hackinsacks  and  Tap- 
pans,  117 

Government  and  laws,  29 

Greenbush,  Mohicans  ravage,  60 
aboriginal  name,  375 

Haaskouaun,  an  Iroquois  chief,  172. 

Hackinsacks,  location  of,  905  Van  der 
Horst  settles  among,  104  ;  a  warrior 
of,  robbed,  1045  complaint  of,  re 
garding  presents,  in  j  young  men 
clamor  for  war,  1 1 1  ;  take  part  in 
war  of  1643,  no;  propose  an  ex 
change  of  prisoners,  12,3;  negotiate 
on  behalf  of  Esopus  Indians,  139 

Harmer,  Gen.,  commands  expedition 
against  Lenapes  and  Shawanoes, 
291 

Hathorn,  Col..,  commands  in  battle  of 
Minnisink,  278 

Haverstraw,  location  of  92 ;  bay,  abori 
ginal  name  of,  377 

Hendrik,  chief  sachem  of  Mohawks, 
visits  England,  1885  addresses  con 
ference  at  Albany,  213;  takes  part 
in  expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
223;  killed  in  battle  at  Lake  George, 
224;  biographical  sketch  of,  310} 

Hendrik,  Captain,  a  Mahican  chief,  271  ; 
speech  of,  at  Albany,  272  j  bio 
graphical  sketch,  320 

Herkimer,  Gen.,  holds  conference  with 
Brant,  267  ;  mortally  wounded  at 
Oriskany,  274 

Hiawatha,  the  story  of,  36 

Hoosic  French  capture  fort  at,  204  5 
aboriginal  name  of,  375,  376 

Hoosic  falls,  aboriginal  name  of,  376 

Horikans,  location  of,  85 

Housatonic  river,  neutral  boundary  line, 
62 

Hudson,  Henry,  7  5  conflict  of,  with  In 
dians  at  Stony  Point,  II  ;  conflict 
of,  with  Indians  at  Shorackappock, 
II,  77  ;  discovers  the  Mahicanituk, 

7  j  intoxicates  Indians  at  Castleton, 
10 ;  traditions   respecting   his    visit, 
12  j  visits  Indians  at   the   Narrows, 

8  $  visits  Indians  at  Castleton,  9 
Hunter,  Gov.,  attends  conference  at  Al 
bany,  189 

Hutchinson,  Ann,  killed  by  Weckquaes 
geeks,  112;  daughter  of,  returned 
from  captivity,  118 


Indian  villages  and  localities,  34,  361 
Albany  county,  85,  87,  96,  397 
Columbia  county,  85,  88,  372 
Dutchess  county,  83,  369 
Greene  county,  95,  394 
Long  Island,  72,  364 
New  Jersey,  89,  376 
New  York,  361 
Orange  county,  93,  377 
Putnam  county,  80,  368 
Rensselaer  county,  85,  374 
•     Rockland  county,  91,  377 
Staten  Island,  91,  362 
Saratoga  county,  59,  398 
Ulster  county,  94,  388 
Westchester  county,  77,  365 

Iroquois  confederacy,  35  ;  territory  of, 
35  $  tradition  respecting  origin,  355 
tribal  divisions,  36,  96  ;  totemic  em 
blems,  49  ;  tradition  respecting  or 
ganization  of  confederacy,  36  ;  called 
the  Five  Nations,  36,  39  ;  form  of 
government,  39;  organization  of 
confederacy,  39 ;  national  council, 
40 5  political  supremacy,  52  ;  wars 
with  the  Hurons,  53  ;  defeated  by 
Champlain,  535  territory  invaded  by 
the  French,  54 ;  make  treaty  with 
the  Dutch,  54;  treaties  with  the 
English,  53,  55,  1585  French  de 
termine  to  destroy,  1715  chiefs  made 
prisoners  by  treachery,  1725  Mahi- 
cans  in  alliance  with,  160,  1725 
capture  Montreal,  173  ;  threaten 
Quebec,  1735  losses  sustained  in  the 
war  of  1689,  179;  refuse  to  break 
their  treaty  with  the  Abenaquis,  1925 
hold  conference  with  New  England 
commissioners,  192;  Six  Nations,  so 
called,  190  5  strength  of,  in  1750, 

202  j  refuse  to  take  part  in  war  of 
1744,  203  $  decline   in   prowess  of, 

203  5  grand  conference  at   Albany, 
206  5   practical  division  of  confede 
racy,  207,  259;  chiefs  visit  England, 
1885   French    priests  convert,    179, 
211  ;  condition  in   1768,  2515  ac 
tion   in   regard   to   the  war  of  the 
Lenapes,  224  ;  reply  to  invitation  to 
embark  in  war  of  1765,  223  $  resolve 
to  remain  neutral  in  war  of  Revolu 
tion,  262,  264,   2665  debauched  by 
the  English,  267  ;  divided  in  alliance 
in  war    of  the    Revolution,     2735 
strength  in  the  British  alliance,  273  j 
territory  invaded  by  expedition  under 
Gen.  Sullivan,  279  ;  condition  un 
der  treaty  of  peace  with   Great  Bri- 


408 


INDEX. 


Iroquois,  continued  — 

tain,  288  j  treaty  with,  in  1784,  289 

Jesuits,  labors  of  the  French,  166,  168 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  17  ;  commissioned 
to  invite  Iroquois  to  conference,  2125 
appointed  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs,  222 ;  commissioned  to  or 
ganize  expedition  for  capture  of 
Crown  Point,  222;  removes  council 
fire  to  Mount  Johnson,  222 ;  holds 
conference  with  Iroquois,  223  5 
commands  in  battle  of  Lake  George, 
224  ;  endeavors  to  suppress  hostilities 
in  Pennsylvania,  2245  holds  con 
ference  with  Lenapes,  etc.,  228,  229; 
removes  petticoats  from  Lenapes, 
229  ;  efforts  of,  to  hold  Indian  tribes 
in  alliance  with  the  crown,  259  5 
biographical  notice  of,  260 

Johnson,  Sir  John,  260;  commands 
Royal  Greens  in  siege  of  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  274  5  removes  his  father's  trea 
sures,  283  ;  commands  expedition 
against  Schoharie  settlements,  284; 
biographical  notice  of,  265 

Johnson,  Guy,  deputy  superintendent  of 
Iroquois,  260  j  holds  conference  at 
Oswego,  263  5  appeals  to  Iroquois  to 
take  up  arms,  263  ;  second  confer 
ence  at  Oswego,  268  5  receives  in 
structions  from  Gen.  Gage,  262 

Johnson  Hall,  battle  of,  285 

Joselyn,  John,  16 

Juet,  Hudson's  mate,  visits  Indians  at 
Castleton,  9 

Jumonville,  death  of,  210 

Kalebackers,  Indians  having  guns,  136 

Katskills,  location  of,  95;  loving  men  of, 

9»95 

Katsban,  a  village  of  the  Katskills,  177 

Katonah,  sachem  of  Siwanoys,  82 

Kayingehaga,  Mohawks  so  called,  35 

Kayaderossera  patent,  258 

Keeperdo,  a  Mahican  chief,  territory  of, 
194 

Kieft,  director,  attempts  the  collection  of 
tribute,  101 ;  urges  war  measures, 
102;  proclaims  a  public  fast,  1095 
solicits  aid  from  New  England,  113; 
solicits  mediation  of  Mohawks  and 
Mahicans,  117 

King,  Thomas,  chief  of  the  Oghakawa- 
gas,  201 

King,  Philip,  winter  quarters  near  Albany, 
62 ;  influence  of  his  teachings,  203 

Kingston,  first  settlement  at,  125  5  a  vil 
lage  palisaded  at,  128 ;  aboriginal 
name  of,  394 


Kinte-Kaying,  an  Indian  dance,  28,  115 
Kitchawongs,  location  of,  79 
Kitchawong,    sachem    of  Kitchawongs, 

79 

Kitzanacka,  Indian  priest,  27 

Kirkland,  Rev.  Samuel,  missionary  labors 
of,  261 

Konapot,  sachem  of  Mahicans,  89  ,•  com 
missioned  captain,  196 

Kregier,  Martin,  journal  of  second  Esopus 
war,  60;  commands  expedition 
against  Esopus  Indians,  149 

Krieckbeck,  commandant  at  Fort  Orange, 
joins  war  party  of  Mahicans,  1005 
killed  by  the  Mohawks,  100 

Kryn,  chief  of  the  Caghnawagas,  180 

La  Barre,  governor  of  Canada,  169 

Lafayette,  Mahicans  under  command  of, 
286 

Lake  George,  battle  of,  224 

Language,  3335  Algonquin,  origin  of 
name,  64  ;  Algonquin,  grammar  of 
the,  338  j  dialectic  vocabularies, 
359;  general  reference,  333;  geo 
graphical  names,  formation  of,  354  j 
word  building,  352 

Lawrence,  Dr,,  17 

Leisler,  Jacob,  takes  possession  of  Fort 
James,  175  j  executed  for  treason, 

175 

Lenni  Lenapes,  territory  of,  35  ;  signi 
fication  of  name,  44 ;  tradition  re 
specting  origin,  44 ;  traditionary 
war  with  the  Allegewi,  45  ;  form  of 
government,  46  ;  tribal  divisions,  47, 
totemic  divisions  and  emblems, 
49  ;  subjugation  of,  by  Iroquois,  64  ; 
wars  with  the  Senecas,  68  ;  made 
tributary  to  the  Senecas,  69  ; 
strengthened  by  emigrants  from 
Shawanoes  and  Mahicans,  194} 
strength  of,  in  1750,  202;  sale  of 
lands  of,  213  ;  in  alliance  with  the 
French,  2125  action  of,  concerning 
lands,  2165  declare  war  against  the 
English,  2195  devastations  by,  along 
the  Kittatinny  mountains,  and  on 
the  Susquehanna,  220  ;  hostilities  in 
tht  Minnisinks,  221,  238  ;  declare 
themselves  men,  225  j  Johnson 
sends  peace  embassy  to,  224;  John 
son  appoints  conference  with,  228  ; 
Johnson  removes  petticoat  from, 
229  ;  make  peace  with  Pennsylvania, 
236  ;  take  part  in  Pontiac's  conspi 
racy,  243  ;  massacre  Connecticut 
settlers  at  Wyoming,  1763,  244  ; 
join  the  Western  alliance,  244 ; 


INDEX. 


409 


Lenni  Lenapes,  continued 
country    of,    invaded 


by  the 
included    in   the 


Eng- 
peace 


lish,    247; 

of  1765,  249  ;  condition  of,  in 
1768,  251  ;  declare  war  against  Vir 
ginia,  256;  more  powerful  than  the 
Iroquois,  258  ;  east  of  the  Allegha- 
nies  unite  with  the  Americans  in 
the  Revolution,  272  ;  war  cry  of,  at 
White  Plains,  2725  encouraged  by 
the  English  to  renew  war,  290 ;  re 
new  hostilities  in  che  west,  291  ; 
make  treaty  with  Gen.  Wayne, 292; 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  292 
Lenapewihituk,  name  of  Delaware  river, 

45 

Lewis,  Colonel,  death  of,  257 
Logan,  attack  on  encampment  of, 
255 ;     commands    war    party    of 
Senecas,  etc.,    257 ;   biographical 
sketch  of,  314 

Long  Island,  Block  builds  ship  on,  77 ; 
Dutch  settlers  on,  101  ;  settlements 
ravaged,  1365  territory  of,  divided 
between  Dutch  and  English,  124; 
treaty  with  Indians  of,  124;  abo 
riginal  name  of,  365 

Long  Reach,  Indians  of,  177 

Losses  sustained  by  the  Dutch  in  war  of 
1643,  108 

Mahican  confederacy,  nine  nations  com 
posing,  41,  85;  originalseat  of,  41  ; 
subdue  tribes  on  the  sea-coast,  41 

Mahicans,  a  nation  of  the  Mahican  con 
federacy,  41,  855  welcome  Hudson 
at  Castleton,  9;  territory  of,  34,  85; 
sub-tribal  divisions,  85  5  national 
council  fire,  41,  62,  88  5  villages 
and  castles  of,  85,86;  tradition  re 
specting  origin,  42  ;  form  of  govern 
ment,  42  ;  relation  of,  to  the  Mohe- 
gans,  43  ;  totemic  divisions  and 
emblems,  50 ;  and  Wappingers  con 
stitute  one  nation,  51  ;  make  treaty 
of  friendship  with  the  Dutch,  54 ; 
alleged  subjugation  of,-  56;  wars 
with  the  Mohawks,  57  ;  ravage  the 
east  side  of  the  Hudson,  60 ;  offi 
cially  recognized  by  Massachusetts, 
62  5  relations  with  the  government 
of  New  York,  62  ;  sell  lands  to  Van 
Rensselaer,  87  ;  sell  lands  to  Robert 
Livingston,  86,  87  ;  obtain  fire-arms 
from  the  Dutch,  66 ;  attack  the 
Manhattans,  105  ;  defeat  the  Mo 
hawks,  60,  61  5  murder  Dutch  sol 
diers,  131;  solicit  peace  on  behalf 
of  Esopus  Indians,  137;  included  in 


Vlahicans,  continued  — 

peace  of  Esopus,  145  ;  at  war  with 
the  Mohawks,  149,  156;  meet 
French  Indians  at  Cohoes,  145; 
united  in  covenant  with  the  Iroquois, 
161  ;  instigated  to  hostilities  against 
the  Dutch  by  the  English,  i6oj 
assist  the  Mohawks,  175,  1765 
strength  of,  in  Albany  county,  1845 
equality  of,  with  the  Iroquois,  1 8  6  j 
chiefs  of,  visits  England,  188;  in 
expedition  against  Canada,  189  ;  re 
moval  of  a  portion  to  Pennsylvania, 
194;  hold  conference  with  the  Mo 
hawks,  204 ;  attend  conference  at 
Albany,  214;  strength  of,  in  1750, 
203;  condition  of,  in  1768,  2525 
unite  with  Americans  in  Revolution, 
262  ;  take  part  in  the  battle  of  Lex 
ington,  271  ;  sent  on  mission  to  west 
ern  tribes,  269,  272;  take  part  in 
the  battleof  White  Plains,  272 ;  under 
Lafayette  at  Barren  Hill,  286  ;  ope 
rate  against  English  in  Westchester 
county,  286;  Washington's  testi 
mony  regarding,  287 ;  removal  of, 
to  Oneida  county,  292  j  removal  of, 
to  Wisconsin,  292 
Mahak  Niminaw,  sachem  of  Katskills, 

96 

Mahican,  Abraham,  88 
Mahikanders,  Mahicans,  so  called,  41 
Mamekotings,  location  of,  95 
Manhattans,  the  old,  subjugated  by  Wap 
pingers,  51  ;  enemies  of  the  Sanhick- 
ans,     71;     language    of,    51,    77 } 
the  Dutch  settle  among,  77  ;  Adri- 
en  Block    among  the,    77  ;  massa 
cre  of,  by  order  of  Kieft,  106 
Manhattan,  explanation  of  term,  77;  wars, 

99,  100 

Manhassets,  location  of,  74 
Manners  and  customs,  16;  attention  in 
sickness,  23;  alliances,  manner  of 
forming,  32;  chastity  of  females, 
22;  child-birth,  23 ;  castles  and 
mode  of  constructing,  25  ;  dwellings 
and  mode  of  constructing,  24;  dress  of 
an  Indian  belle,  21  ;  disposition  of 
prisoners,  32  ;  declaration  of  war,  31  ; 
food  and  mode  of  preparation,  24;  go 
vernment  and  laws,  29  ;  medicines, 
27  ;  occupation,  24 ;  organization  of 
armies,  31;  plurality  of  wives,  22; 
punishment  for  murder,  33  ;  religious 
belief  and  worship,  27 ;  rank  and 
titles,  30 ;  title  to  lands,  30  ;  wam 
pum,  26;  war,  preparation  for,  31 


4lO 


INDEX. 


Manners  and  customs,  continued  — 

war  address,  31  ;  war  song  of  Le- 
napes,    32;    weapons    of  war,    25 
Van    der    Donck's    description     o: 
appearance,     20  ;    Verazzano's     de 
scription  of  appearance,  19 

Maquas,  Mohawks  so  called,  35;  castle 
of  the  Praying,  97 

Maringoman,  sachem  of  Waoranecks,  94; 
castle  of,  94 

Marsapequas,  location  of  the,  73  ;  take 
part  in  war  of  1643,  73  ;  aid  the 
Dutch  in  Esopus  wars,  73,  149,  153 

Maramaking,  sachem  of  Si wanoys,  82 

Massachusetts,  sends  war  belt  to  Mahi- 
cans,  269  5  reply  of,  to  Mahican  ad 
dress,  271 

Matinecocks,  location  of  the,  74 

Mattano,  sachem  of  Raritans,  90 

Mauwehu,  sachem  of  Schaticooks  of 
Kent,  Connecticut,  195 

Mayane,  a  Wappinger  chief,  82,  113 

Medicines,   27 

Mechkentowoons,  a  Mahican  chieftaincy, 
71,  85,  96 

Megriesken,  sachem  of  Wappingers,  84 

Merncks,  location  of  the,  73 

Mespath,  village  of,  destroyed  by  Dutch, 
114 

Metzewakes,  sachem  of  Kikhawongs,  79 

Miantonomo,  sachem  of  Narragansetts, 
103 

Miami  Rapids,  council  of  tribes  at,  291 

Mingoes,  origin  of,  257 

Minichque,  a  Mahican  sachem,  mortally 
injured  by  negroes,  185;  biographi 
cal  notice  of,  319 

Minnisinks,  a  chieftaincy  of  Minsis,  lo 
cation  and  villages  of,  965  one  of, 
charged  with  murder  at  Esopus, 
127;  take  part  in  war  of  1689, 
178  j  visited  by  Arent  Schuyler, 
l8ij  invite  Shawanoes  to  settle 
among,  181  5  Minsis  defrauded  of 
lands  at,  217;  settlers  at,  killed, 
222  j  devastations  in  war  of  1756, 
238  ;  Count  Pulaski  stationed  at, 

277  j  destruction  of  settlement    at, 

278  j  battle  of,  278 

Minsis,  a  tribal  division  of  Lenapes,  50, 
93  ;  totem  and  chieftaincies  of,  50, 
935  at  war  with  the  Senecas,  685 
obtain  fire-arms  from  the  Swedes, 
69,  1 205  Senecas  aided  by  Mo 
hawks  against,  68,  165  ;  subjugated 
by  Senecas,  68,  165  ;  a  portion 
settle  among  the  Ottawas,  177  ;  de 
cimated  by  small  pox,  181  j  Shawa- 


Minsis,  continued  — 

noes  settle  among,  1815  devastate 
western  Orange  and  Ulster,  221  ; 
murder  settlers  from  Canastota  to 
Esopus,  231  j  hostilities  of,  in  Min- 
nisink  country,  238 ;  paid  for  lands 
in  New  Jersey,  241 

Mississagies,  accepted  as  the  seventh  na 
tion  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  199; 
alliance  of,  with  Iroquois  broken,  200 

Mitchill,  Dr.  theory  of,  16 

Mohawks,  a  tribe  of  the  Five  Nations, 
36}  territory  of,  96;  villages  and 
castles  of,  97  j  totems  of,  49  ;  mode 
of  declaring  war,  31  j  conversion  of, 
by  Jesuits,  56;  obtain  fire-arms,  66, 
100  j  at  war  with  the  Hurons,  53  ; 
first  treaty  with  the  Dutch,  545 
wars  with  the  Mahicans,  57,  61  j 
drive  the  Soquatucks  from  their  land, 
59  j  weakened  by  the  Mahicans,  60  ; 
solicit  the  gov.  of  Canada,  for  pro 
tection  against  the  Mahicans,  59; 
attacked  by  the  Mahicans  at  Cagh- 
nawaga,  61  ;  defeated  by  the  Ma 
hicans  at  Kinaquariones,  61  ;  obtain 
assistance  from  the  Oneidas,  Cayugas, 
and  Senecas,  61 ;  send  embassadors  to 
Fort  Orange,  131  j  Dutch  send  em 
bassadors  to,  132;  promise  not  to  aid 
Esopus  Indians,  133;  send  embassy  to 
Esopus  to  negotiate  peace,  136}  regard 
Esopus  war  as  having  been  caused  by 
the  Dutch,  141  j  included  in  peace 
of  Esopus,  145 ;  complain  of*  bad 
treatment,  144;  castles  destroyed  by 
the  French,  175  j  Zinzendorp's 
statement  concerning,  187;  chiefs 
visit  England,  i88j  in  expedition 
against  Canada,  189}  in  expedition 
against  Crown  Point,  223  j  aid  the 
English  in  war  of  Revolution,  273  j 
retirement  of,  J:o  Ouise  river,  289 

Mohegan,  meaning  of,  50 

Mohegans,  a  Pequot  clan,  63 

Monemius,  castle,  85 

Monakadook,  Seneca  half-king,  mission 
of,  233 

Montauks,  location  of,  75;  chieftaincies 
of,  72;  originally  a  part  of  Mahican 
confederation,  5  i  ;  originally  styled 
Manhattan,  5 1 ;  at  war  with  Narra 
gansetts,  76  ;  small-pox  among,  765 
accept  protection  of  English,  76} 
divided  between  English  and  Dutch, 
76  j  removal  of  portion  of,  to  Oneida 
county,  29  3  j  reservation  of,  on 
Long  Island,  294 


INDEX. 


411 


Montague,  Rachel,  taken  prisoner,  150; 
pilots  Dutch  forces  against  Shawan- 
gunk,  150 
Montour,*  Catharine,   the  Queen  Esther 

of  the  Senecas,  276 
Moody,  Lady,  house  of,  attacked,   123 
Moravians,  testimony  of,  88 
Morton,  Thomas,  theory  of,  16 
Mount  Misery,  traditionary  battle  at,  81 
Muhhekaneew,  original  names  of  Mahi- 

cans,  41 ;  orthography  of,  41,  42 
Murderer's  kil,  Indians  of,  93 
Murder,  atonement  for,  31 
Murders  committed  by  Indians,  120 
Nanfan,  Lieut.  Gov.,  attends  conference 

at  Albany,  184 

Nanticokes,     a     portion    of    settled    at 
Katskil,    95  ;    removal     of,    from 
Maryland  to  Pennsylvania,  199;  ac 
cept  Mahicanders  as  brothers,  231 
National  and  tribal  organizations,  34 
Navisinks,  location  of  the,  89  ;  Hudson's 
intercourse  with,  9,  89  ;  kill  John 
Coleman,  9,   89 
Nawaas,  location  of  the,  85 
Necariages,  application  of,  for  acceptance  as 
seventh  nation  of  Iroquois,  refused, 
200 

Nesaquakes,  location  of  the,  74 
Neversink,    explanation    of  term,    376  j 

river,  591 

Nicholson,  Gen.,  expedition  against  Ca 
nada,  188,  189 

Nicolls,  Richard,  takes  possession  of  Fort 
Amsterdam,    158  ;  proclaimed    de 
puty  governor,    158  ;  makes   treaty 
with  Iroquois,    158  ;  renews    treaty 
with  Esopus  Indians,  163 
Niessen,  Ensign,  sent  to  Esopus,  149 
Nimham,  chief  sachem  ofWappingers,5i, 
8 1,  84,   202;  visits  England,  253; 
killed  in  battle  of  Cortland's  ridge, 
287  ;  biographical  sketch  of,   329 
Nochpeems,  location  of,  80  ;  treaty  with, 

117 

Novisans  at  war  with  Iroquois,  68,  159 
Nowedonah,  sachem  of  Shinecocks,  75 
Occum,  Rev.  Samson,   mission  of,  293  ; 

biographical  sketch  of,  325 
Ochtayhquanawicroons,  settlement  of,  on 
the  Susquehanna,  200  ;  subsequently 
called  the  Oghkawagas,  200  ;  Ma- 
hican  clans  settle  among,  200  ;  Ska- 
niadaradighroonas  settle  among,  200; 
Chugnuts  settle  among,  201  ;  Esopus 
Indians  settle  among,  201  ;  King, 
Thomas,  chief  of,  201;  connection 
of,  with  war  of  Revolution,  201 

52 


Oghkawagas,  elements  composing,  200 

Oghkawaga,  head-quarters  of  Brant,  267 

Ohio  company,  organization  of,  208 

valley,  French    endeavor   to    secure 
possession  of  the,  208,  209,  210 

Onackatin,  sachem  of  Warranawonkongs, 
95  ;  party  to  treaty  of  1665,  165  j 
lands  of,  165,  387 

Oneidas,  a  tribal  division  of  Iroquois,  97  ; 
assign  lands  to  Tuscaroras,  190; 
second  castle  of  the,  201 ;  accept 
war  belt  of  colonists,  273  ;  disper 
sion  of,  by  Brant's  forces,  275  ;  retali 
atory  descent  of,  upon  the  Mohawks, 
275  ;  severed  from  Iroquois  confe 
deracy,  288  ;  secured  in  possession  of 
lands,  289  ;  Mahicans  settle  among, 
292 

Onderis  Hocque,  a  Minsi  chief,  address 
of,  141 

Onondagas,  a  tribal  division  of  Iroquois, 
35;  make  treaty  with  the  Dutch, 
54 ;  capital  of  the,  98  ;  Spangen- 
berg's  account  of  confederacy  of,  40; 
territory  of,  invaded  by  French, 
176  ;  Zinzendorf's  opinion  of,  187; 
declare  themselves  independent, 
208  ;  accept  war-belts  of  the  crown, 
273  ;  capital  of,  destroyed  by  Sulli 
van,  280 ;  apply  to  Oneidas  for  re 
lief,  281 

Onondaga,  capital  of  Iroquois  confederacy, 
98;  Jesuit  missionaries  at,  170; 
war  belts  taken  to,  for  consultation, 
213;  council  at,  repudiates  sale  of 
Wyoming  lands,  219  ;  conference 
with  Lenapes  at,  227  ;  destroyed  by 
Sullivan's  expedition,  281 

Organization  of  armies,  31 

Origin  of  the  North  American  Indians, 
16 

Oriskany,  battle  of,  274 

Oritany,  sachem  of  Hackinsacks,  91 ; 
treaty  of,  with  the  Dutch,  no; 
party  to  treaty  of  1645,  118;  soli 
cits  peace  on  behalf  of  Esopus  In 
dians,  139 

Ottawas,  location  of  the,  177  ;  a  number 
of,  die  of  small  pox  at  Esopus,  177; 
Pontiac,  king  of,  organizes  alliance 
against  the  English,  243 

Pacham,  a  chief  of  the  Tankitekes,  80; 
advises  massacre  of  the  Dutch,  1 1 1  ; 
surrender  of  a  condition  of  peace, 
117 

Papequanaehen,  an  Esopus  chief,  killed, 
152 

Parnau,  sachem  of  Rockaways,  73 


412 


INDEX. 


Passachquon,  sachem  of  Navisinks,  90 

Patchogues,  location  of  the,  75 

Patthunck,  sachem  of  Siwanoys,  82 

Pauw,  Michael,  settlement  of,  106,  107 

Pavonia,  Jersey  city  so  called,  106; 
Manhattan  fugitives  at,  106  j  massa 
cre  at,  107,  1 08 

Paxinos,  a  sachem  of  Minnisinks,  1785 
attends  conference  at  Mt.  Johnson, 
229;  attends  conference  at  Lancaster, 
235;  biographical  sketch  of,  305 

Peekskill,  aboriginal  name  of,  79 

Pemerawghin,  chief  sachem  of  Warrana- 
wonkongs,  95 

Penhawitz,  sachem  of  Carnarsees,  73 } 
sends  delegates  to  negotiate  peace, 
109  ;  conference  with,  at  Rechquaa- 
kie,  no 

Pennacooks,  location  of,  8  5  ;  dispersion 
of,  62  j  a  portion  of,  settle  at  Scha- 
ticook,  63  j  invited  to  remove  to 
Canada,  184;  remnant  of,  carried 
away  to  Canada,  216 

Pennsylvania,  proprietaries  of,  purchase 
lands,  216;  Lenapes  dispute  title, 
215,  218;  declares  war  against  Le 
napes,  228  ;  deeds  surrendered,  241  ; 
makes  peace  with  Lenapes,  241 

Pequots,  origin  of  the,  41  j  country  of, 
435  destruction  of,  44;  jurisdiction 
west  of  the  Connecticut,  63 

Petroleum,  use  of,  as  a  cure  for  small 
pox,  181 

Pierron,  a  Jesuit  missionary,  labors   of, 

97 

Plurality  of  wives,  22 

Pocahontas,  reference  to,  144 

Pontiac,  king  of  Ottawas,  conspiracy  of, 
243  5  tribes  in  alliance  with,  248  ; 
failure  of  conspiracy,  246 

Ponus,  sachem  of  Toquams,  80,  82 

Ponupahowhelbshelen,  sachem  of  Weck- 
quaesgeeks,  79 

Pos,  Captain,  taken  prisoner,  123;  ne 
gotiates  treaty  of  peace,  124 

Potick,  a  Mahican  village,  63,  395  5  fugi 
tives  from  King  Philip's  war  at,  63 

Poughkeepsie,  aboriginal  name  of,  371 

Poygratasuck,  sachem  of  Manhassets,  74 

Praying  Indians,  Jesuit  converts  so  called, 
179 

Presents,  use  of,  in  negotiations,  29,  31, 
214 

Preummaker,  a  chief  of  Warranawon- 
kongs,  95 ;  killed  by  the  Dutch, 
1385  land  of,  138 

Prisoners,  ransom  of,  124 

Proprietaries,  (see  Pennsylvania). 


Punganis,  lands  of,  177,  387 

Punishment  for  murder,  33 

Quassaick  creek,  382 

Quaqaasno,  sacnem  of  Shinecocks,  75 

Quebec,  the  Iroquois  at,  172 

Queen  Anne's  war,  183 

Rank  and  titles,  30 

Raritans,  a  chieftaincy  of  Lenapes,  loca 
tion  of,  90  ;  called  Sanhikans  or  fire 
workers,  90  j  remove  to  the  Kitta- 
keny  mountains,  90  j  accused  of 
plundering,  101  ;  attacked  by  the 
Dutch,  ioij  destroy  a  family  at 
Mespath,  131  ;  remove  to  Oneida 
lake,  90,  293 ;  remove  to  Lake 
Michigan,  90 ;  New  Jersey  pays 
claim  for  lands,  293 

Rauch,  Christian  Henry,  missionary,  197 

Rechtauck,  Manhattan  fugitives  at,  1065 
location  of,  362 

Reckgawawancs,  location  of  the,  775 
attack  Hudson's  ship,  n,  77;  in 
cluded  in  treaty  of  1643,  78 

Red  Hook,  traditionary  battle  at,  57 

Red  Jacket,  a  Seneca  chief  pleads  with 
his  people  for  peace,  282$  reference 

.  '°»  3I7. 
Religious  belief  and  worship,  27 

Rochambeau,  proclamation  of,  to  French 

Indian  allies,  258 
Rockaways,  location  of  the,  73 
Rodolf,  Sergeant,  commands  in  massacre 

at  Pavonia,  106 
Ronduit,    a    small    fort,    erected   at   the 

mouth  of  the  Walkill,  130,  146 
Sachus,  sachem  of  Kitchawongs,  79 
Sackagkemeck,  sachem  of  Haverstraws,  92 
Sager's  kil,   Indian   village  on,  destroyed, 

138 
Sanders,  Robert,  commandant  at  Schen- 

ectady,  174 
Saraghtoga,  settlement  at,  destroyed,  205  ; 

aboriginal  name,  398 
Schabash,    a  chief  of   Shekomeko,   895 

biographical  notice  of,  328 
Schaticooks,  elements  composing  the,  1 66, 

186}    date    of  organization,    166; 

take  part  in  war  of  1689,  178;  in 

expedition  against  Canada,  189  ;  of 

Connecticut,  166  ;  elements  compos 
ing*  195 
Schaticook,  orthography  and  signification 

of,  195 
Schenectady,    destroyed    by    the  French, 

174;  Albany,  so  called  by  Iroquois, 

398 
Schodac,  capital  of  the  Mahicans,   88, 

374 


INDEX. 


413 


Schuyler,  Col.   Peter,  secretary  to  com 
missioners  of  Indian  affairs,  1865 
accompanies  chiefs  to  England,  1 88 
Col.  Philip,  263 
Hon.  Yost,  the  story  of,  274 

Seatalcats,  location  of  the,  74 

Secatogues,  location  of  the,  75 

Senecas,  a  tribal  division  of  Iroquois,  3  3  ; 
villages  of,  98  ;  at  war  with  the 
Minsis,  68,  145  j  delegation  visits 
Fort  Orange,  1445  included  with 
Mohawks  in  peace  of  Esopus,  145  ; 
Stuyvesant  urges  them  to  make 
peace  with  Minsis,  146  ;  subjugate 
Minsis,  69;  attack  French  trading 
canoes,  1 69 ;  French  expedition 
against,  172  ;  estranged  from  the 
English,  21 1  $  action  of,  concerning 
Wyoming  lands,  2165  encourage 
Lenapes  to  war,  2165  remove  petti 
coat  from  Lenapes,  219  ;  make 
peace  with  the  French,  242  5  invite 
an  alliance  against  the  English,  243  5 
war  against  the  English,.  247  ; 
Johnson  makes  treaty  with,  147 ; 
accept  the  war  belts  of  the  English, 
273  ;  country  of,  invaded  by  Sulli 
van,  279 

Senecas  of  the  Glaize  in  western  alliance, 
292 

Sequins,  location  and  cantons  of,  825 
sell  lands  to  West  India  Company, 
82;  sell  lands  to  the  English,  83; 
chief  of,  imprisoned  of  Eelkins,  63, 
83 $  compelled  to  pay  tribute  to  Pe- 
quots,  83 

Sergeant,  Rev.  John,  missionary,  196 

Sessekemick,  sachem  of  Tappans,  91 

Sewackenamo,  sachem  of  Esopus,  95,  1 39; 
address  of,  155 

Shanasockwell,  an  independent  nation  of 
Siwanoys,  82 

Shawangunk,  castle  at,  93,  149,  388;  ex 
pedition  for  reduction  of,  150  ;  new 
fort  at,  152;  expedition  for  reduc 
tion  of,  1525  third  expedition  to, 
153  ;  Miss  Mack  killed  at,  283  j  lo 
cation  and  signification,  388 

Shawanoes,  removal  of,  from  Maryland, 
180:  aided  by  Mahicans,  180; 
make  peace  with  Iroquois,  180; 
settle  among  the  Minsis,  1805  num 
ber  in  expedition  against  Canada, 
189  5  take  part  in  Lenape  wars  (see 
Lenapes). 

Shawuskukhkung,  address  by,  293 

Shekomeko,  a  Mahican  village,  86  j 
mjssionaries  at,  86,  197,  198 


Sheyickbi  country,  46 

Shinecocks,  location  of  the,  75 

Shingas  commands  war  party  of  Lenapes, 
219;  reply  of,  to  Johnson's  com 
missioners,  225 

Shirley,  Governor,  expedition  of,  252 

Sickenames,  Pequots  so  called,  83 

Silver  Heels,  murder  of,  256 

Sing  Sing,  aboriginal  name  of,  79,  366 

Sint-sinks,  location  of,  795  treaty  with, 
117 

Sirham,  sachem  of  Kitchawongs,  79 

Siwanoys,  location  of  the,  81 

Sloughter,  Col.,  appointed  governor,  175 

Small-pox,  ravages  of,  181 

Smith,   Ensign,  in   command  at   Esopus, 

134 

Smit,  Claes,  killed  by  a  Weckquaesgeek, 
102 

Soquatucks,  location  of,  59,  85  5  removal 
of,  from  west  side  of  country,  595 
treaty  of  peace  with  Mohawks,  156 

Soquans,  a  Mahican  sachem,  184,  186 

Souwenaro,  sachem   of  Weckquaesgeeks, 

79 

Staats,  Abraham,  house  of,  burned,  60 
Stamford,     Dutch     expedition    at,    114, 

115;  massacre  of  Indians  near,  116 
Staten   Island,   DeVries's   plantation   on, 

101  $  aboriginal  name  of,  362 
Stockbridge,  mission  established  at,  196 
Stockbridges,  Mahicans  so  called,  89 
Stuyvesant,    regards   Manhattan  wars   as 

having  been  caused  by  Dutch,  124; 

holds    conference    with   Esopus   In 
dians,   126;  demands   Esopus  lands 

as    indemnity,     1 27 ;    declares    war 

against  Esopus  Indians,  137  5   makes 

treaty  with  Esopus  Indians,  141,155; 

holds  conference  with  Senecas,  145; 

controversy  with  the  English,  154 
St.  Clair,  Gen.,  concludes  treaties  at  Fort 

Harmar,  290  ;  defeated  by  Lenapes, 

291 
St.    Francis,     Indians,    descent    of,  upon 

Schaticook  and  Hoosic,  205,  216 
St.  Regis  Indians,  organization  of,  179 
Sullivan,  Gen.,  commands  expedition 

against  Iroquois,  279 
Susquehannas,  subjugation  of,  55 
Susquehanna  Company,   organization    of, 

215 

Swannekins,  the  Dutch,  so  called,  108 
Tackapousha,    sachem    of    Marsapequas, 

74,  76;  treaty  of,  with  the  Dutch, 

124 
Tackarew,    sachem    of  Reckgawawancs, 

78 


414 


INDEX. 


Tadame,  king  of  Lenapes,  murder  of,  227, 

301 

Taghkospemo,  sachem  of  Tappans,  91 
Tankitekes,  location  of,  80  j  treaty  with, 

117 

Tanadiarisson,  speech  of,  209 
Tappans,  location  of  the,  91 
Tarrytown,  aboriginal  name  of,  79,  366 
Teedyuscung,  chief  sachem   of  Lenapes, 
69,    227  j  commands   war-party  of 
Eastern    Lenapes,  2195  holds  con 
ference  with  Shawanoe  and  Mahican 
allies,    220  j  attends    conference    at 
Mount  Johnson,  228  ;  attends  con 
ference  at  Onondaga,   228 ;   makes 
treaty    with    Johnson,    2315    holds 
conference  with  governor  of  Pennsyl 
vania,   232 ;    speech    of,   at  Easton, 
2335    empowered    to    make    peace, 
234;  final  treaty   with,   at   Easton, 
241  }   murdered    by   Senecas,    2445 
biographical  sketch  of,  301 
Teller's  Point,  aboriginal  name  of,  79,  366 
Thayendanega,  (see  Brant,  Joseph), 
Thompson,   Charles,    clerk  to   Teedyus 
cung,  235 
Throgmorton,    settlement   of,    destroyed, 

112 

Ticonderoga,  fortifications  erected  at,  2245 

aboriginal  name  of,  375 
Title  to  lands,  30 

Tobaccus,  sachem  of  Patchogues,  75 
Totems  and  totemic  classifications,  49 
Traditions,  3615  Dans-Kammer,  383; 
Hiawatha,  365  Iroquois  respecting 
origin,  35;  Lenapes,  respecting  ori 
gin,  45  ;  Lenapes,  respecting  subjuga 
tion,  64 ;  Mahicans,  respecting  ori 
gin,  42  ;  Mahicans,  respecting  Hud 
son's  visit,  13  ;  Mahopac  lake,  368  ; 
Manetta  hill,  364;  Naoman,  a  tra 
dition  of  Murderer's  creek,  378  ; 
stepping  stones,  362;  Wanton  Is 
land,  395  ;  Wawanaquassick,  373 
Trade,  mode  of  conducting,  120 
Treaty  with  Iroquois,  1623,  54; 
with  Mahicans,  1623,  54;  with 
Weckquaesgeeks,  etc.,  1644,  117; 
with  Mohawks  and  Mahicans,  1 644, 
117;  with  Weckquaesgeeks,  etc., 
1645,  118;  with  Esopus  Indians, 
1660,  1425  with  Esopus  Indians, 

1664,  156;   with    Esopus    Indians, 

1665,  163  ;  with  Iroquois  and  Ma 
hicans,    1664,    158;    with    Tacka- 
pausha,  1656,    1245  with  Iroquois, 
1768,  250 

Tryon  county,  committee  of  safety  of,  262 


Tschoop,  a  Mahican  chief,  conversion  of, 
197 

Tuscaroras,  an  original  Iroquois  tribe,  365 
remove  to  North  Carolina,  36;  de 
feated  by  English  in  North  Carolina, 
1905  return  of,  to  Iroquois  country, 
190;  constituted  the  Sixth  Nation, 
1 90  $  accept  war-belts  of  colonists, 

273  . 

Tusten,  Lieut.  Col.,  commands  in  battle 
of  Minnisink,  278 

Umpachenee,  commissioned  lieutenant, 
196 

Unamis,  a  tribal  division  of  Lenapes,  47, 
50,  89;  chieftancies,of,  89;  totem 
of,  50  j  the  ruling  tribe  of  the  Le 
napes,  47 

Unalachtos,  a  tribal  division  of  Lenapes, 
47  j  totem  of,  50 

Uncas,  a  Pequot  chief,  43 

Underbill,  Capt.  John,  enters  the  Dutch 
service,  113;  commands  expedition 
against  Canarsees,  114;  commands 
in  expedition  against  Weckquaes 
geeks,  115,  1 1 6 

Unukat's  castle,  85 

Van  der  Donck,  description  of  Indians  of 
New  York,  20  ;  sub-tribal  classifi 
cations  of,  72 

Van  Dyck,  Hendrik  kills  a  squaw,  121  j 
shot  by  the  Indians,  122 

Vaudreuil,  invades  neutral  territory,  204 

Van  Voorst,  Garret  Jansen,  killed,    104 

Van  Tienhoven,  secretary,  mother  of,  108 

Verazzano,  description  of  Indians  of 
New  York,  19 

Verdrietig  Hook,  92,  93,  377 

Vriesendael  (see  De  Vries) 

Vielle,  Arnout,  interpreter,  181 

Virginia,  operations  of,  in  Ohio  valley, 
209,  210;  war  of,  against  the 
French,  210 

Walking  treaty,  the,  216 

Wampum,  description  of,  26 

Wanton  Island,    traditionary    battle    on, 

57,  395 

Wantage,  sachem  of  Merricks,  73 

Waoranecks,  location  of,  93 

Wappingers,  a  tribal  division  of  Mahicans, 
42  ;  chieftaincies  of,  77  ;  sovereignty 
of,  63  ;  no  jurisdiction  west  of  Hud 
son,  84 ;  a  portion  remove  to  Penn 
sylvania,  85;  attack  boats  on  the 
Hudson,  in  j  war  party  of,  visit 
New  Amsterdam,  121 ;  attacked  by 
burgher  guard,  122;  destroy  Hobo- 
ken  and  Pavonia,  I22j  retain 
prisoners  as  hostages,  1245  treaty 


INDEX. 


415 


Wappingers,  continued  — 

with  the,  136  :  encouraged  by  Eng 
lish  to  revolt,  1555  solicit  peace  for 
Esopus  Indians,  155;  take  part  in 
war  of  1689,  178;  removal  of 
clans  to  Otseningo,  231  ;  claim 
lands  in  Dutchess  county,  252  j 
aid  Americans  in  war  of  Revolution, 
2865  signification  of  name,  370 

Wappinger's  creek,  aboriginal  name  of, 

84,  3?o 

Warrawakin,  sachem  of  Seatalcats,  74 

Warranawonkongs,  location  of,  71,  94; 
wars  with  the  Dutch  (see  Esopus 
Indians), 

Warren  Bush,  settlement  at,  destroyed, 
285 

War  song  of  Lenapes,  32 

Wars,  Cresap's,  285  ;  Esopus,  first,  120, 
133  ;  Esopus,  second,  146  ;  French, 
and  Indian,  1787,  171  ;  1702,  187; 
1744,  203;  1785,  208;  Iroquois 
and  the  French,  172;  King  Philip's, 
62;  Lenapes  for  independence,  2165 
**Lenapes,  etc.,  1793,  291  ;  Mahi- 
cans  and  Manhattan,  105  j  Mahi- 
cans  and  Mohawks,  58,  158  ; 
Minsis  and  Senecas,  67,  145  ;  Mo 
hawks  and  the  French,  131,  174; 
Montauks  and  Narragansetts,  76  ,• 
Pontiac's  conspiracy,  243,  246; 
Queen  Anne's  war,  187  ;  Revolu 
tionary  war,  258  ;  Raritans  and  the 
Dutch,  101;  Senecas  and  Minsis, 
67,  145  ;  Senecas  and  the  French, 
145,  169  j  Tuscaroras  and  North 
Carolina,  190  ;  Weckquaesgeeks  and 
the  Dutch,  102, 108,  in,  119,  121 

Wassenaar  and  De  Laet's  account  of  sub- 
tribal  organizations,  7 1 

Wasenssne,  sachem  of  Tankitekes,  80 

Washington,  Major  George,  commands 
expedition  against  the  French,  210; 
holds  conference  with  Lenape  and 
Seneca  chiefs,  210;  attacks  the 
French  in  ambush,  210;  retreats  to 
the  great  meadows,  211 5  withdraws 
from  Ohio  valley,  211 


Warwarsinks,  location  of,  95 
Wawayanda,  signification  of,  385       ^ 
Wawiachech,    sachem     of   Pennacooks, 

193 

Wawyachtonocks,  location  of,  85 
Wayne,   Gen.,    defeats    Western    tribes, 

292  j  makes    treaty   of  Greenville, 

292 

Weapons  of  war,  25 
Weckquaesgeeks,    location    of,     78 ;     a 

warrior  of,  killed,  101  j  attacked  by 

the  Dutch,  1035  murder  Ann  Hutch- 

inson,    1125    castles   of,    destroyed, 

114;  treaty  with,  117 
Weckquaesgeek  territory,  366 
Welsh  colonization  of  America,  17,  45 
Werekepes,  a  Haverstraw  chief,  92,  94 
Weskheun,  sachem  of  Kitchawongs,  79 
Weskora,    sachem    of    Weckquaesgeeks, 

79 

Wessickenaiuw,  sachem  of  Weckquaes 
geeks,  79 

Westenhucks,  location  of,  85 
Westenhuck,  Mahican   national    council 

at,  89 

Western  controversy,  parties  to,  258 
Western  tribes,  alliance  of  1793,  292 
Whitneymen,  sachem    of  Matinecocks, 

74;  negotiates  peace,  117 
Wiekajocks,  location  of,  85 
Willehoosa,     cavern     on     Shawangunk 

mountains,  96 
Wiltmeet,  Indian  castle  of,  95  ;  destroyed 

by  the  Dutch,  137 
Wiltwyck,  the  old  village  of  Esopus,  147  j 

houses  burned  at,   147;  council  of 

war  at,  149 
Winnequaheagh,  sachem   of  Secatogues, 

75 
Wyandance,  sachem  of  Montauks,  75  j 

death  of,  by  poison,  76 
Wycombone,  sachem  of  Montauks,  76 
Wyoming,  lands   at,  purchased   by   Sus- 

quehanna  Company,  215 
Wyoming  lands,  250,   25,    264,    265  j 

massacre  at,  276,  277 
Yonkers,  aboriginal  name  of,  77,  365 


fr 


